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1
Martins de Sousa, Rita, and Fernando Carlos G. de Cerqueira Lima. "Production, Supply and Circulation of National Gold Coins in Brazil (1703-1807)." América Latina en la Historia Económica 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18232/alhe.v24i1.752.
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In this paper, we assess the production, supply, and circulation of national gold coins in Brazil in the eighteenth century. New estimates have been provided of the volume of production of these gold coins at Mints of Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, and Minas Gerais. Comparing the values of this coinage with remittances to Lisbon, the first half of the eighteenth century reveals a more stable conjuncture than the second half. This latter period shows fluctuations that were expressed in the faster growth of the supply, despite the fall that took place in the production-coinage of gold. Our conclusions question the historiographical theses about the shortage of currency in Brazil throughout the Eighteenth Century. The growth of the economy from the last quarter of the Century onwards implied an increase in the demand for money, which may explain the increase in the supply of national gold coins.
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Greitens, Jan. "Geldtheorie und -politik in Preußen Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 61, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 217–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2020-0010.
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AbstractIn the history of economic thought, monetary theories in the Germanspeaking world of the early modern era are considered backward compared to the approaches in other European countries. This backwardness can be illustrated by two authors from the mid-18th century who were not only contemporaries but also successively in the service of Frederick II (“the Great”) of Prussia. The first is Johann Philipp Graumann, one of the 'projectors' of the 18th century. As master of the mints in Prussia, he developed a coin project, where he tried to implement a new monetary standard to promote trade, generate seigniorage income and implement the Prussian coins as a kind of a reserve currency. In his writings, he developed a typical mercantilistic monetary theory with a clear understanding of the mechanism in the balance of payments. But even when he tried to include credit instruments, he did not take banks or broader financial markets into account. The second thinker is Johann Heinrich Gottlob Justi, who took the opposite position concerning the coin project as well as in his theory. He defended a strictly metalistic monetary approach where the value of money is only based on the metal's value. While Graumann rejected the English coin system, Justi recommended its laws for countries without their own mines, because the sovereign should not misuse his right of coinage. For him, the monetary system had tobe reliable and stable to serve trade and economic development.
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Kindleberger, Charles P. "The Economic Crisis of 1619 to 1623." Journal of Economic History 51, no. 1 (March 1991): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700038407.
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Various states in the Holy Roman Empire prepared for the Thirty Years' War by creating new mints and debasing the subsidiary coinage. The process spread through Gresham's Law: bad money was taken by debasing states to their neighbors and exchanged for good. The neighbor typically defended itself by debasing its own coin. The resulting hyperinflation was terminated early in the war by an agreement to return to the Imperial Augsburg Ordinance of 1559. TheKipper- und Wipperzeit, as the period is called, illuminates the geographic spread of financial crises, German hypennflations of this century, and current proposals for “free banking.”
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Kluczek, Agata. "Barbarians on the Coins of Trajan Decius (249–251)." Studia Ceranea 10 (December 23, 2020): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.16.
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During Trajan Decius’s reign (249–251) in a number of provincial mints – Alexandria, Caesarea Maritima, Magnesia ad Sipylum and Nicomedia – coins were issued featuring the theme of the barbarian (an enemy or a captive) in reverse iconography. In this article, I discuss these coins, considering them in the context of the iconographic tradition and the activity of the particular mints during Decius’s reign, and also in relation to the ideology of victory and the dynastic ideology. They are interesting especially because the theme of the barbarian was not utilised in the parallel imperial coinage. Nevertheless, its presence in provincial coinage is also of a marginal nature. Moreover, the end of Decius’s reign also coincided with a time-related hiatus in the use of the theme in provincial coinage.
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Raju, Linga. "Tipu Sultan’s Mint Policy – An Analyse." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 8, S1-Feb (February 6, 2021): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v8is1-feb.3961.
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This paper examines the mint policy of Tipu sultan. There are evidences of the coinage of Tipu sultan. There are several mints where coins were minted all through his 17 years of reign he issued coins of different denominations & different weight. There were several mints along his empire. Hider issued coins only in gold & copper. Historians have proved with evidence that Tipu sultan issued initial coins from his Sri Rangapattanna mint only. Some coins were issued form nagar mint. The number of mints was increased after fifth year of his reign now there were eight mints in his empire. His mint policy had economic as well as political implications. He was seriously affected by the colonial intrusions into Mysore territory. He wanted to make his country’s resources to churn out beneficial results for the countrymen. He had far reaching visions about making Mysorean economy support his wars with British. Hence his mint policy was minutely designed & effectively implemented.
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Buttrey, T. V. "Coins and Coinage at Euesperides." Libyan Studies 25 (January 1994): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006294.
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The coinage of Euesperides was always minor in comparison with that of Cyrene, or even of Barca. But its sporadic issues do have an interest of their own. At this session we are also concerned with the city, and I wish to suggest what we can learn from the numismatic evidence — not just from the coins struck there, but from the coins of other mints which have been found there.It is preferable to speak generally of the ‘coinage’ of Euesperides rather than of its ‘mint’, for it seems certain that some of the issues bearing the city's name were actually produced at Cyrene, as indeed were also some issues of Barca. The coinage of Euesperides was always small in comparison with the older and much richer coinage of Cyrene. It is instructive that the catalogue proper of Robinson's BMC Cyrenaica requires 90 pages to list the autonomous and Ptolemaic coins struck at Cyrene, 18 for those of Barca, just 4 for Euesperides.For Euesperides there are no archaic tetradrachms, the denomination so prominent in a variety of types at Cyrene. The earliest Euesperidean coin in BMC, a drachm of types silphium/dolphin, is assigned by Robinson to before 480 BC.
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Visonà, Paolo. "Rethinking early Carthaginian coinage." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418001228.
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The coins minted by the Carthaginians in silver, gold, electrum, billon and bronze comprise one of the largest coinages that circulated in the W Mediterranean before the Roman conquest. They provide essential information on both the history and economy of Carthage and on Carthaginian interactions with their neighbors, allies and adversaries. Carthaginian bronze coins, in particular, are frequently found throughout the Punic world, in each of its core regions (N Africa from Tripolitania to Algeria, Sicily, Sardinia, Ibiza and the southernmost Iberian peninsula), as well as in Italy. Yet few accounts of Carthage and the Punic Wars take Carthaginian coinage into consideration, and an emphasis on Greek and Latin literary sources continues to drive the narrative. Of course, in evaluating the political and economic implications of numismatic evidence one needs to distinguish from the start between the issues of the Carthage mint and those of other mints that struck coins under Carthaginian authority. Carthaginian coinage did not follow a linear path of development. As the Carthaginians began to produce coins in Sicily earlier than in N Africa, the start of minting at Carthage deserves careful scrutiny. This essay, based upon an ongoing study of Carthaginian bronze and billon coins, will review the history of modern scholarship and current research on Carthaginian coinage, focussing upon the formative period of the Carthage mint between c.350 and 300 B.C. in order to define the main aspects of its output, its relevance for the monetization of the Carthaginian homeland, and the sequence of the earliest issues.
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Kopij, Kamil. "Mints Locations and Chronology of Gnaeus and Sextus Pompey’s Bronze Coinage (RRC 471, 478 and 479): A Die Axes Study." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.05.
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The coinage of Pompey the Great’s sons has long attracted the attention of numismatists and historians trying to reconstruct a detailed chronology of their activities. One of the problems examined was the location of the places they minted coins. This article tries to indicate the possible locations of mints producing Gnaeus’ and Sextus’ bronze coinage (RRC 471, RRC 478, RRC 479) based on the analysis of the die axes of 794 coins and attempts to interpret the results based on local traditions regarding this aspect of coin morphology. The results show that RRC 471 was most likely minted in Corduba. The unusual die alignment of the RRC 478 indicates that it may have been minted not in Spain or Sicily, but in Achaia or Bithynia. It is, however, difficult to reconcile this with the geographical distribution of the finds that points to Sicily. Nonetheless we should probably move dating of this type until after the signing of the Treaty of Misenum in 39 BC. The die axes of the RRC 479 is consistent with traditions of most Sicilian mints. The exception to this is one of the series whose different rotation pattern indicates production in one of only two Sicilian mints (Panormos or Centuripae) or one of the several South Italian cities (most probably Rhegion).
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Baxter, William T. "OBSERVATIONS ON MONEY, BARTER AND BOOKKEEPING." Accounting Historians Journal 31, no. 1 (June 1, 2004): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.1.129.
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Britain forbade her 18th-century American colonies to set up mints, and sent no supplies of her own coins. In consequence, the colonies were without any official money. Account books of the period reveal how traders fared in this unusual situation. They show that the lack of money was a severe handicap that hindered and distorted trade, but that the colonists to some extent overcame it with the aid of ingenious ledger entries. These culminated in payment by credit transfers in the books of third parties. Such transactions lead to a discussion of the nature of money.
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Morris, Francis M. "Cunobelinus' Bronze Coinage." Britannia 44 (July 23, 2013): 27–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x13000391.
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AbstractCunobelinus was the most significant figure in Britain during the decades leading up to the Roman invasion, though his reign has received relatively little attention. Cunobelinus' coinage is of great importance to understanding the socio-political structure of South-East Britain prior to the Roman invasion and whilst studies of his gold and silver have been published in previous editions ofBritannia(Allen 1975; de Jersey 2001), his bronzes have been subject to surprisingly little work, particularly considering that they are by far the most common struck bronze issues known from Iron Age Britain, with a total of 2,608 examples currently recorded in the Celtic Coin Index and on the PAS database combined. This study proposes a broad typological scheme with which Cunobelinus' bronzes can be ordered and demonstrates that, like Cunobelinus' silver, but unlike his gold, they can be divided into three regional groupings, which it can be argued correspond to three different political sub-groupings under Cunobelinus' control. In addition, the bronze's metallurgy and metrology and the mints at which they were struck are investigated. This article examines the contribution of coinage to understanding Cunobelinus' political history, and how he used imagery to reinforce and legitimate his power in the different regions under his control at different times during his reign. The types of sites at which Cunobelinus' bronzes have been found are also outlined and the likely function of the coins discussed.
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Honda, Hiroyuki. "COPPER COINAGE, RULING POWER AND LOCAL SOCIETY IN MEDIEVAL JAPAN." International Journal of Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (June 26, 2007): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591407000745.
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AbstractThis article studies the role copper coinage, mainly of Chinese origin, played as the currency of preference in medieval Japan and the process by which it replaced commodities as the main medium of exchange. By the late fifteenth century a major watershed in the development of a money economy had been reached, when distinctions began to be made between good-quality coins and others. The practice of shroffing then became widespread. Though both the Bakufu and local magnates attempted to forbid the practice, local needs dictated which coins were circulated. A contrast in usage grew up between “pure coins” (seisen), that is authentic or standard coins, and “inferior coins,” such as those privately minted in Japan and certain Ming coins. Attention is drawn to the need to distinguish between the monetary policy and their financial policy in the anti-shroffing decrees issued by the authorities.
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Luley, Benjamin P. "Coinage at Lattara. Using archaeological context to understand ancient coins." Archaeological Dialogues 15, no. 2 (December 2008): 174–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203808002663.
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AbstractThe Celtic-speaking town of Lattara (modern Lattes) in Iron Age southern Gaul was an important centre of sustained colonial interaction with Etruscans, Massalian Greeks and Romans from the sixth century B.C. One of the important consequences of these encounters was the introduction of coinage. Through an examination of the archaeological context of coins, I investigate how the use and value of money changed at Lattara after the Roman conquest. Drawing upon several anthropological discussions of money in colonial settings, particularly Jean and John Commaroff's (2006) notion of ‘commensuration’, I suggest that the incorporation of coinage into transaction systems at Lattara was related to its expedience as a standardized form of value, which facilitated exchange between the inhabitants of the town and foreign merchants.
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Fawcett, T. G., J. R. Blanton, T. N. Blanton, L. Arias, and T. Suscavage. "Non-destructive evaluation of Roman coin patinas from the 3rd and 4th century." Powder Diffraction 33, no. 2 (April 4, 2018): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0885715618000180.
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Roman bronze coins from the 3rd and 4th century AD exhibit a wide variety of chemistries on their surfaces. This variation has been attributed to the variable methods used to produce the coins, a large number of mints producing bronze currency, and the periods of currency devaluation within the Roman Empire. Besides the base bronze metallurgy (Cu,Sn), Ag, Pb, and Zn were frequently used as coinage metals. Silver coatings were often applied to increase the apparent value of the coins. Over the centuries these surfaces corroded producing a range of patinas. Non-destructive X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence methods were used to evaluate ancient bronze coins. These methods are limited by their half depth of penetration into the coins, so the focus was on the chemistry of the patina's and how they related to the current appearance. Several 3rd-century bronze coins exhibited a very dark patina that was often composed of CuCl, Cu2O (cuprite) and several forms of copper hydroxyl chloride, resulting from surface deterioration caused by corrosion and is often referred to as bronze disease. Coins of the latter 3rd century and 4th century often exhibit patinas that are corrosion products of lead, silver, and tin, as lead and tin preferentially oxidize relative to the bronze alloys.
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Hampshire, Bethany, Kevin Butcher, Katsu Ishida, George Green, Don Paul, and Adrian Hillier. "Using Negative Muons as a Probe for Depth Profiling Silver Roman Coinage." Heritage 2, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 400–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2010028.
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Debasement of silver Roman coins is a well-known phenomenon and understanding the quality of ancient silver coinages can provide an idea about the underlying fiscal condition of the issuing states. These coins are made from a silver-copper alloy, the surfaces of which were deliberately enhanced at the mints by a process of surface-enrichment to give them the appearance of being made of pure silver. Therefore, any surface analysis would provide a composition of the silver-copper alloy that would not be representative of the original alloy from which the coin blank was made; the result would be too high in silver. However, the bulk of the sample, the interior, should provide a composition that is true to the original alloy. Elemental analysis using negative muons has been used to provide a depth dependent compositional, completely non-destructive analysis of a silver-copper alloy denarius of the empress Julia Domna datable to 211–217 CE. The composition of the coin, beyond the surface enrichment layer, is 51 ± 1.8 % copper and 49 ± 1.9% silver, taken at a muon depth of 402 ± 61 µm. The surface enrichment layer is approximately 190 µm thick.
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Sánchez-Matamoros, Juan Baños, and Fernando Gutiérrez Hidalgo. "Accounting for the production of coins: The enactment and implementation of the Spanish Ordinances of the Mints, 1730." Accounting History 17, no. 3-4 (August 2012): 351–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373212443953.
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Critical accounting history literature has been scant on the role played by accounting in government coinage policy and its implications for governmental discourse. For this reason, we have examined the implementation of the Spanish Ordinances of the Mints enacted in 1730 and its accounting implications. This analysis allows us to observe the influence of accounting procedures over the government’s monetary policy. We aim to contribute to the literature a new perspective on the role of accounting in governmental and state policies, far beyond the improvement of state income, and concerned more with ensuring the value of the coins and thereby improving commercial activity and the economy in general.
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Walmsley, Alan. "Coin Frequencies in Sixth and Seventh Century Palestine and Arabia: Social and Economic Implications." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42, no. 3 (1999): 326–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520991208644.
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AbstractLarge scale excavations at the ancient urban sites of Pella and Jarash (Gerasa) in Jordan have produced a statistically viable body of data on coin supply and circulation in Byzantine and early Islamic Palestine and Arabia. A comparison of the copper coins (folles and fractions) recovered at these sites reveals consistent trends, notably a major increase in supply during the reigns of Justin I and especially Justin II. After Justin II (d. 578) there is a marked decline in the supply and circulation of copper coins, even taking into account ß uctuating production levels and quality of folles in the later sixth and seventh centuries. The presence of a greater number of mints suggests no major consignments but only the local circulation of coins. A minor improvement in coinage levels at Pella in the late sixth to early seventh century may re ß ect the growing local strategic importance of the town. Support for this explanation can be seen in the expansion of Pella's Byzantine fort and, soon after, the important battle between the Islamic and Byzantine armies in 635.
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Papadopoulos, John K. "Minting Identity: Coinage, Ideology and the Economics of Colonization in Akhaina Magna Graecia." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 12, no. 1 (April 2002): 21–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774302000021.
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This article focuses on the early coinage of the Akhaian cities of South Italy — Sybaris, Kroton, Metapontion, Kaulonia, Poseidonia — against the backdrop of colonization. Minting an early and distinctive series of coins, these centres were issuing coinage well before their ‘mother-cities’, a phenomenon that has never been fully appreciated. With its origins in a colonial context, the Akhaian coinage of Magna Graecia not only differs from that of the early coin-minting states of the Greek mainland, it offers a case study that challenges long-held assumptions and potentially contributes to a better understanding of the origins of coinage. It does so by suggesting that coinage is much more than a symbol of authority and represents considerably more than just an abstract notion of sovereignty or hegemony. The images or emblems that the Akhaians of South Italy chose for their coins are those current in the contemporary cultural landscape of the historic Akhaians, but at the same time actively recall the world of the heroic Akhaians of the Bronze Age by referring to prehistoric measures of value. More than his, the vicissitudes of colonial and indigenous history in parts of South Italy in the Archaic period were not merely reflected in coinage, the coins themselves were central to the processes of transformation. By boldly minting — constructing — their identity on coinage, the Akhaians of South Italy chose money in order to create relations of dominance and to produce social orders that had not existed before.
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Stefanakis, Manolis I., and Niki Paschalia M. Konstantinidi. "Associating the image with the myth on ancient Cretan coins: Three case-studies." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 757–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.48.
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Cretan coinage is characterized by a multitude of iconographic types, very often mythological in content. Various mythical figures and episodes are often difficult to identify or interpret due to either lack of clues that would lead to an interpretation or to the fact that could be identifiable with more than one existing myth. Thus, the identification of imagery on Cretan coins is not always self evident. Three major mints of the island are examined in this paper in order to investigate local myths, compared with the mythological tradition of mainland Greece; the myth of the Tree Nymph of Gortyn, the myth of the Labyrinth of Knossos and the myth of the Dog-nursed Infant of Kydonia. Cretan cities, through coin imagery and by carefully selecting the represented mythical figures, were bonding theircitizens with a certain heritage, offering a sense of belonging, continuation and ethnic pride differentiating themselves from other ethnic groups and city states of the island.
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Reece, Richard. "COINS AND POLITICS IN THE LATE ROMAN WORLD." Late Antique Archaeology 3, no. 1 (2006): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000041.
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Coins constitute source material: explicitly, from what is written and portrayed on them or the place and authority in which they were struck, and implicitly, from the portrait style and type. They are also objects of metal, sometimes precious, the use and control of which reflects politics. Around 294, portraiture changed very sharply from individuality to the representation of authority. Reverse types were also now much more limited and concentrated than under the Principate. The change occurred around 274 to 294, when city mints also ceased local production and were either closed or made branches of the one Imperial mint. These are signs of a move towards a heavily centralised money supply, dictated by more strongly emphasised authority. Control of metals, especially gold, followed the same path, though reforms in the mid-4th c. may suggest that silver was let out of state control and ‘privatised’.
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Paszkiewicz, Borys. "The Thirteen Years’ War in Polish and Prussian coinage." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 295, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134984.
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Although researchers have long considered the impact of the Thirteen Years’ War on the Teutonic Order’s coinage in Prussia, Polish coins were studied completely separately from the events of the war. In this paper we attempt to change this approach. In Prussia, after a war debasement, the ‘good shilling’ was restored in the years 1415–16, as a coin containing 0.87g of pure silver. The restoration was not complete because the former official shilling standard was higher. In 1407, it contained c.1.17g of pure silver. The new ‘good shilling’ most probably referred to an actual average standard of circulat�ing old coins regarded as ‘good coinage’, in contrast to debased coinage struck between 1410 and 1414. These new ‘good’ shillings were marked with a long cross on their two faces. New bracteate pfennigs of the Third Greek cross type were also introduced, containing 0.062g of pure silver and equal to a twelfth part of a ‘good’ shilling. The ‘base’ or ‘old’ shillings, however, were not removed from circulation and a rate of 1:2 between old and new coinage was formed. Because of the lack of silver, the number of good shillings was insufficient and base shillings actually prevailed in circulation, although they were not minted any more. Prussian mints struck mostly pfennigs and, spo�radically, good shillings according to the law of 1416. It was Grand Master Ludwig von Erlichshausen (1450–1467) who behaved differently. In secrecy, he reduced the silver content of shillings from 508/1000 to 342/1000 or even less. The change was possibly accomplished gradually and the last stages of the debasement took place during the Thirteen Years’ War. When the war broke out in the spring of 1454, the king of Poland granted the Prussian Confederationthe coinage rights. As the mint seats, four large cities were indicated: Toruń, Gdańsk, Elbląg and Königsberg. A mint standard had not been precisely defined but the local monetary system had been generally indicated. The new estates’ shillings were coined in Toruń only, and their standard, although uneven, was close to the earliest shilling as ordered by Grand Master Winrich von Kniprode in 1380. Such a high standard could not be upheld. After the three former cities were granted minting rights in 1457, they went back to the pre-1416 standard called the ‘old’ or ‘base’ shilling but alongside ‘new’ pfennigs. This formed a new basic Prussian monetary rate: one ‘old’ shilling was equal to six pfennigs. The Teutonic Order, having lost its main mint in Toruń, arranged another one in Malbork. Malbork was also lost in 1456 and the mint was moved to Königsberg where it stayed until the end of the Teutonic Order’s rule and beyond. The coinage debasement was soon revealed and eventually Master Ludwig reduced his Königsberg shilling’s official value by half in 1460 and made it equal to ‘old’ or ‘base’ shillings. Pfennigs minted during the war were withdrawn from circulation and the old pfennig standard was restored. Shillings struck from 1460 were ‘old’ or ‘base’ shillings and they were devoid of the long cross. The restored pfennigs were bracteates with the eagle shield. In the Kingdom of Poland a huge amount of small pennies was minted from 1430 up to the death of King Vladislas III at Varna in 1444. This coinage was intended to finance the unsuccessful war for the Bohemian crown in 1437–8 and the victorious albeit long war for the Hungarian crown, which began in 1440. The pennies were declared legal tender for all payments and they replaced larger coins, first of all, half-groat coins, in circulation. The official rate was 9 pennies = 1 half-grosz. It was believed that the Cracow mint was re-opened as late as in 1456 and minted few half-grosz coins. This was based on a misunderstanding of the evidence, both documentary and numismatic. In the early stage of the war – which was not prepared from a financial perspective – the Polish side apparently counted on the funds of rich Prussian cities. These resources were not sufficient and, seeing the pro�tracted war, the general assembly in Łęczyca agreed to open the mint in January 1455, in order to strike half-grosz and pennies for warfare expenditure. This was certainly done if Stanisław Morsztyn, a renowned financier and merchant, was acting as mint master in March 1456. Two months later, however, King Kazimierz IV appointed five other mint masters, apparently being unsatisfied with Morsztyn’s work. The volume of coinage increased and three years later at the general assembly in Piotrków, the opposition leader, Jan Rytwiański, accused the king of ‘shattering us with very light and unjust coinage as with ordinary arson’. However, we have no evidence about a decrease in the rate of Polish coinage from that time – this happened as late as in 1479. The Polish coins which were struck then, were similar not to preceding coinage of Vladislas III but to the much older, ‘good’ coins of Vladislas II Jagiełło from c.1400, both pennies and half-grosz coins. The standard of the new coins was probably also similar to that of the old ones, as far as the former are compared with worn out coins remaining in circulation during the 1450s. Despite a small volume of half-grosz coinage, caused by the shortage of silver, this ‘good’ coinage supported the rate of pennies and eventually contributed to the king’s victory, saving his kingdom from debasement.
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Motomura, Akira. "The Best and Worst of Currencies: Seigniorage and Currency Policy in Spain, 1597–1650." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 1 (March 1994): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700014017.
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The Spanish Monarchy pursued a rational policy of price discrimination among its Castilian currencies while financing its early-seventeenth-century wars. Large-denomination gold and silver coins circulated internationally, forcing the Monarchy to act more competitively and not seek additional short-run revenue. In contrast, petty coinage was a local monopoly. The Monarchy raised seigniorage rates and issued large quantities, generating large revenues. The nominal petty money stock grew rapidly, then fluctuated. The real petty money stock grew, then varied little as petty currency depreciation dampened nominal changes.
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GRAMM, MARSHALL, and PHIL GRAMM. "The Free Silver Movement in America: A Reinterpretation." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 4 (December 2004): 1108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704043104.
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Monetary historians have contended that Free Silver advocates were inflationists seeking debt reduction. We offer an alternative interpretation using a theory of money demand with differential returns on nominal units and a nonoptimum nominal money stock. Our explanation is more logically appealing and more consistent with contemporary evidence. The restrictive coinage laws of the period produced chronic shortages, and our empirical analysis provides clear evidence of these shortages. A shortage of coins valued at a half-day's wage and less, raised transactions costs, produced hardship and spawned protest.
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Horesh, Niv, and Hyun Jin Kim. "Why Coins Turned Round the World Over? A Critical Analysis of the Origins and Transmission of Ancient Metallic Money." China Report 47, no. 4 (November 2011): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700403.
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The inspiration behind the pre-modern bronze round coinage standardised across China by the First Emperor of Qin in the 3rd century BC have remained fairly obscure and are still a contentious issue. We demonstrate in this article that the various theories arguing for an exclusively endogenous impetus behind the spread and development of Chinese round coinage vouched for by many scholars in either East Asia or the West all carry inherent contradictions. In contrast, circumstantial and archaeological evidence in support of partly exogenous origins are mounting. Evidence from the Middle East points to the early invention and wide circulation of round coinage in Lydia, Greece and the Achaemenid Empire. The expansion of the Persians into India in the 6th century BC and the later incursions by Alexander and the Greco-Bactrians in the fourth and third centuries BC all facilitated and may have decisively contributed to India’s adoption of round coinage. Similarly, the flow of ideas, artistic motifs and metallurgic knowhow from West Asia to China via Central Asia had occurred much earlier than the 3rd century BC. Active adoption of foreign (Central Eurasian steppe) customs in the fourth century BC is recorded in Chinese pre-imperial records and confirmed by recent archaeological findings across Eurasia. Ongoing archaeological work in China’s western provinces could further highlight this ancient phase of globalization that, quite literally, still shapes our most fundamental grasp of money.
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Marusek, Sarah. "The Crafting of Law and the Coining of Culture: Legal Semiotic of the American Quarter." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 352–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872115575139.
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As emblematic productions of folk legality, coins are significant in viewing the constitutive relationship between law and politics. Additionally, images on coined money legally manipulate our American cultural historical recollection. The harsh historical reality of the United States in terms of racial violence, imperialist conquest, and the elimination of native peoples is dim against picturesque images of palm trees, Magnolia blossoms, and sailboats. Because these historical controversies legally and socially shape who we culturally are today, that which is valued and semiotically crafted by law should reflect these important and defining struggles in American history. Legal images that appear on coins are visual connections to an American legacy of confronting injustice that is omitted by the bucolic and innocently trivial legal depictions of American history that these coinage programs promote. In this article, I consider the ways in which coined images represent a visual crafting of law through which political memory is selectively depicted. Through a legal semiotics framework of symbolic articulation and analysis, I assert that the coinage issued under the United States Department of the Treasury’s Coinage Programs since 1999 depicts the politicization of folk art as a type of legal currency that illustrates and memorializes a nationalistic cultural identity. Here, coins literally become specialized portrayals of American history in which discrimination, conquest, and injustice are intentionally visually unrepresented in favor of pictures of trees, animals, mountains, and even fruit. Through such legislation as The 50 States Commemorative Coin Program Act of 1997 [Public Law 105-124], The Native American $1 Coin Act of 2007 [Public Law 110-82], and The District of Columbia and United States Territories Quarters Program under the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2008 [H.R. 2764], coins are being issued as legal statements of who we as Americans are and where we have come from.
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Florenzano, Maria Beatriz Borba. "Coins and cultural contact: adoption and use of metal coins by non-Greeks in ancient Calabria (6th- 5th centuries BC.)." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 33 (December 12, 2019): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2019.169438.
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We are all familiar with the main questions involved in the adoption and use of coined metal by the Greeks back in the 6th-5th centuries BC; questions such as the steps in the expansion in the Mediterranean area of the habit of coining; abstract value and concrete value; intrinsic value and “fiduciarity” of coined money and so forth. In this short paper, our intention is to focus attention on coin and metal finds in general (hoards, excavations, sporadic findings) in Southern Italy during the 8th- 5th centuries BC our case study intends to call attention to the ways of contact between the apoikiai and non-Greeks communities showing how the expansion of coinage promoted cultural change in this area and period specially as far as the notion of value goes.
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Morgan, Kathryn. "Paying the Price: Contextualizing Exchange in Phaedo 69a–c." Rhizomata 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rhiz-2020-0011.
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Abstract This paper uses a problematic passage at Phaedo 69a–c as a case study to explore the advantages we can gain by reading Plato in his cultural context. Socrates argues that the common conception of courage is strange: people fear death, but endure it because they are afraid of greater evils. They are thus brave through fear. He proposes that we should not exchange greater pleasures, pains, and fears for lesser, like coins, but that there is the only correct coin, for which we must exchange all these things: wisdom (phronēsis). Commentators have been puzzled by the precise nature of the exchange envisaged here, sometimes labelling the coinage metaphor as inept, sometimes describing this stretch of argument as “religious” and thus not to be taken seriously. The body of the paper looks at (1) the connection between money and somatic materialism, (2) the incommensurability in Plato of financial and ethical orders, (3) financial metaphors outside Plato that connect coinage with ethics, (4) intrinsic and use values in ancient coinage, and (5) Athenian laws on coinage, weights, and measures that reflect anxiety about debased coins in the fifth and early fourth centuries. It sees the Phaedo passage as the product of a sociopolitical climate which facilitated the consideration of coinage as an embodiment of a value system and which connected counterfeit or debased currency with debased ethical types. Athenians in the early fourth century were much concerned with issues of commensurability between different currencies and with problems of debasement and counterfeiting; understanding this makes Socrates’ use of coinage metaphors less puzzling. Both the metaphor of coinage and the other metaphors in this passage of the Phaedo (painting and initiation) engage with ideas of purity, genuineness, and deception. Taken as a group, these metaphors cover a large area of contemporary popular culture and are used to illustrate a disjunction between popular and philosophical ways of looking at value.
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Emery, Jacob. "Species of Legitimacy: The Rhetoric of Succession around Russian Coins." Slavic Review 75, no. 1 (2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.75.1.1.
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Numismatic advertisements of competing claims to the title of grand prince served as a useful propaganda medium during the Muscovite succession struggles of the 1400s but also yielded a persistent slippage between coins' function of proclaiming political legitimacy and conferring that legitimacy. This article outlines the mutually symbolizing relation between coinage and succession in the cultural imagination of the Daniilovich dynasty and beyond. It focuses on verbal tropes, succession practices, and economic functions by turns in order to elucidate the rhetorical matrix that identified the legitimacy of the tsar and of money and to sketch out its evolving applications. First, I read passages from Ivan IV's first letter to Prince Kurbskii to show how the tsar conceived of usurpation as a falsified succession suggestive of falsified coin. Then, I treat early Muscovite coins that articulated family relationships, especially conflicts between primogenitary and collateral principles of inheritance. Finally, I relate the sovereign to the material artifact of money, particularly coins representing him as a mintmaster or as an executioner poised to punish counterfeiters, in order to contextualize efforts by enemies of the state to command numismatic symbols. In all of these contexts, the perception of legitimate succession is intertwined with a currency of signs and the circulation of specie.
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Williams, J. "Coins as Money. Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 BC to AD 700. K W Harl." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.454.
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Choref, Mikhail M. "Fake cast florins from Kezlev." Crimean Historical Review, no. 2 (2020): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2020.2.161-171.
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It is not for the first century already, that the composition of the monetary circulation of the Crimean Khanate in different periods of its history has been studied. As a result was developed an objective and largely consistent scheme of attribution and dating of its coins. But on the territory of the Khanate were not developed only local issues. Coins of the Ottomans, Moscow state, as well as of European rulers came in abundance on its lands, including and colonial coinage. Evidence of their active use has been preserved in the materials of Kadiasker books. Those books give information about the banknotes, their fluctuations and their rates against the Crimean and Ottoman currencies. However, there is hardly any reason to believe that we know everything about those means of payment. Indeed, the problem of circulation of both, imported and counterfeit coins made in the Crimean Khanate, has not still been properly studied. We believe that the issue of replicas was due to the high demand for large silver coins both on the territory of the Crimean Khanate and beyond, on the lands of the Moscow state. The problem was complicated by the fact that the Crimean khans, before Shahin Giray, could not mint money of great dignity because of the restrictions, imposed on their vassals by the Ottoman sultans. At the same time, the Crimea was an important element of the “Turkish path”, through which silver entered the Moscow state. Thus, the deficit of a large coin in it was very noticeable. In turn, the movement of large volumes of precious metal across the territory of the khanate facilitated the task of importing or producing on the spot fake coins that came to end consumers along with real money. And, indeed, we were able to identify cast imitations of the florins of Zwolle and the county of Oldenburg. They were discovered on the territory of medieval Kezlev. Judged by the primitiveness of technology and low quality of products, we believe that these replicas could not be delivered to the peninsula. Most likely, we should talk about local imitations. We give an affirmative answer to the question of the possibility of issuing replicas of a European coin on the territory of the Crimean Khanate.
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Solovyov, Sergei. "Monetary Circulation and the Political History of Archaic Borysthenes." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 12, no. 1-2 (2006): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005706777968933.
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AbstractThe paper is devoted to the monetary circulation of Borysthenes, which was founded in the lower reaches of the rivers Hypanis and Borysthenes, and was one of the earliest Milesian colonies in the northern Black Sea area. In the second half of the 6th century BC, its monetary production consisted of cast bronze coins in the shape of small 'arrowheads' and large trapezoid segments with relief images of an arrowhead and a head of tuna fish on the both sides. If 'arrowhead' money was widespread in the region previously, the segments were found on Berezan and in its vicinity only. The issue of such money, especially those of large face-values, was the purposeful demarche of Borysthenes in the development of its own coin denomination based both on 'arrowheads' and on the weight standard of Cyzicus' coinage. Authorities of the polis appeared to attempt to underline the connection of the new money with the Phocaean weight standard or Cyzicus' coins, taking into account the major orientation of Borysthenes' economy, which was mainly based on trading and handicraft. However, both 'arrowheads' and segments were only the mark of value exchange at a conditional rate. Other cast money of the region in the Late Archaic period was 'dolphins'. They appeared to be the first Olbia polis coins. The foundation of Olbia followed Borysthenes, when, in the last quarter of the 6th century BC, a significant group of new colonists arrived to the region. The social conflict between the first settlers and the newcomers expressed in the form of a dispute between worshippers of Apollo the Healer and Apollo Delphinios. The recovery of social peace in the region was owed to an oracle of Apollo of Didyma; its text was found on Berezan. The expression of the peaceful coexistence of two forms of the cult and two groups of the settlers was obviously permitting the equivalent circulation of different polis coin forms, which were those of 'arrowheads' and 'dolphins' probably authorized by the temples of the two deities. Their symbolism was directly connected to the cults of Apollo the Healer and Apollo Delphinios, who was the patron of the Milesian colonies. Due to military and political instability in the steppe zone of the northern Black Sea area in the second and third quarters of the 5th century BC, Borysthenes lost its political independence, and was transformed into an emporion dependant on the Olbia polis, forfeiting its right to issue its own money. Some part of Borysthenes' population appeared to resettle to Kerkinitis in the northwestern Crimea, which started to issue cast cooper 'arrowhead-fish' and 'arrowhead' money in the 5th century BC.
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Nuzhdin, Oleg I. "How Can Money Conquer France? On the Question about the Monetary Policy of King Henry V in 1415–1422." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.065.
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This article studies the peculiarities of the monetary policy of English king Henry V in the territories of the Kingdom of France occupied by him between 1415 and 1422. The purpose of the study is to establish its influence on the state of finance in France and, first of all, on the sharp depreciation of silver money following the defeat. Within the framework of English politics, two stages can be clearly traced: the first one lasted from 1415 to 1420, when monetary policy was indirect in nature, influencing the French economy by the fact of conquest and becoming an additional factor in the aggravation of the domestic political struggle, and the other one lasted from 1420 to 1422 and was connected with the intention of Henry V as regent of the Kingdom of France, to bring the financial system into relative order. The author refers to French and English chronicles, The Diary of a Parisian Citizen, as well as the ordinances of the kings of France, which reflected the peculiarities of the monetary policy, more particularly, changes in the exchange rate and weight of silver coins and attempts to carry out reforms. The study carried out makes it possible to find out that the depreciation of the French silver coin was associated with the beginning of the British conquest of Normandy and the transfer of mints located there. A sharp drop in the money rate occurred after the transfer of Paris into the hands of the Burgundians and the formation in the fall of 1418 of an independent financial administration in the south of France under the control of the dauphin. On the contrary, some stabilisation followed the conclusion of the Treaty of Troyes, and the General States adopted a course towards reforms in December 1420. The author determines the stages of the reform and the reasons for its delay. These include: the lack of control over all the mints of the kingdom, the lack of coin metal and the required number of qualified personnel. Finally, the premature death of Henry V in the summer of 1422 did not allow the completion of the monetary reform.
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Matthee, Rudi. "MINT CONSOLIDATION AND THE WORSENING OF THE LATE SAFAVID COINAGE: THE MINT OF HUWAYZA." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 44, no. 4 (2001): 505–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685200160052603.
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AbstractThe provincial town of Huwayza in Arabistan/Khuzistan, southwestern Iran, was a minting center from the early days of the Safavid period. Huwayza became an especially productive mint in the course of the seventeenth century, issuing a silver coinage, the mahmudi, that became the most widely circulating of all currencies throughout the Persian Gulf basin. A combination of extant mahmudis and written records about these coins permits an analysis that views the coinage of Huwayza through the prism of the economic problems that plagued Iran in the later Safavid period. The focus of the present article is twofold. The first part examines the place of Huwayza in the general consolidation of mints in seventeenth-century Iran and seeks to explain why Arabistan was somewhat of an exception to this trend. Part two makes an effort to substantiate the alleged deterioration of the Huwayza coinage as of the 1660s through numismatic techniques, relates this to the overall monetary situation in the country, and speculates on the causes and reasons for the demise of the Huwayza mahmudi at the turn of the eighteenth century. Huwayza, centre provincial situé en Arabistan/Khuzistan, au sud-ouest de l'Iran, possédait un atelier de monnaie dès le début de l'époque safavide. L'atelier monétaire de Huwayza atteignit son essor productif dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle, avec la frappe d'un monnayage d'argent, le mahmudi, qui devint la monnaie la plus repandue dans le bassin entier du golfe Persique et jusqu'aux côtes occidentales de l'Inde. L'étude des pièces de monnaie preservées et des données écrites qui leur sont consacrées, nous permet d'analyser le mahmudi de Huwayza à la lumière des difficultés économiques qui accablaient l'Iran vers la fin de l'époque safavide. Le présent article a un double objectif. La première partie s'interroge sur la place de Huwayza dans l'unification des ateliers de frappe iraniens au XVIIe siècle, et sur les raisons pour lesquelles Huwayza ne s'était pas conformé à cette tendance générale. La seconde partie tente de vérifier, par des techniques numismatiques, la détérioration prétendue de la monnaie de Huwayza à partir de 1660. Enfin, en établissant un rapport entre le mahmudi de Huwayza et les conditions monétaires générales dans le pays, nous évoquons les causes de l'arrêt de l'émission de cette monnaie au tournant du XVIIIe siècle.
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Kallmes, Kevin. "Imperial Monetary Policy and Social Reaction in Third Century Rome." Journal des Économistes et des Études Humaines 24, no. 1 (October 13, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jeeh-2017-0002.
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Abstract In the third century AD, under the pressure of plagues, external invasion, rising army costs, and usurpation, the Roman emperors incrementally debased the silver coinage that was produced at their imperial mints and incrementally took over civic mints. The debasement, from 2.7 g of silver to 0.04 g of silver in the equivalent of a denarius from 160–274 ad, was accompanied by worries from emperors, mint-workers, and bankers about the value of the currency; however, the total loss of purchasing power of the Roman coinage from the same era was 50–70 %, far less than would be expected from the change in metallic content, if it were the primary source of value. The currency reform of Aurelian in 274 ad, despite raising metallic values of coins, was followed by at least a 90 % reduction in the purchasing power of the silver coinage from 274–301 ad, the year of Diocletian’s Edict on Maximum Prices, showing a paradoxically inverse relationship between metallic value and purchasing power. Based on this quandary, I argue that the Roman silver coinage of the third century CE became a fiat currency in some respects, deriving its guarantee from imperial iconography and assurances rather than from bullion value. The fiat nature of the silver coinage was largely present in usage as a medium of exchange for those without as much long-term interest in maintaining liquid stores of value; this is indicated by the differential debasement of the denarius and aureus; imperial actions and hoarding practices indicate the extent to which the currency was accepted at nominal value. I examine the reactions of different social groups in order to determine the perceived value of the Roman coinage during this time, and in order to understand the paradoxical collapse in the currency’s value in the late third century. To demonstrate this, I will present the applicable elements of the modern concept of “fiat” to this context through portrayal of emperors and usurpers on coins, use coin hoard data to determine the effect of Gresham’s Law, and examine historical and papyrological accounts of currency reforms. I will also use evidence of the expansion of taxes in kind and the rejection of nominal value by both emperor and subjects to argue that the inflation following Aurelian’s reform resulted from an invalidation of the trust in imperial fiat.
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Кожокару, В. "Несколько замечаний о монетах как средстве обмена между денежной и престижной экономикой в Северо-Западном Причерноморье." Archaeological news 29 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2020-29-322-333.
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In the context of the dichotomy “nomadic-settled”, in the first part of the papers the research focuses on arrowheads with monetary value. In the second part, the author considers the so-called “Scythian” coins, which attest the attempt of several dynasts with Iranian names to legitimate their rule through the medium of Greek coinage. Finally, some remarks about the functions of the money in the North-Western Black Sea Area on various levels (circulation, transformation and deposition) in archaic, classical and Hellenistic times are added.
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Скворцов, К. Н., and М. М. Чореф. "TREASURE OF ROMAN COINS MELNIKOVO-1." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 12(12) (July 23, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2713-2021.2021.12.12.001.
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Объектом изучения стал клад римских монет, обнаруженный к юго-западу от автодороги Мельниково—Каштановка. Он был схоронен в деревянном ящике с бронзовыми ручками. Сокровище состояло из латунных монет италийского чекана. Большая их часть значительно изношена. Многие монеты так сильно потерты, что значительно потеряли в весе. Но, судя по факту их обнаружения в составе клада, их продолжали ценить. Приходим к выводу, что объект нашего исследования не являлся скоплением металлических предметов, ценимых за материал, из которого они были изготовлены. Он представляет собой денежное сокровище, составленное из хорошо известных в регионе платежных средств. Полагаем, что римская латунная монета в изобилии поступала в регион при императорах «золотого века» в обмен за янтарь. Заключаем, что население самбийско-натангийской культуры ценило разменные деньги римского чекана как средства платежа и накопления. The object of the study was a hoard of Roman coins discovered to the Southwest of the Melnikovo—Kashtanovka highway. He was buried in a wooden box with bronze handles. The treasure consisted of brass coins of the Italic minting. Most of them are significantly worn out. Many coins are so badly worn that they have lost significant weight. But, judging by the fact of their discovery in the treasure, they continued to be appreciated. We come to the conclusion that the object of our research was not a collection of metal objects valued for the material from which they were made. It is a treasure of money, made up of well-known means of payment in the region. We believe that Roman brass coins came to the region in abundance under the emperors of the “golden age” in exchange for amber. We conclude that the population of the Sambian-Natangian culture valued the change money of the Roman coinage as a means of payment and accumulation.
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Ilkić, Mato. "Numizmatički nalazi iz dijela antičkog kompleksa u Caskoj - katastarska čestica 1941/24." Archaeologia Adriatica 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/archeo.1066.
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Northern part of the island of Pag has been a challenge for archaeological science as several important and rich sites are situated in this region. One of them is about 3 km east of Novalja, in the Bay of Caska. In the last ten years in the series of archaeological explorations significant remains of Roman settlement and necropolis were discovered. Abundant numismatic material was found in these excavations, among other finds. On this occasion I would like to present Roman coins which were unearthed in 2005 and 2006 during archaeological excavations on the plot of Juraj Palčić (cadastral plot 1941/24) in Caska where remains of a complex Roman residential object were explored under the leadership of Goran Skelac. Thirteen pieces of the Roman currency were discovered in trenches. A half of a split coin probably belongs to the period of the Roman Republic (cat. no. 1). Due to poor state of preservation it cannot be dated with certainty. A well preserved bronze coin belongs to the final period of the Roman Republic (cat. no. 2). Two busts are depicted on its front side: Caesar with a wreath on his head and bare-headed Octavian. This dupondius was made in the Lugdunum (Lyon) mint. To my best knowledge, this Gallic provincial coin from approximately 36 BC is the first such find from the territory of ancient Liburnia. Then, there was also an August's as from the mint in Rome (cat. no. 3). Sex. Nonius Quinctilianus, a monetary official from the year 6 BC is mentioned in the legend at the reverse. As with a depiction of the first Roman emperor and mention of C. Marcius Censorinus was also discovered at this site in Caska (cat. no. 4). Since Censorinus was a monetary official in 18 BC who supervised minting of sesterces and dupondii only, according to the standard catalogue Roman Imperial Coinage, as with his name is probably an early imperial forgery. Following numismatic finds belong to the beginning of the second half of the 3rd century: two antoniniani from the mint in Rome with depictions of the Emperor Gallienus (cat. no. 5) and his wife Salonina (cat. no. 6). Seven coins belong to the Late Antiquity. One of them is from the period of Constantine the Great (cat. no. 7). Coin with a depiction of Caesar Constantine II, his son, is dated to the last two years of his father's reign (cat. no. 9). A coin with posthumous depiction of Constantine the Great belongs to the first decade of independent reign of his sons (cat. no. 8). Four coins belong to the period around mid-fourth century. One of them was minted in Siscia, under the Emperor Constans. Phoenix, a firebird symbolizing immortality i.e. resurrection is on the reverse (cat. no. 10). The last three coins were minted during the Emperor Constantius II. A distinctly military theme is depicted on their reverses: a Roman soldier strikes enemy on a horse with a spear (cat. no. 11-13). As a whole this numismatic assemblage contributes to a more precise chronological determination of this complex Roman residential object in Caska. It is also important for better understanding of money circulation in the region of ancient Liburnia. I would like to dedicate this article with best wishes to a dear friend and colleague, Professor Janko Belošević.