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Journal articles on the topic 'Codex Theodosianus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Robinson, Olivia. "Kolloquium über den Codex Theodosianus." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 108, no. 1 (August 1, 1991): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1991.108.1.691a.

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Pastor de Arozena, Bárbara. "Hapax legomena en el Codex Theodosianus." Emerita 60, no. 1 (June 30, 1992): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.1992.v60.i1.489.

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3

Wilkinson, Kevin W. "Dedicated Widows in Codex Theodosianus 9.25?" Journal of Early Christian Studies 20, no. 1 (2012): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2012.0008.

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4

Humfress, Caroline. "‘Cherchez la femme!’ Heresy and Law in Late Antiquity." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.3.

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In contrast with contemporary heresiological discourse, the Codex Theodosianus, a Roman imperial law code promulgated in 438, makes no systematic gendered references to heretics or heresy. According to late Roman legislative rhetoric, heretics are demented, polluted and infected with pestilence, but they are not seductive temptresses, vulgar ‘women’ or weak-minded whores. This article explores the gap between the precisely marked terrain of Christian heresiologists and (Christian) legislators. The first part gives a brief overview of early Christian heresiology. The second explores late Roman legislation and the construction of the heretic as a ‘legal subject’ in the Codex Theodosianus. The third turns to the celebrated account crafted by Pope Leo I of anti-Manichaean trials at Rome in 443/4, arguing that they should be understood as part of a much broader developing regime of ecclesial power, rather than as concrete applications of existing imperial anti-heresy laws.

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5

Zaitseva, Еvgeniya S. "Social Status of Roman Senators According to the Theodosian Code: Legislation and Reality." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, no. 3 (2022): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.3.053.

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In 438, at the initiative of Emperor Theodosius II, one of the most significant legislative collections of the late Roman Empire, the Codex Theodosianus (Eng. Theodosian Code), was published, which is a valuable source on the social history of the Roman state in Late Antiquity. Based on the data of the Codex Theodosianus and Novellae of Emperors, the author of the article reconstructs the most important components of the social status of Roman senators of the fourth century BC. It is revealed that in the view of the emperor and the compilers of the Theodosian Code, the senatorial aristocracy was thought of as the highest class of the Roman Empire. Several factors influenced the status of Roman senators. Following a “suitable” way of life and proper performance of political functions determined the position of the senator in society and formed his reputation not only in the eyes of the emperor, but also in the eyes of his community, as well as other classes. The way a person got into the ranks of the senatorial aristocracy also affected the status. So, it was not so much the origin that was important, but the observance of legality in obtaining titles, and, in the case of decurions, the legitimacy of the transition from one estate to another. Finally, the possession of the patrimony and ensuring its proper functioning guaranteed the full and timely payment of taxes by the senators, and in the eyes of the ruler was important for maintaining the high status of the senatorial aristocracy. Unlike legislation, reality was more complex. Thus, the social status was influenced by a much larger number of components (for example, the acceptance or rejection of a Roman aristocrat by the city plebs), moreover, the proper fulfillment by the senator of all the requirements put forward by the imperial power did not always lead him to success in political activity.

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Isola, Antonio. "De Monachis: un titolo controverso (Codex Theodosianus 16,3,1/2)." Wiener Studien 119 (2007): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst119s199.

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7

Andrés Santos, Francisco J. "Coma Fort, José María, Codex Theodosianus: historia de un texto." Revista de estudios histórico-jurídicos, no. 37 (October 2015): 570–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0716-54552015000100026.

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Salzman, Michele R. "'Superstitio' in the "Codex Theodosianus" and the Persecution of Pagans." Vigiliae Christianae 41, no. 2 (June 1987): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584108.

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Atzeri, Lorena. "Coma Fort, José María, Codex Theodosianus: Historia de un texto." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 133, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 550–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2016-0128.

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Salzman, Michele R. "'Superstitio' in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans1." Vigiliae Christianae 41, no. 2 (1987): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007287x00049.

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11

Serrano Madroñal, Raúl. "El uso del plomo en las sanciones jurídicas tardorromanas: procedimientos, condenas y condenados = The Use of Lead in Late Roman Legal Sanctions: Procedures, Convictions and Convicted." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 33 (November 1, 2020): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.33.2020.28490.

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El Derecho romano durante el Bajo Imperio, compilado en buena medida en el Codex Theodosianus, contempló numerosas sanciones que implicaban la utilización de este metal pesado de fácil fundición. Entre las mismas, destacarían especialmente los azotes con flagelos que incluían bolas de plomo y la ingesta de plomo fundido. El objetivo esencial del presente artículo reside en la indagación sobre los procedimientos, las causas de las condenas y la naturaleza de los condenados, sin perder de vista el marco histórico que determina toda esta documentación de carácter jurídico. Asimismo, se persigue una explicación congruente sobre las consecuencias que podrían generar este tipo de torturas y ejecuciones, haciendo hincapié en su condición disuasoria.AbstractRoman Law in the Late Empire, compiled to a large extent in the Codex Theodosianus, contemplated numerous sanctions that involved the use of this easily melted heavy metal. Among them, the scourging with lead whips and the intake of molten lead would especially stand out. The essential objective of this article will be the investigation about the procedures, the causes of the convictions and the nature of the condemned, without losing sight of the historical framework that determines all this legal documentation. Likewise, a consistent explanation is sought about the consequences that this type of torture and executions could generate, emphasizing its dissuasive condition.

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Alba López, Almudena, and Raúl González-Salinero. "Codex Theodosianus 16.2.12 and the Genesis of the Ecclesiastic Privilegium Fori." Journal for Late Antique Religion and Culture 13 (July 6, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/jlarc.109.

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13

Sirks, A. J. B. "Nuove Ricerche sulla ‘Interpretatio Visigothorum’ al ‘Codex Theodosianus’, Libri I–II." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 137, no. 1 (August 21, 2020): 491–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2020-0036.

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Sung Hyun NAM. "A Study on the Origin of the Theodosian Code, Analysis of the Codex Theodosianus I 1,5-6 and the Novellae Theodosii 1." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 21 (December 2007): 199–241. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2007..21.199.

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Sirks, A. J. B. "Die Schriftheimat von Vat. Reg. Lat. 886 (Codex Theodosianus libri IX-XVI)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 88, no. 1-2 (June 25, 2020): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-00880a04.

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Summary It is generally assumed that the main manuscript of the Theodosian Code, Vat.Reg.Lat. 886, was copied in the 6th century in South-East Gaul, although Italy as provenance is not excluded. This manuscript contains marginal summaries, of which the origin is also attributed to Gaul. However, it can be shown that the largest group was made by one of the scribes (V2*) after 535 and before 554, on the very manuscript, that this was very likely done in Rome, and that the scribe was a Greek, perhaps a Byzantine official. This conclusion bears upon the provenance of Vat.Reg.Lat. 886. The errors in the Greek constitution CTh 9,45,4 imply that it cannot have been copied in the east. It must have been done in the west and not the Code, sent over in 437, was used (or else the Greek would be in order), but a copy of this Code, in which the scribe had misunderstood the Greek and made errors, which then figure in Vat.Reg.Lat. 886. The copying must have been done after 535 and just before the Summaria were made because the author of the Summaria was one of the correctors.

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HARPER, KYLE. "THE SC CLAUDIANUM IN THE CODEX THEODOSIANUS: SOCIAL HISTORY AND LEGAL TEXTS." Classical Quarterly 60, no. 2 (November 19, 2010): 610–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838810000108.

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17

Mathisen, Ralph. "Provinciales, Gentiles, and Marriages between Romans and Barbarians in the Late Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 99 (November 2009): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543509789745025.

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Codex Theodosianus 3.14.1, issued in the early 370s, has been understood in the past to indicate a ban on all marriages between ‘Romans’ and ‘barbarians’. But this interpretation contradicts evidence that Roman-barbarian marriages occurred with great frequency, and the lack of any other evidence for such a ban. This study argues that the specific wording of the law, referring to gentiles (barbarian soldiers) and provinciales (residents of provinces), suggests that the ban was imposed to ensure the continued performance of specific duties incumbent upon these two classes of individuals, and had nothing to do with ethnicity-qua-ethnicity.

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Arjava, Antti. "Ein verschollenes Gesetz des Codex Theodosianus über uneheliche Kinder (CTh 4, 6,7 a)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 115, no. 1 (August 1, 1998): 414–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1998.115.1.414.

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Escribano Paño, María Victoria. "“De his qui super religione contendunt”: la constitutio 16, 4, 2 (388) del Codex Theodosianus." Antiquité Tardive 13 (January 2005): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.2.301783.

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20

Bachrach, David S. "Dominik Trump, Römisches Recht im Karolingerreich: Studien zur Überlieferungs- und Rezeptionsgeschichte der Epitome Aegidii. Quellen und Forschungen zum Recht im Mittelalter 13. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2021, pp. 340." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.85.

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The study of legal practice, legal theory, and the issuing of law in early medieval Europe has seen a fundamental paradigm shift over the past three decades as scholars have rejected an older model of the Germanic invasions and/or migrations toppling Roman civilization in the lands of the erstwhile western Empire. It is now well understood that the so-called “barbarian law codes” were, in fact, composite bodies of law drawn from a variety of Roman sources, including not only the compendia produced under the auspices of Emperors Theodosius II (402‐450) and Justinian (527‐565), but also Roman provincial law and Roman military law. This new understanding of the enormous influence of Roman law, in its many forms, on early medieval legal thinking and practice was driven by a detailed re-evaluation of legal texts, which continues unabated to the present day. The volume under consideration here, the revised doctoral dissertation of Dominik Trump completed at the University of Cologne, offers a close examination of an epitome of the Lex Romana Visigothorum, issued by King Alaric II between 505‐507. This epitome, called the Epitome Aegidii after its first editor Pieter Gillis (1486‐1533), played a significant role in both legal studies and practice in the Regnum Francorum because of its great utility. As Trump observes, despite its brevity the Epitome Aegidii has the same range of sources as the Lex Romana. These are the Codex Theodosianus, novellae from after the reign of Theodosius, Pseduo-Pauline sentences, the Codex Gregorianus, the Codex Hermogenionus, and a short responsum from Aemilius Papinianus. The Epitome, therefore, provides yet another index of the value with which legal thinkers and practitioners in early medieval Europe regarded the choices made by the advisors of King Alaric when designing and executing his legal compendium.

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Atzeri, Lorena. "The Theodosian Code - (S.) Crogiez-Pétrequin, (P.) Jaillette (edd.) Codex Theodosianus. Le Code Théodosien V. Pp. 523, figs. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2009. Cased, €125. ISBN: 978-2-503-51722-3." Classical Review 61, no. 1 (March 11, 2011): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10002799.

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22

Wilczyński, Marek. "Heretycki szał czy recepcja cesarskiego prawodawstwa w polityce religijnej królów wandalskich? Codex Theodosianus XVI a Edictum Hunirici." Vox Patrum 75 (September 15, 2020): 527–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.5746.

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Wiedzy o polityce religijnej królów wandalskich dostarczają wyłącznie wrogie Wandalom źródła, pisane przez wyznawców nicejskiej ortodoksji. Źródła proweniencji ariańskiej z tego okresu nawet jeżeli istniały nie zachowały się. Zachowane źródła koncentrują się na drastycznych często formach prześladowań i narzucania siłą herezji ariańskiej. Powodem bezwzględności wandalskich monarchów miała być, zdaniem autorów źródeł, dzikość barbarzyńców i fanatyczny szał typowy dla heretyków. Porównanie prawodawstwa cesarskiego z działaniami Wandalów, a szczególnie z jedynym zachowanym aktem prawnym jakim jest Edykt Huneryka pozwala ukazać działania te w innym aspekcie. Wandalscy królowie dość wiernie przejmowali i naśladowali metody zwalczania herezji zalecane w prawodawstwie rzymskim. Wiedzy o tym prawodawstwie dostarczać mogli zarówno rzymscy urzędnicy administracji królewskiej, jak i rzymskie środowiska ariańskie współpracujące z Wandalami. Król Huneryk w swoim edykcie bezpośrednio wskazuje prawa wydawane przez cesarzy jako podstawę wydanych przez niego regulacji prawnych skierowanych przeciw wyznawcom nicejskiej ortodoksji. Dokładniejsza analiza występujących podobieństw może być ważnym przyczynkiem do badań nad szerokim wykorzystywaniem rzymskiej administracji i prawa w królestwach barbarzyński na terenach zachodniego cesarstwa rzymskiego.

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Wiewiorowski, Jacek Tomasz. "Późnorzymskie ius postliminii świadectwem słabości ‘soft power’ cesarstwa – studium przypadku." Res Historica, no. 46 (April 25, 2019): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2018.46.85-113.

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<p>W artykule omówiono późnorzymską konstytucję cesarską, która potwierdzała reguły ius postliminii – prawa obywatela rzymskiego do powrotu do utraconej sytuacji prawnej w przypadku uwolnienia z niewoli nieprzyjacielskiej – uzupełniając je o dodatkowe przywileje, ale wyłączając zastosowanie ustawy wobec tych, którzy przenieśli się dobrowolnie: C. Th. 5.7.1 (Brev. 5.5.1) = C. 8.50.19 (a. 366). Autor analizuje przyczyny, dla których unormowanie to znajdowało zastosowanie w różnych realiach historycznych i geograficznych. Wyciąg z tej konstytucji znany jest z Kodeksu Teodozjańskiego (Codex Theodosianus) z 438 r. i opatrzony został w interpretatio, powstałej w Galii pod koniec V w., a oba teksty powtórzono w Brewiarzu Alaryka (ok. 506). Lex Romana Burgundionum (ok. 501) w części podzielała rozwiązanie przyjęte w analizowanej konstytucji, podczas gdy jej skrócona wersja przejęta została do Kodeksu Justyniana (Codex Justinianus) z 534 r. Autor wskazuje przyczyny, dla których C. Th. 5.7.1 (Brev. 5.5.1) = C. 8.50.19 (a. 366) znajdowało zastosowanie w Galii w połowie IV w., w imperium Teodozjusza II (408–450), w późnym V w. w Galii oraz w zachodniej i wschodniej części świata śródziemnomorskiego pierwszej połowy VI w. Wysnuwa stąd wniosek, że C. Th. 5.7.1 (Brev. 5.5.1) = C. 8.50.19 (a. 366) i jej powtarzanie w różnych źródłach są świadectwem słabnięcia rzymskiego ‘soft power’ w późnym antyku, podkreślając uniwersalność tej koncepcji, wprowadzonej do politologii przez Josepha S. Nye Jr. w późnych latach osiemdziesiątych XX w.</p>

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Jones, K., and G. Bevan. "A PHOTOGRAMMETRIC WORKFLOW FOR RAPID SITE DOCUMENTATION AT STOBI, REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W11 (May 4, 2019): 631–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w11-631-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The so-called “Theodosian Palace” is one of the most significant Late Antique structures at the site of Stobi, in the Republic of North Macedonia. Popularly thought to be a stopping-place of Theodosius I on his way through the province of <i>Macedonia Secunda</i> according to the evidence of the Codex Theodosianus, the structure is in dire need of conservation with many of the stone and mortar walls threatening to collapse onto the mosaic floors below. Any conservation effort in the Republic of North Macedonia must produce rigorous documentation before any physical work can take place. The most important and time consuming component of the project preparation are section and elevation drawings documenting each of the walls stone-by-stone, with elevations and scales indicated in a format prescribed by the state. These drawings are usually done manually on graph paper in the field, with the assistance of time-honoured manual tools – the plum-bob and tape-measure –, but this method is enormously time consuming and has considerable of room for error. The present project, begun in 2016 and the subject of this paper, endeavoured to show that new, photogrammetric methods could not only improve the accuracy of these drawings, but also the speed with which they are made. Our results demonstrate an increase in accuracy by an order magnitude, from 3&thinsp;cm to 3&thinsp;mm, and an improvement in the time to deliver the final product from an estimated 8 months to 2 months.</p>

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Kaiser, Wolfgang. "VII. Der Index des Thalelaios zu C. 4,44,15 und die laesio enormis." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 141, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 349–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2024-0007.

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Summary The article deals with the question of the date of the laesio enormis (C. 4,44,2.8.12. 15), according to which the seller can cancel the purchase if the purchase price does not even reach half the value of the object of purchase, but the buyer can avert this by paying the shortfall. To answer this question, a hitherto overlooked source, the index of Thalelaios to C. 4,44,15, is consulted. The index reproduces the wording of C. 4,44,15 in the Codex of the year 529. The text agrees in part with CTh. 3,1,4 and in part with C. 4,44,15 in the Codex repetitae praelectionis. The similarities with CTh. 3,1,4 show that the price limit did not exist in the Codex of the year 529. It does not go back to Diocletian, but was inserted by the second Codex commission, which orientated itself on two of Justinian’s constitutions. An appendix deals with the question of the place where Diocletian was when C. 4,44,2 was issued in November 285. Inhalt: I. Einleitung. – II. Das Gesetz des Kaisers Gratianus vom 2. Mai 383 im Codex Theodosianus (CTh. 3,1,4), S. 353. – III.C. 4,44,2. 8 und 15 im Codex repetitae praelectionis, S. 359, 1. Zur Überlieferung von C. 4,44 De rescindenda venditione, 2. C. 4,44,2 (Diocl.; a. 285), a) Zur Textkonstitution von C. 4,44,2, b) Zum Inhalt von C. 4,44,2, 3. C. 4,44,8 (Diocl.; a. 293), a) Zur Textkonstitution von C. 4,44,8, b) Zum Inhalt von C. 4,44,8; 4. C. 4,44,12 (Diocl.; a.?); 5. C. 4,44,15 (Gratianus; a. 383). – IV. Der Index zu C. 4,44,15 (Bas. 19,10,84), S. 372, 1. Überlieferung und Text des Index zu C. 4,44,15, 2. Die Abweichungen des Index von CTh. 3,1,4 und C. 4,44,15, 3. Folgerungen. – V. Die Einfügung der Wertgrenze durch die zweite Codexkommission, S. 380. – VI. Folgerungen für C. 4,44,8.12 und 2, S. 384, 1. Zur Rekonstruktion von C. 4,44,8, 2. Zur Rekonstruktion von C. 4,44,12, 3. Zur Rekonstruktion von C. 4,44,2, a) Weitere Texteingriffe der zweiten Codexkommission?, aa. Rem maioris pretii, bb. tu vel, cc. Emptoribus/emptor, dd. humanum est, b) Das mögliche Kriterium für eine Rückabwicklung, c) Zur Rechtsgrundlage der Rückabwicklung. – VII. Anderweitige Spuren des Codex 1. Auflage in Werken aus dem justinianischen Rechtsunterricht, S. 404, 1. Der Codex Iustinianus im Rechtsunterricht, a) Die Kaiserkonstitutionen im Rechtsstudium, b) Vorlesungszeiten und Inkrafttreten der 1. und 2. Auflage des Codex, 2. Unterricht zum Codex des Jahres 529 und des Jahres 534, 3. Reste von Vorlesungen zum Codex 1. Auflage: Erklärungsmodelle, a) Aufgabe und Kompetenzen der ersten und zweiten Codexkommission, b) Verwendung veralteten Materials oder redaktionelle Fehler?, 4. Beispiele für Divergenzen der lateinischen und indirekten griechischen Überlieferung, a) C. 4,14,3, b) C. 8,53,2, c) C. 7,65,5, d) C. 3,36,25. – VIII. Ergebnisse, S. 424, Anhang: Zum Erlassort von C. 4,44,2

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Repnow, Robin. "Anna Theresa Leneis, Anspruch und Wirklichkeit. Probleme spätantiker Richteraktivität im Spiegel des Codex Theodosianus (= Schriften zur Rechtsgeschichte 192)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 139, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 542–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2022-0027.

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GONZÁLEZ SALINERO, Raúl. "Manos manchadas de sangre: los orígenes cristianos del mito antijudío del crimen ritual." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 10 (October 1, 2013): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v10i.14638.

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La acusación antijudía del crimen o asesinato ritual gozó de una enorme popularidad en la Edad Media. A mediados del siglo XII, surgió de forma “espontánea” en diferentes lugares de la Europa medieval y dio lugar a infinidad de variantes. Su versión definitiva fue la del asesinato, preferentemente por crucifixión, de un niño cristiano a manos de los judíos con el fin de incorporar su sangre al pan ázimo. Sin embargo, su origen más remoto debe buscarse en la Antigüedad. De hecho, su más incipiente desarrollo puede encontrarse ya a comienzos del siglo V en el historiador cristiano Sócrates (Hist. Eccl., VII, 16), quien cuenta que hacia el año 415, en Inmestar (Siria), con motivo de las celebraciones de la fiesta de Purim, los judíos, embriagados por el vino, amarraron a un niño cristiano a una cruz y lo asesinaron. El relato de este hecho monstruoso plantea algunas dudas acerca de lo acontecido. Seguramente la historia sea falsa y se sitúe en el contexto de una ley del Codex Theodosianus del año 408 (XVI, 8, 18) que prohibía insultar a la Cruz durante la celebración de dicha festividad judía.

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Dreher, Martin. "Christian Trauisen, Das sakrale Asyl in der Alten Welt. Zur Schutzfunktion des Heiligen von König Salomo bis zum Codex Theodosianus." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 124, no. 1 (August 1, 2007): 553–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2007.124.1.553.

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Świętoń, Adam. "Ustawodawstwo cesarskie wobec rozruchów na tle religijnym na przykładzie konstytucji zachowanych w „Codex Theodosianus 16.4: De His, Qui Super Religione Contendunt”." Studia Warmińskie 56 (March 6, 2020): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.3922.

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Autor omawia cztery konstytucje zamieszczone w czwartym tytule szesnastej księgi Kodeksu Teodozjusza, poświęconym prowadzeniu dysput religijnych. Spory o kształt doktryny chrześcijańskiej przeradzały się w IV wieku w zamieszki godzące w ład publiczny. Konflikt religijny często wchodził w interferencję z napięciami powodowanymi przez przemiany społeczne, ekonomiczne i polityczne. W polityce wewnętrznej cesarstwa zaczęła pojawiać się koncepcja jednolitości systemu religijnego jako jednego z wymogów stabilnego funkcjonowania państwa. Konstytucje cesarskie, zamieszczone w omawianym tytule były, przed redakcją Kodeksu i jego ogłoszeniem w 438 roku, wydawane w związku z konkretnymi przypadkami niepokojów i zamieszek towarzyszących dysputom religijnym. Pierwotnym celem ich promulgacji było przywrócenie porządku publicznego oraz zwalczanie herezji. Jednak kompozycja tytułu De his, qui super religione contendunt każe zadać pytanie o cel takiej redakcji. Można rozważyć, czy po 438 roku ograniczono, albo zakazano całkowicie toczenia jakichkolwiek dysput religijnych bez aprobaty cesarza.

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Sirks, A. J. B. "Spätantike Zwangsverbände zur Versorgung der römischen Bevölkerung, Rechtshistorische Untersuchungen zu Codex Theodosianus 13.5–9 sowie 14.2–4, written by Chr. Heuft, 2013." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 84, no. 1-2 (June 14, 2016): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08412p11.

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Drino, Dževad, and Benjamina Londrc. "Rudarski propisi klasičnog i postklasičnog rimskog prava / Mining regulations of classical and postclassical Roman law." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2018.407.

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In order to understand the functioning of mining in ancient Rome, it is necessary to investigate the rules of classical and post-classical Roman law related to mines. Most of the mining information is extracted from the Lex Vipasca, the two bronze plates found in Aljustrelo in Portugal in 1876 and 1906. The first plate from Aljustrelo provided valuable information on the mining sale taxes, the auctioneer’s provision, the management of baths, shoemakers, barbers, metallurgy workers, mining waste tax, teachers and seizure of mines and receivables. The second plate from Aljustrelo defines the responsibilities of the procurator, the rights and obligations of the owner, the price of the mine, and tells us about the way of organizing the leaseholders in societies – societas. From the preserved provision of Codex Theodosianus (CTh.X.19.8.) we learn about the existence of specially separated rights related to the mining and exploitation rights. The aim of our work is, through analysis of the Aljustrelo plates, to show how far Roman law has defined all aspects of mining in detail and to show the functioning of the system starting from the formation, acquisition of property, business, control, disputes, and associated activities that were formed with mines. These two plates with Roman mining laws provide an inexhaustible study-basis for lawyers, as well as others dealing with Ancient Rome. In addition to the mentioned Lex Vipasca, some minor and later mining regulations have been briefly outlined to complement the picture of Roman mining law.

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San Vicente González de Aspuru, Jose Ignacio. "Agustín y la barba dorada de Hércules = Augustine and the golden beard of Hercules." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 17 (November 20, 2019): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.4587.

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Resumen: En medio de un clima de conflicto religioso entre cristianos y paganos, la barba dorada de una estatua de Hércules en Cartago fue “afeitada” por un grupo de cristianos en el año 401. El 16 de junio de ese mismo año, Agustín pronunció un sermón (24) ante sus correligionarios en Cartago en el que analizó los hechos desde una óptica cristiana. En el artículo se examinan los datos sobre la estatua de Hércules, el significado de la barba en el mundo antiguo, el conflicto religioso, la normativa legislativa al respecto y el enfoque del obispo de Hipona sobre la estatua de Hércules, concluyéndose que la interpretatio de Agustín sobre el sentido simbólico de la barba está mediatizada por la figura bíblica de Sansón.Abstract: In the middle of a climate of religious conflict between Christians and pagans, the gilded beard of a statue of Hercules in Carthage was “shaved” by a group of Christians in the year 401. On June 16 of the same year, Augustine delivered a sermon (24) to his coreligionists in Carthage in which he analyzed the facts from a Christian perspective. The article examines the data on the statue of Hercules, the meaning of the beard in the ancient world, the religious conflict, the legislative norms on the matter and the approach of the bishop of Hippo on the statue of Hercules, concluding that Augustine’s interpretation of the symbolic meaning of the beard is mediated by the biblical figure of Samson.Palabras clave: Cartago, Código Teodosiano, cristianos, estatua, paganos.Key words: Carthage, christian, Codex Theodosianus, pagan, statue.

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Köbler, Gerhard. "Vandendriessche , Sarah, Possessio und dominium im postklassischen römischen Recht. Eine Überprüfung von Levy's Vulgarrechtstheorie anhand der Quellen des Codex Theodosianus und der posttheodosianischen Quellen (= Rechtsgeschichtliche Studien 16)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 125, no. 1 (August 1, 2008): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2008.125.1.604.

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Wojtczak, Marzena. "Between Heaven and Earth: Family ownership versus rights of monastic communities. The Theodosian Code and late antique legal practice." U Schyłku Starożytności : studia źródłoznawcze, no. 17/18 (April 2, 2020): 117–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.uss.18-19.1.5.

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This article investigates the relationship between the legislation introduced in the field of proprietary rights assigned to various Church entities and the practice of accumulation of wealth by the monastic communities in late antique Egypt. On the one hand, among the literary sources the predominant theme concerning Egyptian monasticism is the idea of voluntary poverty and renunciation of worldly possessions aimed at the pursuance of a contemplative life. On the other hand, the papyri offer insight into monastic life that does not seem to have been entirely detached from the outside world. In this vein, the laws of Valentinian I and Theodosius II clearly indicate that monks and nuns continued to own property without disturbance after undertaking religious life. In addition, Theodosius the Great and later emperors restricted the freedom of certain groups of citizens to disown their property, rendering the Christian ideal of voluntary poverty not always feasible. It is only with Justinian that the rules regarding monastic poverty are shaped and set by the secular power. The incentive for this study is to check for any conflict between the principles of classical Roman law in the field of private ownership and imperial legislation included in the Codex Theodosianus. Giorgio Barone-Adesi observed the tension that took place between the Christian communities and their corporations that were allotted ever broader privileges and the Roman principle of preservation of the property within the family unit. There is, however, still some room left for discussion since not all the data easily adds up to an unequivocal conclusion. In this analysis, the Code is treated as a measure for taking a stand by the legislator in the dispute between the will of the owner, recognition of the rights of the heirs and family members, and finally the privileges granted to the religious consortia.

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May, Georg. "Traulsen, Christian, Das sakrale Asyl in der Alten Welt. Zur Schutzfunktion des Heiligen von König Salomo bis zum Codex Theodosianus, Mohr Siebeck Tübingen 2004, XVI, 364 S. (= Jus Ecclesiasticum 72)." Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 173, no. 1 (June 24, 2004): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/2589045x-17301037.

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Honoré, Tony. "Gunhild Vidén: The Roman Chancery Tradition. Studies in the Language of Codex Theodosianus and Cassiodorus' Variae (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia, 46.) Pp. ix + 168. Gothenburg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1984. Paper, Sw.kr. 95." Classical Review 36, no. 2 (October 1986): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00106687.

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Barnish, S. J. B. "G. Vidén, The Roman Chancery Tradition: Studies in the Language of the Codex Theodosianus and Cassiodorus' Variae (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia XLVI). Göteborg: Universitet, 1984. Pp. ix + 168. ISBN 91-7346-153-9." Journal of Roman Studies 78 (November 1988): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301515.

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Martin, Susan D., Jill Harries, and Ian Wood. "The Theodosian Code." American Journal of Legal History 39, no. 4 (October 1995): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845507.

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Frakes, R. M., Jill Harries, and Ian Wood. "The Theodosian Code." Classical World 90, no. 5 (1997): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351974.

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Humphries, Mark. "THE THEODOSIAN CODE." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 524–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.524.

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Liebs, Detlef. "Codex Theodosianus. Le Code Théodosien V – Texte latin d’après l’édition de Mommsen (1904). Introduction par Pierre Jaillette. Traduction par Sylvie Crogiez-Pétrequin, Pierre Jaillette et Jean-Michel Poinsotte. Avec l’aide de Jean-Pierre Callu, Aude Laquerrière-Lacroix et Patrick Laurence. Sous le haut patronage de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres." Gnomon 83, no. 6 (2011): 515–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_6_515.

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Schmidt-Hofner, Sebastian. "Plato and the Theodosian Code." Early Medieval Europe 27, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12313.

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Honoré, Tony. "III. The Making of the Theodosian Code." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 103, no. 1 (August 1, 1986): 133–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1986.103.1.133.

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Sirks, Boudewijn. "Did the published Theodosian Code include obsolete constitutions?" Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'histoire du droit / The Legal History Review 89, no. 1-2 (May 10, 2021): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-12340003.

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Summary It is a point of contention whether the Theodosian Code contains also obsolete constitutions as foreseen for the projected interim code of CTh 1,1,5, or only valid constitutions (with the exception of Book 16). The text of CTh 1,1,6 is unclear in this point and seems to be a mere continuation of the plan of CTh 1,1,5. However, it appears that the first view does not take into account other statements of Theodosius, and that research into particular subjects shows the compilers have rendered a logically consistent review of the law, without superfluous texts. In view of this evidence it is better to assume that also elsewhere in the Books 1 to 15 as a rule only valid laws were included.

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Jones, Christopher P. "THREE TEMPLES IN LIBANIUS AND THE THEODOSIAN CODE." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 860–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000323.

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In Libanius' speech For the Temples (Or. 30), sometimes regarded as the crowning work of his career, he refers to an unnamed city in which a great pagan temple had recently been destroyed; the date of the speech is disputed, but must be in the 380 s or early 390 s, near the end of the speaker's life. After deploring the actions of a governor appointed by Theodosius, often identified with the praetorian prefect Maternus Cynegius, Libanius continues (30.44–5): Let no-one think that all this is an accusation against you, Your Majesty. For on the frontier with Persia (πρὸς τοῖς ὁρίοις Περσῶν) there lies in ruins a temple which had no equal, as one may hear from all who saw it, so very large was it and so very large the blocks with which it was built, and it occupied as much space as the city itself. Why, amid the terrors of war, to the benefit of the city's inhabitants, those who took the city gained nothing because of their inability to take the temple as well (τοῖς ἑλοῦσι τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἔχουσι κἀκεῖνον προσεξελεῖν), since the strength of the walls defied every siege-engine. Besides that, one could mount up to the roof and see a very great part of enemy territory, which gives no small advantage in time of war. I have heard some people disputing which of the two sanctuaries was the greater marvel, this one that has gone, or one that one hopes may never suffer in the same way, and contains Sarapis. But this sanctuary, of such a kind and size, not to mention the secret devices of the ceiling and all the sacred statues made of iron that were hidden in darkness, escaping the sun – it has vanished and is destroyed. Jacques Godefroy (Gothofredus), best known for his edition of the Theodosian Code, also produced the editio princeps of the speech For the Temples, supplying a Latin translation and extensive notes. He hesitated whether to identify the city in question with Apamea in Syria or with Carrhae, ‘urbs superstitione Gentilicia tum referta’, but opted for a third choice: Edessa, the capital of Osrhoene. In doing so he took for granted that a law of the Theodosian Code (16.10.8), in which the emperors order that a pagan temple in Osrhoene remain open, referred to the same temple; I shall argue below that this is incorrect. Opinion continues to be divided, though with a majority favouring Edessa. But this lay some ten or fifteen miles from the border with Persia, whereas Carrhae was directly on it, and is much more likely than Edessa to have had a temple from which one ‘could observe a vast area of enemy country’. The principal deity of Carrhae (Harran) was Sîn, the Moon God, said by some sources to be male, by others to be female. Describing how Caracalla was assassinated while on a pilgrimage to the god, Cassius Dio says that he had ‘set out from Edessa for Carrhae’, and was murdered on the way: according to Herodian, he was staying in Carrhae when he decided to go in advance of his army ‘and to reach the temple of the Moon, whom the local people greatly revere: the temple is a long way from the city [presumably Carrhae], so as to require a (special) journey’. Another emperor to visit the sanctuary was Julian on his march into Babylonia. Theodoret of Cyrrhus alleges that ‘he entered the sanctuary honoured by the impious’ and cut open a human victim, a woman suspended by the hair, in order to obtain an omen of his future victory.

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Liebs, Detlef. "Adriaan J. Boudewijn Sirks, The Theodosian Code. A Study." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 127, no. 1 (August 1, 2010): 516–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2010.127.1.516.

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King, Peter, and John F. Matthews. "Laying down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code." Classical World 96, no. 2 (2003): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352743.

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De Felice, John F. "Laying Down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code." History: Reviews of New Books 29, no. 4 (January 2001): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10527859.

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Wołodkiewicz, Witold. "Wolność do religii czy wolność od religii." Themis Polska Nova 7, no. 2 (2014): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/tpn2014.2.01.

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The paper discusses the attitude of the Roman Empire towards Christianity during the period of Principate and Dominate, as a side theme to the debate on religious liberty launched at the time of the Vatican Council II. It analyzes the approach of emperors to religious views in the Theodosian and Justinianic Codes. It also touches upon the relations between the State and the Church in the present situation of the III Polish Republic.

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Lo Nero, Carolina. "Christiana Dicnitas: New Christian Criteria for Citizenship in the Late Roman Empire1." Medieval Encounters 7, no. 2 (2001): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006701x00021.

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AbstractThe following article focuses on the influence of Christian thought on imperial Roman law towards non-Christian subjects. In particular Theodosian and Justinian Codes show a certain discrimination based on status regarding Jews, heretics, and apostates. Under the influence of Christianity a new system of values was attributed to classical legal terms. This process also involved the concept of citizen, and inequalities of prestige were associated with people's religious creeds. What in Roman law was previously understood as civis was now transferred to the Christianus civis.

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