Journal articles on the topic 'Coins, Serbian'

From the Ottoman conquest in 1459 to the monetary reform launched in 1868 Serbia was under the full monetary suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire and did not have the right to mint her own coinage. The first half of the nineteenth century, however, saw the first signs of monetary autonomy. When in 1815 the Porte granted Serbian authorities the right to collect taxes, currency exchange rate lists began to be issued in Serbia determining the kind and price of foreign currencies acceptable for tax payment. When, in accordance with the hatti-sherifs of 1830 and 1833, Serbia's vassal taxes to the Ottoman Empire were united into a single monetary tribute to be paid annually in gold currencies, a dual accounting monetary unit was introduced as protection from Ottoman debased silver currency. A true monetary autonomy, however, was only achieved with the monetary reform carried out between 1868 and 1880, when a limping gold standard in accordance with the standards of the Latin Monetary Union was introduced de iure. After more than four centuries of using only foreign currencies in circulation, the minting of silver coins was reestablished in Serbia and a Serbian gold coin was minted for the first time. While adopting the minting standards of the Latin Monetary Union Serbia had never become a member.

The paper explores the phenomenon of secondary usage of Roman coins (2nd to 4th century) in medieval necropolises (10th to 15th century) in the territory of Serbia. The research is focused upon the graves in which the coins are used as ornaments on the costume of the deceased, most frequently reshaped as pendants. This type of secondary usage is only registered in female graves. The paper aims to suggest the interpretation of this phenomenon via the analysis of value and importance of secondarily used coins in the formation of family treasures, defined in important and critical moments of the social life. The possibility is explored of the graves in which female individuals were buried with parts of their dowry. The construction of meaning of these objects is analysed through their exchange in the customs linked to marriage and, finally, funerary practices. Since the Roman coins are scarce and exclusively made of bronze, it may be concluded that the definition of their value and importance is based upon the symbolic and representational levels. The starting point of the paper is the concept of the social biography of objects, in order to further investigate the link between the Serbian medieval social structure and evaluation of the coins in rural communities of the Central Balkans.

The paper provides a review of the activities of the Ministry of Finance and the National Bank of Yugoslavia in the period from 1931 to 1941, during which the 50-dinar banknote was prepared, printed and, after almost ten years of waiting, put into circulation for a short amount of time. The preparations for the production of the 50-dinar banknote, which bears the date 1 December 1931, began at the beginning of the same year. The banknote was made for the event of an emergency situation in the country, when silver coins disappear from circulation, to replace those coins, and to enable unhindered cash circulation. It was released on 8 April 1941, when the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was already at war, in the total amount of 30,792,000 pieces. The National Bank only put a small part of that into circulation, and destroyed a larger part, but the occupying forces also used it for payments in the country. The withdrawal from circulation was carried out by the Serbian National Bank in the occupied Serbia, from 14 to 22 October 1941.

While the first two chapters of Doucas's historical work present a meagre outline of world history - a sketch which becomes a little more detailed from 1261 on, when the narration reaches the history of the Turks and their conquests in Asia Minor - the third chapter deals with the well-known battle of Kosovo, which took place in 1389. From that point on, the Byzantine historian gives much important information on Serbia, as well as on the Ottoman advances in the Balkans, and thus embarks upon his central theme - the rise of the Turks and the decline of Byzantium. Doucas considers the battle of Kosovo a key event in the subjugation of the Balkan peoples by the Turks, and he shows that after the battle of Kosovo the Serbs were the first to suffer that fate. At the beginning, Doucas says that after the death of Orhan, the ruler (o archgos) of the Turks, his son and successor Murad conquered the Thracian towns, Adrianople and the whole Thessaly, so that he mastered almost all the lands of the Byzantines, and finally reached the Triballi (Triballous). He devastated many of their towns and villages sending the enslaved population beyond Chersonesus, until Lazar, son of King Stefan of Serbia (Serbias), who ruled (kraley?n) in Serbia at that time decided to oppose him with all the might he could muster. The Serbs were often called Triballi by Byzantine authors. For the fourteenth century writers Pachymeres, Gregoras, Metochites and Kantakouzenos the Serbs were Triballi. However, Pachymeres and Gregoras refer to the rulers of the Triballi as the rulers of Serbia. Fifteenth century writers, primarily Chalcondyles and Critobulos, use only that name. It seems, nevertheless, that Doucas makes a distinction between the Triballi and the Serbs. As it is known, the conquest of the Serbian lands by the Turks began after the battle on the river Marica in 1371. By 1387. the Turks had mastered Serres(1388) Bitola and Stip (1385), Sofia (1385), Nis (1386) and several other towns. Thus parts of Macedonia, Bulgaria and even of Serbia proper were reduced by the Turks by 1387. For Doucas, however, this is the territory inhabited by the Triballi. After the exposition of the events on Kosovo, Doucas inserts an account of the dispute of John Kantakouzenos and the regency on behalf of John V, which had taken place, as it is known, long before 1389. At the beginning of his description of the civil war, Doucas says that by dividing the empire Kantakouzenos made it possible for the Turks to devastate not only all the lands under Roman rule, but also the territories of the Triballi Moesians and Albanians and other western peoples. The author goes on to narrate that Kantakouzenos established friendly relations with the king Stefan Du{an, and reached an agreement with him concerning the fortresses towns and provinces of the unlucky Empire of the Romaioi, so that, instead of giving them over to the Roman lords, he surrendered them to barbarians, the Triballi and the Serbs (Triballoys te kai Serbous). When he speaks later how the Tatars treated the captives after the battle of Angora in 1402, Doucas points out that the Divine Law, honored from times immemorial not only among the Romaioi, but also among the Persians, the Triballi and the Scythians (as he calls Timur's Tatars), permitted only plunder, not the taking of captives or any executions outside the battlefield when the enemy belonged to the same faith. Finally, when he speaks of the conflict between Murad II and Juneid in Asia Minor, Doucas mentions a certain Kelpaxis, a man belonging to the people of the Triballi, who took over from Juneid the rule over Ephesus and Ionia. It seems, therefore, that Doucas, when he speaks of the land of the Triballi he has in mind a broad ethnical territory in the Balkans, which was obviously not settled by the Serbs only or even by the Slavs only. According to him Kelpaxis (Kelpaz?sis) also belonged to the Triballi, although the name can hardly be of Slavonic, i.e. Serbian origin. On the other hand, he is definitely aware of Serbia, a state which had left substantial traces in the works of Byzantine authors, particularly from the time when it usurped (according to the Byzantine view) the Empire. Writing a whole century after Dusan's coronation as emperor, Doucas is not willing, as we shall see later to recognize this usurpation. Although he ascribes to Serbia, in conformity with the Byzantine conception of tazis, a different rank, he considers Serbia and the Serbs, as they are generally called in his work (particularly when he describes the events after the Battle of Kosovo) an important factor in the struggle against the Turks. Therefore he makes a fairly accurate distinction between the Serbs and the other Triballi. In his case, the term may in fact serve as a geographical designation for the territory settled by many peoples, including the Serbs. When he uses specific titles and when he speaks of the degrees of authority conveyed by them in individual territories Doucas is anxious to prove himself a worthy scion of the Romaioi, who considered that they had the exclusive right to the primacy in the Christian hierarchy with the Roman emperor at its top. He makes distinctions of rank between individual rulers. The Emperor in Constantinople is for him the only emperor of the Romans (basileys t?n R?mai?n). King Sigismund of Hungary is also styled emperor, but as basileys t?n R?man?n, meaning Latin Christians. The last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI Dragas Palaleologus is not recognized as an emperor, and the author calls his rule a despotic rule (despoteia). He has a similar view of the Serbs. Thus he says, erroneously that Lazar was the son of King Stefan of Serbia (yios Stefanoy toy kral? Serbias) and that he ruled Serbia at that time (o tote t?n Serbian kraley?n). Elsewhere, Doucas explains his attitude and says that o t?n Serb?n archgos etolm?sen anadusasthai kratos kai kral?s onomazesthai. Toyto gar to barbaron onoma exell?nizomenon basileys erm?neyetai. Lazar exercises royal power (kraley?n) in Serbia, which is appropriate, for the author thinks erroneously that Lazar was the son and successor of King Stefan Du{an. It is significant that he derives the werb kraley? from the Serbian title 'kralj', i.e. from the title which never existed in the Byzantine Empire. Moreover, there is no mention of this werb in any other Byzantine text. When he narrates how Serbia fell under the Turkish rule in 1439, Doucas says that Despot Djuradj Brankovic seeing his ravaged despotate (despoteian), went to the King of Hungary hoping to get aid from him. There can be no doubt that the term despoteia here refers to the territory ruled by Despot Djuradj Brankovic. Doucas correctly styles the Serbian rulers after 1402 as despots. The space he devotes to Serbia in his work, as well as the manner in which he speaks of it, seems to indicate, however, that he regarded it, together with Hungary as a obstacle of the further Turkish conquests in the Balkans. Doucas's text indicates that Serbia, though incomparably weaker than in the time of Dusan's mighty empire, was in fact the only remaining more or less integral state in the Peninsula. The riches of Serbia and, consequently, of its despots, is stressed in a number of passages. Almost at the very beginning Doucas says that Bayezid seized 'a sufficient quantity of silver talents from the mines of Serbia' after the Battle of Kosovo. When Murad II conducted negotiations with Despot Djuradj for his marriage with the Despot's daughter Mara, Doucas writes, no one could guess how many 'gold and silver talents' he took. Doucas also says that the Despot began to build the Smederevo fortress with Murad's permission. The building of a fortress has never been an easy undertaking and if we bear in mind that Despot Djuradj built the part of the Smederevo fortress called 'Mali Grad' (Small fortress) in two years only, we realize that his economic power was really considerable. When Fadulah, the counselor of Murad II, sought to persuade his lord to occupy Serbia, he stressed the good position of the country, particularly of Smederevo, and the country's abundant sources of silver and gold, which would enable Murad not only to conquer Hungary, but also to advance as far as Italy. After Mehmed II captured Constantinople, the Serbs undertook to pay an annual tribute of 12.000 gold coins, more than the despots of Mistra, the lords of Chios Mitylene or the Emperor of Trebizond. Already in 1454 the Despot's men brought the tribute to Mehmed II and also ransomed their captives. Critobulos's superb description of Serbia is the best testimony that this was not only Doucas's impression: 'Its greatest advantage, in which it surpasses the other countries, is that it produces gold and silver? They are mined everywhere in that region, which has rich veins of both gold and silver, more abundant than those of India. The country of the Triballi was indeed fortunate in this respect from the very beginning and it was proud of its riches and its might. It was a kingdom with numerous flourishing towns and strong and impregnable fortresses. It was also rich in soldiers and armies as well as in good equipment. It had citizens of the noblest rank and it brought up many youths who had the strength of adult men. It was admired and famous, but it was also envied, so that is was not only loved of many, but also disliked by many people who sought to harm It'. It is no wonder that George Sphrantzes once complains that Christians failed to send aid to Constantinople and that he singles out for particular blame that 'miserable despot, who did not realize that once the head is removed, the limbs, too disappear'. It may be said, therefore, that Doucas regarded Serbia as one of the few remaining allies of at least some ability to stem the Turkish advances, and that this opinion was primarily based on its economic resources. Serbia was clearly distinguished as a state structure, as opposed to most of the remaining parts of the Peninsula, inhabited by peoples which Doucas does not seem to differentiate precisely. According to him, the authority over a particular territory issued from the ruler's title, the title of despot, which was first in importance after the imperial title, also determined the rank of Serbia in the Byzantine theory of hierarchy of states. Doucas's testimony also shows that this theory not only endured until the collapse of the Empire, but that it also persisted even in the consciousness of the people who survived its fall.

The medieval settlement on the Rudnik Mountain was established, most probably, in the final decades of the 13th century. Soon it evolved into one of the best known mining and commercial centres in the Serbian state and reached its peak during the 14th and in the first half of the 15th century. The importance of Rudnik in the medieval period is confirmed by numerous material traces in the field. The most important discoveries in the course of archaeological investigations carried out since 2009 have been encountered in the area called Drenje, not far from the centre of the town of Rudnik (figs. 1, 2).Three churches (two Orthodox and one Roman Catholic), as well as many profane structures dated to the time of a thriving medieval Rudnik have so far been discovered. It indicates that in that area are the remains of the main settlement and the medieval market place of Rudnik, known from written sources. Among other structures at the site of Drenje, in the garden of S. Markovi}, the remains of rather a large building consisting, according to present data, of at least two rooms, have been investigated during the past three years (fig. 3). Important for dating the structure is a coin of the Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387-1437), discovered on the floor. Traces of an earlier phase of life were encountered under the structure (fig. 5). Coins have been found in two earlier pits. In the soil inside pit 11 a coin of the Hungarian king Charles Robert (1308-1342) was found, while in the top level of pit 2 a coin attributed to Prince Lazar (around 1370-1389) was found. Also from pit 2 came a, so far, unique archaeological find in our territory. It has been explained as a seal-die used for producing seals (fig, 7, 8). The representation in the central field and the contents of the inscription bear witness to the fact that the seal-die belonged to Prince Lazar. A helmet with bull horns engraved on the front side is understood to be the coat of arms of Prince Lazar, also used by his successors. The central field is surrounded by two concentric circles and between them is a circular inscription (fig. 9): + SI ? HARB GDNA KNEZA LAZARA SVE SRBSKE ZEMLE Translation of the inscription: + this is the grace of Lord Prince Lazar of the whole Serbian lands A seal stamped using the seal-die from Rudnik has not yet been found. The content of the inscription on the Rudnik sealdie is also quite unusual and unique. The word har? is translated to mean grace, a word that has not been recorded on any other stamp to date. On the other hand, the word grace has a distinct meaning in Serbian charters, denoting the legal activity of specific contents by which the ruler awarded nobles, the Church, market-towns, etc. The ruler?s grace as a legal act of distinct content must have been apparent and public and, as evidence of this grace, there would have been a distinct document. The very word grace is used in the documents as the name for a legal public document by which rulers ?created grace?, ?made grace? or allowed something by their grace. Taking this into account, it could be concluded that any seal stamped with the Rudnik sealdie as a means of notarisation of the document confirmed that the document represented the ruler?s grace in the sense of a valid legal public document. Considering the shape and size of the seal-die, it could be ascribed to the seal-die group for which it is characteristic that the seal was obtained not by impressing the seal-die in wax but by pressing the wax onto the seal-die, disregarding whether it was an applied or hanging seal. Supporting this assumption is the existence of small notches in the bottom corners of the Rudnik seal-die that were most probably used for connecting to the top part, making possible a better stamping of the seal, possibly even allowing the seal to have representations on both sides. The seal-die is dated from the time of Lazar?s rule over Rudnik, between 1373 and 1389. Mentioned in the inscription is the rule of Prince Lazar over all Serbian lands, suggesting that the date of the seal-die could be fixed in the final decade of Lazar?s life. It was most probably buried in 1390, during the time of King Sigismund?s attack on Serbia. One of the most important theatres of war in that campaign was the Rudnik region.

The preserved presentations of the Byzantine basileis of the XIII, XIV and XV centuries show that the creators of the late Byzantine monarchical portraits adhered to certain traditional rules when selecting the personages from the ruling house, which they were to portray. Defining which figures were to be depicted in the portrayal of power depended to a large extent on the changing circumstances and events in the imperial house. However, at the same time this was also based on a significantly more profound conception that rested on principles that had evolved in the course of a long history. The understanding of who could personify power was refracted through the prism of ideology and reflected in carefully shaped iconographic matrices. The omission of the images of certain members of the ruler's house, just as much as their inclusion, carried a certain meaning, as did the hierarchical arrangement of those who were portrayed. Generally speaking, this depended on the degree of their kinship with the sovereign, their sex, titles or dignities, and the connection of the members of the dynasty with the emperor's particular marriage. Therefore, one can rather clearly distinguish certain constants, if not rules, according to which some figures were omitted and others included, and, the specific changes that occurred from the end of the Middle Byzantine period till the fall of the Empire. The development of a unique kind of feudalism played a particular role in the specific characteristics in determining who was to appear in the monarchical portraits of the Palaiologan epoch in Byzantium and the states in its neighbourhood. As the preserved portrait ensembles and known written testimonies indicate, we find the images of the rulers' daughters did not feature in presentations of the 'emperors of the Romans' from the Late Byzantine period. In the Palaiologan epoch, they did not participate in the governing of the state nor were they taken into consideration in plans for succession to the throne. In the earlier period of Byzantine history, slightly different circumstances and views prevailed. That is why, owing to some specific circumstances, the emperor's daughters were sometimes depicted in the portraits of the imperial family. However, from the time of the Komnenoi when the medieval dynastic awareness finally asserted itself in Byzantium, the images of the emperor's female progeny practically vanished from the pictures of those who wielded supreme authority. The custom of omitting the figures of the emperors' daughters from the presentations of the ruling houses was also accepted and rather strictly obeyed for a long time in the portraiture of the neighbouring Orthodox Christian countries. In Serbia, this was disregarded only till just before the state collapsed, while in Bulgaria, exceptions to this rule were observed a little earlier. This was the result of accepting the ideological and iconographic models that were distinctive for the nobility, at the height of the feudal period. The images of daughters-in-law had always been omitted even more consistently than in the case of the figures of daughters in the monarchical presentations of the Byzantine and other Orthodox Christian rulers. As a rule, they were not depicted close to the image of the sovereign, even when they were the wives of the proclaimed and even crowned co-rulers, and successors to the throne. It is very probable that this custom survived into the Palaiologan era even though there are some signs that in Byzantium, this rule may have been disregarded in some cases. The figures of sovereigns' wives and sons had a significantly different status from the images of daughters and daughters-in-law. As a rule, they played an essential and customary role in the monarchical presentation because the rulers' wives and male successors had a stake in authority, in its transfer and succession. Still, it often happened that even wives and sons were omitted from such a presentation - all or some of them. The principle of presenting the individual portraits of emperors was inaugurated in early Byzantium and later, was continually applied even when depicting rulers who were married and had numerous offspring. Different factors could have influenced the decision to depict the monarch alone, even trivial factors. Nonetheless, when insisting on the individual image of the emperor, the ideology upon which this image was based was crucial. The separate portrait of the supreme ruler best explained the iconic essence of monarchical power as a reflection of the King of Heaven and brought to the forefront the exclusivity of the emperor's mimetic collusion with the divine source of power. That is why such a presentation was able to represent the idea and the authority of all earthly majesty through the image of one anointed man. The introduction in the monarchical portrait of the ruler's sons, who were not crowned or proclaimed co-emperors, is a very interesting phenomenon that was characteristic of monumental and miniature painting in the Palaiologan epoch. In the Middle Byzantine period, only those male descendents, who had the status of co-rulers and were crowned, were depicted next to the imperial sovereign. The custom of including uncrowned sons and ruler's sons who had not been initiated in the affairs of state in the presentation of the ruler's house can also be observed from the second half of the XIII to the middle of the XV century in Serbia. It appears that this custom also left traces even in Bulgarian art. On the other hand, the images of the ruler's sons, who had not received the imperial crown, were omitted in the presentations on coins dating from the Palaiologan epoch. Such action was fully in keeping with ancient Byzantine customs in defining the monetary image of authority. An exception could be only one type of coin that many believe to have been produced in the time of Andronikos III, which bore the image of the very young emperor's son, John. Nevertheless, it is more probable that this coin came into being during the regency period, after Andronikos' death in 1341 and the coronation of John V. A little later in the Palaiologan era, however the image of the co-ruler was omitted in the Byzantine monetary image of authority even when he was crowned and bore the title of autokrator. Apparently, the joint presentations of the rulers and co-rulers disappeared completely from Byzantine coins, after the final rupture between John V Palaiologos and John VI Kantakouzenos. In fact, not one of the types of coins bearing the joint images of the ruler and co-ruler has been reliably attributed and classified in this period. Meanwhile, it is important to note that the suppression of the joint presentation of the emperor and co-emperor on Byzantine coins occurred parallel to the unusual appearance of separate co-ruler coins. Separate coins were produced simultaneously by John V and Matthew Kantakouzenos, John V and Andronikos IV, Manuel II and John VII. The production of such coins reflected the complicated political circumstances in the Empire. The situation was affected not only by clashes between the rulers and the co-rulers but also by the periodical assumption of supreme power by the co-rulers, as well as by the later development of Byzantine feudalism. Circumstances characteristic of the later period in Byzantium, which was caught up in a particular process of feudalisation, changed the customs and led to unusual iconographic solutions even in other media. An illustrative example of this is the well-known ivory pixis, which is kept in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in Washington. Displayed on it, despite the customs of long ago, are the two separate imperial families of John VII, and Manuel II, one beside the other. In iconographic terms, this looks less like a presentation of co-rulership and more like a presentation of almost parallel rules. In the Late Byzantine epoch, another peculiarity is that the image of the augusta is only encountered in exceptional circumstances on coins of the Byzantine Empire. Among the numerous empresses from the Palaiologan dynasty, only Anne of Savoy was depicted on coins and this seems to be just from the moment when she became the regent. Meanwhile, on the presentations of the rulers of the Serbian and Bulgarian states, one can follow the iconographic consequences of the dynastic complications caused by the remarriages of the rulers. The monarchical presentations from the period of the kings Milutin and Stefan Decanski, or the emperor John Alexander, show that it was quite hard to assemble the figures of the new wives of the said rulers and the sons of those same rulers from their earlier marriages, who were heirs to the throne near the figure of the state's sovereign ruler. If one desired to present a clear dynastic situation, those persons ruled each other out. Sometimes, the ruler's son from a previous marriage took precedence, while in another case the emphasis was on the new queen and her offspring.

The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the circulation of coinage through an analysis of finds of hoards of ‘Illyrian coins’ from the territory of Greek Illyria in the period from the 4th to the 1st century BC. To this end, hoards from modern-day Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia, that is the maximum territorial extent of the so-called ‘Illyrian state’, were compiled in a catalogue. This catalogue of hoards of Illyrian coins served as a basis for producing dedicated maps which present data in a cumulative form, as well as sorted by date and place of issue. Distribution of finds in relation to terrain and settlement patterns was studied in order to locate concentrations of coins of given centres in different periods. Additionally, important observations concerned places in which coin hoards are absent or very scarce. The catalogue was also useful for tracing patterns in the composition of the hoards – those consisting of coins most commonly minted together and those dominated by coins of differing provenance.

The life-style and politics of Stefan Radoslav bear the mark of activities that indicated his special attachment to the Byzantine world. These activities were prompted by a combination of ideological ambitions and political reality, but they were not in keeping with the modest achievements of Radoslav's reign. Moreover, most of these activities belong to the time when Radoslav was heir to the throne. There is no doubt that Stefan Nemanjic the Grand Zhupan and subsequently the first crowned king, had exclusive connections with the Byzantine dynasty of the Angeloi, especially with the emperor Alexios III (1195-1203). In that context, the donor's inscription in the basic ring of the dome in the Church of the Mother of God in Studenica (1208), in which his father Stefan Nemanja, is mentioned as (former) 'veleslavni gospodin vse srbske zemlje veli(ki) zupan i svat cara grckog kir Alesija', is quite indicative. This ideological construction would acquire a contour in reality by means of a political marriage with one of the female offspring of Angeloi lineage, which would represent an alternative solution to Stefan's failed marriage with Eudocia, daughter of the emperor Alexios. Instead, several years elapsed in waging war with the Latins, the Bulgarians and the State of Epiros. However, efforts to create firmer, more tangible ties with the Angeloi dynasty from Epiros were not forgotten. Therefore, the Serbian monarch brought his eldest son Radoslav into play, intending to have him act as a link with the Angeloi bloodline. As a result of all this, the final attempt to have Radoslav become the husband of a princess from the Angelos dynasty is not surprising. At the end of 1219 or the beginning of 1220, he married Anna Doukaina, the daughter of the epirotic ruler Theodore I Angelos Doukas Komnenos, which at that point represented a marriage connection of the highest possible level between two ruling houses. Stefan's insistence on Serbia acquiring a stake in the Byzantine succession could not have been expressed more clearly. Radoslav now had a solid position in that succession. On his engagement ring we read: '(This is) the engagement ring of Stefan, a descendant of the house of Doukai, and therefore, Anna, of the family of Komnenoi, receive it into your hands'. This brief text should be connected to the most important part of the inscription from the dome in Studenica. The statement of kinship with the Doukai must be interpreted as a statement of kinship with the Angeloi dynasty, that is, with Alexios III Angelos. In the said circumstances, it confirms the identification of the Byzantine emperor depicted in the Mileseva monastery, opposite to the figures of Stefan the First-Crowned and Radoslav, as Alexios III Angelos. Thus Mileseva highlights the ideological significance of the direct linkage of two members of the house of Nemanjic, both the father Stefan and his son Radoslav, to the Angeloi dynasty. The other 'Byzantinisms' of King Radoslav when he became sole ruler understandably rested upon the described foundation. The coins from his time, which, ostensibly, were produced in the Salonika mint of the Epirotic monarchs, were similar to the coins of the house of Angeloi and were marked with the surname Doukas, which also appears in the well known Greek signature on a document from the end of his reign. In historical terms, all of this becomes even more striking because during the subsequent reigns of the other sons of Stefan the First Crowned - Vladislav and Uros I - they distanced themselves entirely from this policy.

In the course of rescue archaeological investigations at the Viminacium necropolis of Vi{e Grobalja in 1984, one anonymous quadrans of the VIII Apollo group was discovered (cat. 1). It was discovered in trench 63 in the immediate vicinity of a grave with an inhumation (G 343) that, besides two pottery vessels, also yielded as grave offerings one as of Faustina the Elder, minted after her death, in AD 141. Other finds presented here are four specimens of Roman mining coins from the private collection of Petar Fajfri} from [abac (cat. 2-5). All specimens come from the well known site of Duge Njive in the area of the village of Banatsko Polje (Bogati} borough) where, by all appearances, are the remains of a vicus or smaller settlement. Five specimens of mining coins from that site have already been published. Both mining coins and anonymous quadrantes represent, in general, rare types of numismatic finds. Nine anonymous quadrantes are known so far from the territory of Serbia (Table 1) and the provenance is known for three specimens from the region of Guberevac-Babe (Kosmaj), housed in the National Museum in Belgrade. All three belong to the Minerva group with an owl facing to the right represented on the reverse. For two more anonymous quadrantes the place of discovery is known: one specimen comes from Singidunum and belongs to the Mercury group and the other that was found at Viminacium and is the subject of this paper is of the Apollo group. There are four more specimens from unknown sites for which it is assumed that they come from the Upper Moesia territory. Two of them are from the Vajfert collection and two from the Kovacevic collection in the National Museum in Belgrade, There has, however, been a somewhat greater number (38) of Roman mining coins discovered in Serbia (Table 1). We know the finding locations of 25 of them: from the Kosmaj area (Babe, Guberevac and Stojnik), the Ibar valley (from the vicinity of Trepca and So~anica), Ritopek, Belgrade and Banovo Polje. We do not know the provenance for the remaining 13 specimens, but it is assumed that they come from the Upper Moesia territory. The anonymous quadrans discovered at the Viminacium necropolis of Vi{e Grobalja belongs, as previously mentioned, to the Apollo group. The only analogous piece known from the territory of Serbia comes from the Kovacevic collection in the National Museum in Belgrade. Most of the known specimens belong to the Minerva group (3), there are two pieces of the Mars group, one of Mercury and one undetermined (Table 1). The anonymous quadrans from Viminacium is the second of its kind discovered along the Upper Moesia section of the Danube limes. The quadrans from Singidunum was found in the zone of the Roman Singidunum harbour and belongs to the Mercury group. Five specimens of mining coins in the Fajfri} collection published earlier belong to the same METAL DELM type with a bust of Diana on the obverse and deer on the reverse. To this group should be added our specimen cat. 2, and as such this type is the best represented group (6) of mining coins from the site of Duge Njive at Banovo Polje. The same group, Metalli Delmatici, also includes cat. 3, which has the head of Mars on the obverse and armour on the reverse. Then there are the two identical quadrantes of the group MetalliAureliani (cat. 4, 5) and their only analogy from the territory of Serbia is the quadrans from the Kosmaj area. The nine specimens of mining coins from the site of Duge Njive at Banovo Polje make up a considerable proportion of the total number of mining coins in Serbia. Their importance is even greater because of the fact that seven METAL DELM specimens are the first of that group for which we know the finding location. Finds of the anonymous quadrans from the Viminacium necropolis of Vi{e Grobalja and the mining coins from Banovo Polje complete the picture of the topography of this kind of numismatic finds. Their publishing is, mainly because of the known provenance, more significant for future investigations.

Building upon the research by Meyer et al. (2007), this study employs risk biographies to evaluate how three ex-Yugoslav pension systems cope with the social exclusion of the elderly. The article simulates pension entitlements in Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia and comes to two broad conclusions. First, the three pension systems that originated from a common legislative base, albeit in countries with marked differences in economic development, now diverge in almost every aspect. Hence, further research should analyse the entire retirement microcosm of the former Yugoslavia and delve deeper into the mechanisms of pension system evolution. Second, the study expounds the pros and cons of the three schemes and argues that none can avoid further reforms. Slovenian public pensions are excessively generous and consequently require fiscal cuts, the Croatian funded tier is too small to complement lower public benefits, and the Serbian arrangements should be a temporary sacrifice to cope with fiscal austerity. The paper complements a traditional overview of the three systems by analysing the problems of each risk biography. It concludes by giving a number of prescriptive recommendations for the future well-being of the elderly in the region.

Most of the necropolis investigated in the Lower Danube basin have been generally dated between the 12th and 14th centuries. However, the grave finds indicate that there are significant differences between certain necropolis and against that background it is apparent that they could not date from the same time period. The main characteristic of the necropolis in Korbovo Vajuga and Prahovo are numerous bracelets and various variants of the earrings with biconical pendants. There were also found the earrings with granulated nodules, hoops with coils of wire on their lower segment and earring with spherical pendant decorated with the pseudo granulation. The necropolis at the sites Svetinja in Stari Kostolac and the cemeteries at Mala Vrbica, Klicevac and Coka Arte are also chronologically close to the above mentioned necropolis. Another group includes the necropolis at which the mentioned finds are entirely lacking. These are the necropolis Kod Groblja in Stari Kostolaca as well as the cemeteries at Cezava, Manastir, Boljetin Ravna, Hajducka Vodenica, Usce Porecke reke, Ljubicevac and Mihajlovac. Between these two groups of clearly distinguished necropolis are the cemeteries at Ribnica and Brza Palanka characterized by the mixed finds known from both groups of the necropolis. The beginning of interment in the cemeteries at Korbovo, Prahovo and Svetinja could be dated not before the second half of the 12th century, while at Vajuga it is more precisely dated in the end of that century. The question is how long these cemeteries could have been in use. The coin finds confirm without doubt that they had been in use during the first decades of the 13th century and the cessation of burying could be related to the Mongolian invasion, which affected these regions in the beginning of the fifth decade of the 13th century at the latest. The gradual disappearance of the earlier jewelry could be observed through the rare finds in the 13th century cemeteries, while they are entirely lacking in the later burials. The changes in the inventory of the necropolis relate also to the appearance of new decorative objects including the jewelry made of small ornamental plates or the earrings shaped as question mark. Generally speaking, these cemeteries are characterized by smaller quantity of grave goods and among them are much more frequent the elements of clothing (buckles, buttons, clasps), which are almost entirely lacking in the earlier cemeteries. It could not be precisely established how long these cemeteries had been in use only on the basis of the grave finds but the cessation of burying could be indirectly related to the Turkish conquest of this part of the Danube valley.

Counterfeiting is one of the oldest and most persistent criminal offences. Scientific and technological development has enabled the emergence of a more modern money manufacturing technology and improvement of money protection systems, though at the same time it broadened the possibilities for criminal offences, notably the production of counterfeits. In the mid-1860s, the money in circulation in the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia was of foreign origin, comprising 43 types of different metal coins and one type of paper money. Gold and silver money of European origin was deemed by the people to be better and ?purer? than Turkish money. In an effort to establish control over the technological process of manufacturing the national currency and at the same time prevent the counterfeiting of money of different types and origin, the Principality of Serbia appointed chemists Mihajlo Raskovic and later Sima Lozanic, as ?examiners of ores and false money?. Almost all counterfeit currencies appeared immediately in circulation in the territory of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia. This paper presents the methods used in the process of identifying false/suspect money, methods used to determine the nominal value of money, the importance of introduction of those scientific methods in the criminal and legal sphere of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia, which can be considered the beginning of the forensic chemistry in Serbia.

Recently, there have arisen some requirements for ?queer inclusion? in schools in Serbia. This article defines the term ?queer inclusion?, presents some experiences in this field in the United States and Britain, and considers the reasons commonly given as ?pros and cons? of queer inclusion. The concluding part argues that effects of queer inclusion in schools are not only positive, that there are many conceptual problems with it, and that perhaps we ought to be much more careful with the campaign for introduction of queer inclusion in the school system in Serbia.

During the 2011 archaeological excavations at the Mali Grad site in Branicevo, a set of at least 16 vessels made of translucent dark-purple glass and decorated with marvered opaque white trails was discovered. This unique glass assemblage, consisting of at least eight bowls, three bottles, two cylindrical flasks and three further vessels which can be possibly attributed to flasks, was found in the most significant archaeological context in the urban centre of Branicevo, in the layer above the floor in House No 4. According to other archaeological finds from the same context, coins in particular, the glass vessel set is dated to the 12th century. Importantly, the finds from Branicevo are so far the earliest securely-dated vessels of this type in the territory of the Byzantine Empire, post-dating the reestablishment of its control over the Balkan Peninsula in the 11th century.

Abstract Background. Endovascular embolization is a treatment of choice for the management of unruptured intracranial aneurysms, but sometimes is complicated with perianeurysmal oedema. The aim of our study was to establish incidence and outcomes of perianeurysmal oedema after endovascular coiling of unruptured intracranial aneurysms, and to reveal possible risk factors for development of this potentially serious complication. Methods. In total 119 adult patients with endovascular embolization of unruptured intracranial aneurysm (performed at Department for Interventional Neuroradiology, Clinical Center, Kragujevac, Serbia) were included in our study. The embolizations were made by electrolite-detachable platinum coils: pure platinum, hydrophilic and combination of platinum and hydrophilic coils. Primary outcome variable was perianeurysmal oedema visualized by magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) 7, 30 and 90 days after the embolization. Results. The perianurysmal oedema appeared in 47.6% of patients treated with hydrophilic coils, in 21.6% of patients treated with platinum coils, and in 53.8% of those treated with mixed type of the coils. The multivariate logistic regression showed that variables associated with occurrence of perianeurysmal oedema are volume of the aneurysm, hypertension, diabetes and smoking habit. Hypertension is the most important independent predictor of the perianeurysmal oedema, followed by smoking and diabetes. Conclusions. The results of our study suggest that older patients with larger unruptured intracranial aneurysms, who suffer from diabetes mellitus and hypertension, and have the smoking habit, are under much higher risk of having perianeurysmal oedema after endovascular coiling.

The paper points at the imprecision of the hitherto prevailing etymology of S-Cr. novac ?money? as an univerbization departing from the adjective nov ?new?, through an undated and undefined *novi penez /dinar. After a review of previous interpretations and the corpus of lexicographic attestations of the noun novac, the areal distribution of its earliest Croatian and Serbian attestations (from the 16th and 17th centuries respectively), as well as the 18th century Sln. novz ?nummus ungaricus? is taken as an indication of Hungarian source of influence. Hence the nomination impulse is found in Latin, the official language in medieval Hungary, where in some 15th century legal documents from the Zagreb court the syntagm novorum denariorum (Gen. pl.) occurs simultaneously and synonymously with the nominalized adj. novos (Acc. pl.). The semantic borrowing into local Slavic novac /novec ?new coin (initially 1/100 of a dukat)?, evolves into ?coin of small value? and eventually, through a negative phrase nemati ni novca ?to be broke? (lit.: ?to have not a single penny?) into ?money (in general); wealth?. In both meanings it entered the vernaculars of the entire Stokavian territory (some time during the 18th century), which is reflected in folk poetry, paremiology, etc. The term novac has suppressed the previously widespread Slavic term penezi /pjenezi /pinezi and entered a co-existence with the Turcism para f. ?coin?, pare pl. ?money? which lasts into this day. Since the nomination from the adj. nov is unique among standardly known terms for money (cf. Buck s.v.), a precious onomasiological parallelism to this formation is discovered in Serb. dial. novica ?a Turkish 20 gr coin?, ?a fake coin?.

The chrysobulls issued by the Bulgarian emperor Constantine Tich (1238), and by the Serbian king Milutin (1299) authenticated all the estates and privileges of the St. George monastery near Skopje. From these chrysobulls one learns how, during the XI, XII and XIII centuries, the monastery acquired diverse gifts from some ten Byzantine emperors, four Bulgarian emperors, and four Serbian kings or rulers. Both the Bulgarian and the Serbian documents mention a large number of matching expressions that indicated the obligations of the subjugated peasants (serfs), criminal offences and judicial penalties and one sees the same titles for the representatives of all local authorities. Greek and Slav words were used as special terms. It was attested a long time ago that the Greek expressions originated in Byzantium and that they were taken from the rich Byzantine terminology. All of this occurred when Skopje and its vicinity were under stable Byzantine rule in the course of the decades and centuries, and, more substantially, when it was an integral part of the large Byzantine thema of Bulgaria. The case is different where Slav terms are concerned. They originated within the borders of the Bulgarian or the Serbian state, or they may have come into being as the Slav translation of some Greek expressions. The presence of Greek and Slav terms in the Bulgarian and the Serbian documents did not escape the notice of scholars and they have succeeded in accurately explaining most of them. Still, there are no adequate interpretations for some terms, and the inaccurate explanations given for a number of expressions have nonetheless become accepted in professional literature. This paper devotes particular attention, concerning the aforesaid problem circle, to the appearance of the word desetak (tithe) both in the district of Skopje and in the Serbian mother territories, then, to the specific meaning of the term carina (customs duty) to the appearance of mostnina or the toll for transit across bridges, the mistaken explanation of the term udava, as well as the differences between priselica and preselica. Researchers established long ago that peasants in Byzantium paid tithes in wheat, wine, sheep, pigs and honey, either in kind or in coin. This paper explains that tithes in honey or in beehives, during the XII century, were also paid by peasants in the Serbian mother territories that were never under direct Byzantine rule nor did they ever constitute a part of any Byzantine thema. The same applies to the payment of mostnina in Polimlje (the Lim River Basin), also in the XII century, which can be explained by the Byzantine influence that penetrated in diverse ways into the Serbian mother territories. The paper sheds light on the special meaning of the term carina, as well as its widespread use. At issue was a land that consisted of fields, vineyards and orchards that were cultivated by subjugated peasants, on behalf of the ruler, nobility or boyars. These kinds of carina existed in the district of Skopje, and in the territory of Hum Konavle, in the district of Kotor, and along the Coast. The phenomenon of carina in these regions can be explained by the fact that they were part of the Byzantine themata of Bulgaria and Dalmatia. As for the manner of punishment known under the term udava, it was for a long time believed to be 'the arbitrary imprisonment because of a debt', that is 'the arbitrary court'. This misinterpretation has become deeply rooted in professional literature despite the fact that four decades ago, it was proved that the word udava implied punishment in summary court procedure, without trial or the presentation of evidence. For certain criminal offences, there were pre-determined penalties that were pronounced by the authorities of those times. This paper concludes with the explanation that the term priselica meant compensation for damage caused by bandits or thieves, and that priselica was not the same as preselica. The latter expression meant the temporary sojourn of a nobleman and his suite in a district that had been placed in his charge or 'possession'. The nobleman, his suite and their horses, to all intents and purposes, enjoyed the right to maintenance, which was an additional burden for the population of a certain district.

AbstractObjectiveThe involvement of consumers in the development of dietary guidelines has been promoted by national and international bodies. Yet, few best practice guidelines have been established to assist with such involvement.DesignQualitative semi-structured interviews explored stakeholders’ beliefs about consumer involvement in dietary guideline development.SettingInterviews were conducted in six European countries: the Czech Republic, Germany, Norway, Serbia, Spain and the UK.SubjectsSeventy-seven stakeholders were interviewed. Stakeholders were grouped as government, scientific advisory body, professional and academic, industry or non-government organisations. Response rate ranged from 45 % to 95 %.ResultsThematic analysis was conducted with the assistance of NVivo qualitative software. Analysis identified two main themes: (i) type of consumer involvement and (ii) pros and cons of consumer involvement. Direct consumer involvement (e.g. consumer organisations) in the decision-making process was discussed as a facilitator to guideline communication towards the end of the process. Indirect consumer involvement (e.g. consumer research data) was considered at both the beginning and the end of the process. Cons to consumer involvement included the effect of vested interests on objectivity; consumer disinterest; and complications in terms of time, finance and technical understanding. Pros related to increased credibility and trust in the process.ConclusionsStakeholders acknowledged benefits to consumer involvement during the development of dietary guidelines, but remained unclear on the advantage of direct contributions to the scientific content of guidelines. In the absence of established best practice, clarity on the type and reasons for consumer involvement would benefit all actors.

Introduction: We aimed to describe incidence, outcomes and antimicrobial resistance markers of causative agents of bacterial BSI in the intensive care unit (ICU) in a trauma center in Serbia. Methodology: Prospective surveillance was conducted from November 2014 to April 2016 in two trauma-surgical ICUs of the Emergency Department of Clinical center of Serbia. Bloodstream infections were diagnosed using the definitions of Center for Disease Control and Prevention. Results: Out of 406 trauma patients, 57 had at least one episode of BSI (cumulative incidence 14.0%). Overall 62 BSI episodes were diagnosed (incidence rate 11.8/1000 patient/days), of which 43 (69.4%) were primary BSI (13 catheter-related BSI and 30 of unknown origin) and 19 (30.6%) were secondary BSI. The most common isolated pathogen was Acinetobacter spp. [n = 24 (34.8%)], followed by Klebsiella spp. [n = 17 (24.6%)] and P. aeruginosa [n = 8 (1.6%)]. All S. aureus [n = 6 (100%)] and CoNS [n = 3 (100%)] isolates were methicillin resistant, while 4 (66%) of Enterococci isolates were vacomycin resistant. All isolates of Enterobacteriaceae were resistant to third-generation cephalosporins [n = 22 (100%)] while 7 (87.5%) of P. aeruginosa and 23 (95.8%) of Acinetobacter spp. isolates were resistant to carbapenems. All-cause mortality and sepsis were significantly higher in trauma patients with BSI compared to those without BSI (P < 0.001 each). Conclusions: BSI is a common healthcare-associated infection in trauma ICU and it is associated with worse outcome. Better adherence to infection control measures and guidelines for prevention of primary BSI must be achieved.

In 2012, in the village Davidovac situated in south Serbia, 9.5 km south-west from Vranje, archaeological investigations were conducted on the site Crkviste. The remains of the smaller bronze-age settlement were discovered, above which a late antique horizon was later formed. Apart from modest remains of a bronze-age house and pits, a late antique necropolis was also excavated, of which two vaulted tombs and nine graves were inspected during this campaign. During the excavation of the northern sector of the site Davidovac-Crkviste the north-eastern periphery of the necropolis is detected. Graves 1-3, 5 and 6 are situated on the north?eastern borderline of necropolis, while the position of the tombs and the remaining four graves (4, 7-9) in their vicinity point that the necropolis was further spreading to the west and to the south?west, occupying the mount on which the church of St. George and modern graveyard are situated nowadays. All graves are oriented in the direction SW-NE, with the deviance between 3? and 17?, in four cases toward the south and in seven cases toward the north, while the largest part of those deviations is between 3? and 8?. Few small finds from the layer above the graves can in some way enable the determination of their dating. Those are two roman coins, one from the reign of emperor Valens (364-378), as well as the fibula of the type Viminacium-Novae which is chronologically tied to a longer period from the middle of the 5th to the middle of the 6th century, although there are some geographically close analogies dated to the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th century. Analogies for the tombs from Davidovac can be found on numerous sites, like in Sirmium as well as in Macvanska Mitrovica, where they are dated to the 4th-5th century. Similar situation was detected in Viminacium, former capital of the roman province of Upper Moesia. In ancient Naissus, on the site of Jagodin Mala, simple rectangular tombs were distributed in rows, while the complex painted tombs with Christian motifs were also found and dated by the coins to the period from the 4th to the 6th century. Also, in Kolovrat near Prijepolje simple vaulted tombs with walled dromos were excavated. During the excavations on the nearby site Davidovac-Gradiste, 39 graves of type Mala Kopasnica-Sase dated to the 2nd-3rd century were found, as well as 67 cist graves, which were dated by the coins of Constantius II, jewellery and buckles to the second half of the 4th or the first half of the 5th century. Based on all above mentioned it can be concluded that during the period from the 2nd to the 6th century in this area existed a roman and late antique settlement and several necropolises, formed along an important ancient road Via militaris, traced at the length of over 130 m in the direction NE-SW. Data gained with the anthropological analyses of 10 skeletons from the site Davidovac-Crkviste don't give enough information for a conclusion about the paleo-demographical structure of the population that lived here during late antiquity. Important results about the paleo-pathological changes, which do not occur often on archaeological sites, as well as the clearer picture about this population in total, will be acquired after the osteological material from the site Davidovac-Gradiste is statistically analysed.

A Pinctada margaritifera box was unearthed at Viminacium in 1985, at the site of Pe}ine, in a grave containing cremated remains. It was made from the shell of a pearl oyster (Pinctada margaritifera), an exotic clam whose habitat is tropical seas: the Indo-Pacific region, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. Based on the grave type and a coin found in it, the box has been dated to the second half of the first and the first half of the second century AD. Morphologically and functionally, it represents a rare find in the territory of present-day Serbia and, together with the finds from Aquincum and Savaria, it is also a rare find of P. margaritiferae in the Central Balkans. It is a high-prestige item, indicative of contacts between Viminacium and the Near East, i.e. the area of present-day Israel, Jordan and Syria, where the workshops producing Pinctada boxes are alleged to have been. This text discusses the geographic-historical and, in particular, functional aspects of the P. margaritifera box as a symbol of Venus and a cultic prop in initiation rites.

This paper considers some of the barriers in implementing the RFID (radio frequency identification) technology for identifying, locating, tracking and tracing goods in supply chains, along with a model for adopting cloud services that can mitigate these obstacles in the transitional environment. The analysis is based on the assessments of the implementation impediments, given by the experts in the field of logistics: university professors, assistants and entrepreneurs from three Western Balkan countries (Montenegro, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina). Since the professionals’ assessments are influenced by their experiences from the transitional economies, which are faced with limited abilities to invest in expensive business information systems, the main hypothesis is that moving the logistics into the cloud may resolve or at least alleviate the considered problems. On the basis of the available secondary literature resources on pros and cons of RFID implementation into supply chains, and the statistical analysis of the consciously completed questionnaires in the survey, the model for adopting cloud services for providing RFID-enabled goods and related activities in the considered economies is proposed at a logical level. The paper also gives some directions for further research work in this domain.

La guerre victorieuse de la Serbie et la dissolution de l?Autriche-Hongrie avaient permis l?union du Royaume du Pierre I avec les provinces orientales de la partie hongroise de l?Empire des Habsbourg. Or, avant que leur union fut accept?e par les Alli?s, selon les termes de l?armistice ? Villa Giusti, une administration temporaire est mise en place dans les r?gions du Banat, Backa et Baranja, celles avec une population hongroise cons?quente. Trait? du Trianon ent?rine en juin 1920 l?int?gration de la Croatie, de la Slavonie, de la Bosnie et Herz?govine, et de la Vojvodina au Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slov?nes. La minorit? hongroise dans l??tat yougoslave connut une ?volution qui assura sa stabilit? num?rique ainsi que son essor culturel gr?ce au syst?me d??ducation en langue hongroise de l??cole primaire jusqu?? l?universit?.

The importance of forensic accounting has been growing in recent years, especially when it comes to small and medium enterprises (SMEs). These entities do not have sufficiently developed accounting functions, they do not invest enough in staff who are not consequently motivated to present certain items of financial statements in a precise manner and in accordance with accounting standards. This results in reporting errors. The other side of the coin are the manipulations that happen with the intention and goal of presenting better business than the real situation to banks and other stakeholders. In this research paper, Beneish's M-Score model with five variables (M5) was applied as a method of forensic accounting, in order to detect manipulations in SMEs from sector C-Manufacturing in Serbia. The sample includes 73 companies, and only for 3 of them the M (5) Score exceeded the reference value and indicated a high risk of manipulation. The situation is different when looking at model variables individually; however, the results of the Mann-Whitney test indicate that there is no statistically significant difference in the level of liquidity and profitability of a firm depending on whether an entity manipulated from the individual model variables point of view or not.

Introduction/Objective. Transcatheter closure is a well-established procedure for treatment of patent ductus arteriosus (PDA). We aimed to make a comparison between transcatheter PDA occlusion with Flipper coil and Amplatzer Duct Occluder (ADO) and to determine the incidence and significance of procedural complications. Methods. Between November 2004 and October 2014, 148 patients were eligible for transcatheter PDA closure at the University Children?s Hospital in Belgrade, Serbia. The median age was 5.9 years (the range of 0.9 years to 17.3 years) and the median weight was 21 kg (the range of 8.8 kg to 94 kg). Follow-up evaluations with Doppler echocardiogram were performed at one day, three months, and one and two years after the PDA occlusion. Results. Median narrowest PDA diameter was 1.5 mm (the range of 0.5 mm to 5.6 mm). Flipper coil was used for PDA closure in 84 (59.2%) and ADO in 58 patients (40.8%). There was no significant difference in the rate of immediate complete closure between the coil and the ADO group (86.9% vs. 75.9%, p = 0.089), but a significantly higher rate of complete closure was achieved with ADO at one day (83.3% vs. 98.3%, p = 0.004), three months (85.7% vs. 100%, p = 0.002), and both one and two years after the implantation (91.7% vs. 100%, p = 0.041). In total, 12 complications occurred during the procedure, seven of which with coil and five with ADO occlusion of PDA. Conclusion. Transcatheter closure of PDA using both coils and ADOs is a very safe and effective procedure. ADO proved superior to coil in terms of complete closure rate as early as one day after the procedure.

Silver is, along with gold and the platinum-group metals, one of the so called precious metals. Because of its comparative scarcity, brilliant white color, malleability and resistance to atmospheric oxidation, silver has been used in the manufacture of coins and jewelry for a long time. Silver has the highest known electrical and thermal conductivity of all metals and is used in fabricating printed electrical circuits, and also as a coating for electronic conductors. It is also alloyed with other elements such as nickel or palladium for use in electrical contacts. The most useful silver salt is silver nitrate, a caustic chemical reagent, significant as an antiseptic and as a reagent in analytical chemistry. Pure silver nitrate is an intermediate in the industrial preparation of other silver salts, including the colloidal silver compounds used in medicine and the silver halides incorporated into photographic emulsions. Silver halides become increasingly insoluble in the series: AgCl, AgBr, AgI. All silver salts are sensitive to light and are used in photographic coatings on film and paper. The ZORKA-PHARMA company (Sabac, Serbia) specializes in the production of pharmaceutical remedies and lab chemicals. One of its products is chemical silver nitrate (argentum-nitricum) (l). Silver nitrate is generally produced by dissolving pure electrolytically refined silver in hot 48% nitric acid. Since the purity of silver nitrate, produced in 2002, was not in compliance with the p.a. level of purity, there was doubt that the electrolytically refined silver was pure. The aim of this research was the gravimetric and volumetric determination of the purity of electrolytically refined silver and silver nitrate, produced industrially and in a laboratory. The purity determination was carried out gravimetrically, by the sedimentation of silver(I) ions in the form of insoluble silver salts: AgCl, AgBr and Agi, and volumetrically, according to Mohr and Volhardt. The purity of electrolytically refined silver obtained volumetrically, according to Volhard, was 99.49%. The results suggest that the purity of electrolytically refined silver was higher than 99%. After all of these determinations, the purity of electrolytically refined silver was examined by atomic absorption spectrometry and the results confirmed that the purity of electrolytically refined silver was 99.99%. Electrolytically refined silver contained other metals: Mn, Cu, Fe, Zn, Pb, Cd, and the contents of these metals were: 1.15 ppm; 0.75 ppm; 0.65 ppm; 1.82 ppm; < 0.07 ppm and < 0.01 ppm, respectively.

(francuski) Ce travail a pour objet les monuments du XIVe si?cle dont l'?rection s'inscrit dans un courant ind?pendant de la tendance alors dominante dans l'architecture serbe. Par construction sur un mod?le donn? on entend le ph?nom?ne enregistr? dans l'architecture serbe du XIIIe si?cle et connu sous le nom d'?cole de Rascie. Se tournant vers l'architecture byzantine la construction sacr?e a alors produit en Serbie une s?rie d'ouvrages se distinguant par leurs conceptions reprenant celles de l'architecture de la renaissance des Pal?ologue. Cette innovation ?tait une cons?quence d'un changement g?n?ral survenu dans l'orientation culturelle et politique du milieu serbe. Le XIVe si?cle voit ainsi l'?rection de deux importants monuments qui, par leurs conceptions, s'inscrivent dans la tradition de l'architecture du XIIIe si?cle, Banjska et Decani. S'agissant de l'?glise Saint-Etienne ? Banjska nous poss?dons une source ?crite rapportant qu'elle a ?t? ?rig?e sur le mod?le de Studenica. Pour sa part, outre la poursuite de la tradition de l'architecture du XIIIe si?cle, on rel?ve ? Decani une ?vidente influence de l'architecture romano-gothique inspir?e des ouvrages ?rig?s sur les contr?es serbes de la c?t? adriatique. Par ailleurs, on note aussi le caract?re particulier de la principale fondation de l'empereur Dusan, en l'occurrence son ?glise mausol?e des Saints-Archanges pr?s de Prizren. Cette ?glise a en effet eu pour mod?le direct l'?glise sud du monast?re constantinopolitain du Pantocrator, alors que son aspect ext?rieur d?note certaines solutions ? travers lesquelles se poursuit l'architecture serbe du XIIIe si?cle. En conclusion ce travail constate qu'ind?pendamment des tendances dominant dans l'architecture serbe du XIVe si?cle, la construction traduit une recherche de prestige de la part des souverains fondateurs, aspiration principalement dict?e dans ses choix par des crit?res de nature id?ologique. Ce travail fait ?tat d'un autre cas o? l'on constate la reprise d'un ancien mod?le sur une nouvelle oeuvre, reprise ayant, elle aussi, n?glig? les principes en vigueur de l'architecture contemporaine.

(francuski) La question de l'origine du tsar bulgare Constantin Asen (1257-1277), plus souvent appel? dans l'historiographie moderne Constantin Tich (Tih), a ?t? depuis longtemps pos?e. Les sources susceptibles d'y r?pondre sont peu nombreuses et parfaitement r?pertori?es. A commencer par Constantin Asen lui-m?me qui, dans sa charte d?livr?e au monast?re Saint-Georges pr?s de Skopje, range 'saint Simeon Nemanja, a?eul de mon empire' au nombre des anciens kt?tors de cet ?tablissement. Pour ce qui est des auteurs byzantins, chez Georges Akropolyt?s, son contemporain, ce tsar est ? plusieurs reprises appel? Constantin fils de Tich ou simplement Constantin; un peu plus tard Georges Pachym?re le d?signe une premi?re fois comme Constantin Tich, puis, par la suite, r?guli?rement comme Constantin avec l'int?ressante pr?cision que celui-ci ?tait par sa naissance pour moitie (ex ?miseias) serbe; plus tard encore, Nic?phore Gr?goras, parle d'un puissant seigneur portant le pr?nom de Constantin et le 'nom' (ep?nymon) de Tich. En 1258/59, dans son inscription de kt?tor appos?e dans une ?glise ? Bojana, un certain s?bastocrator Kalojan fait ?tat, en sa qualit? de 'fils du fr?re du tsar' et de 'petit-fils du saint roi Stefan', de liens de parente avec le tsar r?gnant en Bulgarie, Constantin Asen, et le d?funt roi de Serbie, Stefan le Premier Couronne (Prvovencani). Enfin, dans l'historiographie byzantine, il ressort clairement du r?cit relatif a la crise de succession en Bulgarie en 1257 que Constantin n'?tait pas membre de la dynastie des Asen. Jusqu'a pr?sent, le lien de parente de Constantin Tich (Tih) avec le grand joupan de Serbie Stefan Nemanja (1166-1196), plus tard devenu moine et saint sous le nom de Simeon, a ?t? le plus souvent recherch?e ? travers une lign?e f?minine, soit une hypoth?tique fille de Nemanja inconnue des sources, qui aurait ?t? la m?re ce tsar. Cette solution pourrait cependant ne pas ?tre la seule piste envisageable. Pour cela il faut revenir ? la charte de Saint-Georges et au terme d''a?eul (de mon empire)' qui marquant la parente, peut s'appliquer dans des cas d'ascendance directe mais aussi indirecte. Constantin aurait donc pu tout aussi bien afficher a travers celui-ci une parente quelque peu plus ?loigne avec Nemanja, passant par un des fr?res, voire une tr?s hypoth?tique s?ur, de ce dernier. Ainsi, celui que nous appellerions aujourd'hui un 'grand-oncle', a pu ?tre d?sign? dans cette charte comme un 'a?eul (de mon empire)'. Qu'un tel lien de parente, m?me indirect, surtout avec saint Simeon (notamment au vu de l'essor de son culte), c'est-?-dire non seulement l'existence d'une ascendance et d'un droit de succession directs, ait pu ?tre un raison suffisante pour en appeler ? celle-ci est attest?e par l'exemple chronologiquement proche de l'inscription fun?raire du joupan Stefan Prvoslav, appos?e vers 1220, dans laquelle ce dernier est, entre autre, qualifie de 'neveu de saint Simeon Nemanja'. En ce sens, la pr?cision relev?e chez Pachym?re pourrait, elle aussi, sugg?rer, par sa formulation, que Constantin ?tait d'origine serbe par son p?re et non par sa m?re. Cet auteur s'en tenait assur?ment au principe selon lequel l'origine par le p?re ?tait sous-en-tendue, alors que l'origine par la m?re devait ?tre signal?e si n?cessaire. Les meilleurs exemples en sont les passages o? il rapporte, s'agissant du fils du roi de Hongrie Stefan IV, qu'il ?tait d''origine rom?e (r?mogen?s), par sa m?re' la fille de l'empereur Th?odore Ier, et, s'agissant du tsar de Bulgarie Th?odore Svetoslav, qu'il ?tait 'Bulgare par sa m?re, car son p?re Terter ?tait Coman'. Hormis ces remarques de nature g?n?rale, une m?me conclusion concernant l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin s'impose ?galement ? la lecture du r?cit de Pachym?re. Sa relation des troubles survenus en 1257 lors de la succession au tr?ne de Bulgarie montre qu'en l'absence de descendant male de la lign?e des Asen, les liens de parente et l'origine nationale des pr?tendants ont jou? un r?le cl? dans la r?solution de la question de la l?galit? du pouvoir et, plus g?n?rale, de la crise de succession. On y apprend que le premier candidat Myts?s (Mico), ?tait ? la fois gendre d'Ivan II Asen (1218-1241), ainsi que beau-fr?re de Th?odore II Lascaris (1254-1258) et Bulgare (Boylgaros ?n), et pouvait pr?tendre - ? ce double titre - ? exercer le pouvoir sur les Bulgares, mais que les puissants se sont ranges aux cotes de Constantin, qui ?tait pour moitie serbe (ek Serb?n ex ?miseias to genos echonta). De fait, ne pouvant se pr?valoir de quelque lien de parente avec les Asen et d'un droit quel qu'il soit ? la succession au tr?ne, Constantin a par la suite pris pour ?pouse Ir?ne, fille de Th?odore II Lascaris et ni?ce de Ivan II Asen, ce qui lui a conf?re le m?me droit au tr?ne des Asen qu'a son concurrent Myts?s (ep' is?n eiche to pros t?n toy Asan basileian dikaion t? Mytz?). Et c'est pr?cis?ment le fait que tout en ayant un p?re serbe, et une m?re, par cons?quent bulgare, c'est lui qui a ?t? d?sign? tsar gr?ce ? son prestige de puissant seigneur de Bulgarie, qui a amen? la remarque de Pachym?re. On peut difficilement imaginer que la situation inverse, ? savoir si Constantin avait eu un p?re bulgare et une m?re serbe, aurait pu avoir quelque incidence de nature politique sur le r?sultat de la crise de succession au tr?ne, au point de trouver ensuite un ?cho dans l'historiographie. Dans l'historiographie moderne il a depuis longtemps ?tait avanc? que Tich (Tih) devait ?tre une abr?viation de Tihomir, Tihoslav, Tihota ou Tihotica. Ceci nous am?ne ici ? supposer que le p?re de Constantin s'appelait en fait Tihomir. Il nous appara?t, en effet, en raison d'une similitude, voire identit?, de pr?nom que le fr?re a?n? de Nemanja, dont on pense que le pr?nom ?tait Tihomir et qui a ?t?, en son temps, grand joupan (1163/65-1166), pourrait ?tre un ?l?ment tout particuli?rement int?ressant s'agissant de la question de l'origine du tsar Constantin. Son activit? entre 1166 et 1168, apr?s que son fr?re Stefan Nemanja l'a destitu? du pouvoir, pourrait m?me ?tre rattach?e ? la Skopje byzantine. Par ailleurs, un document de l'archev?que de Ochrid Dimitrius Chomatianos, en date de 1220, fait mention d'un certain archonte de Skopje du nom de Jovan Tihomirov ou Jovan Tihomir (?toy ?I?annoy toy Teichomoiroy) - Tihomir est ici tr?s vraisemblablement un patronyme, puisqu'il est peut probable qu'il s'agisse de deux nom propres - qui, vers la fin du XIIe si?cle, r?gnait quasiment en ma?tre sur la ville. Il est donc permis de supposer l'existence d'un lien de parente entre ce Jovan et, d'une part l'ancien grand joupan Tihomir (fils) et, d'autre part, le tsar de Bulgarie Constantin (oncle ou p?re). Cette construction ne repose toutefois, pour l'essentiel, que sur une similitude de pr?noms. Partant de cette suppos?e parente entre le tsar Constantin et l'archonte de Skopje Jovan Tihomir certains chercheurs ont d?j? avance l'hypoth?se que Constantin est mont? sur le tr?ne bulgare en 1257 en tant que puissant seigneur de Skopje ou gouverneur de la r?gion de Skopje. On note cependant que d'autres chercheurs consid?rent que cette m?me ann?e 1257 a vu une br?ve domination du roi de Serbie Uros sur Skopje. Cette information, qui n'est en fait connue que d'apr?s une seule source tardive, ? savoir la charte du fils d'Uros, Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re de Chilandar en 1299/1300, a ainsi ?t? rapproch?e des ?v?nements mentionn?s dans l'Histoire de Georges Acropolit?s pour l'ann?e 1257, lorsque le roi de Serbie, en tant qu'allie du despote Michel II Ange, a pris Kicevo et d?vast? les environs de Prilep. Or, dans une charte de Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re skopiote - d?j? nomme - de Saint-Georges (Gorg) datant de cette m?me ann?e 1299/1300, le tsar bulgare Constantin figure avant le roi Uros au nombre des anciens kt?tors et donateurs du monast?re. Et il s'entend que les kt?tors sont ici tr?s certainement mentionnes selon l'ordre chronologique de la domination exerc?e sur Skopje. La charte de Constantin d?livr?e au m?me monast?re, dont la date n'est pas conserv?e, ne fait, elle non plus, nullement ?tat d'une charte ant?rieure de Uros. Et Il convient ici de prendre avec r?serve le suppose itin?raire - passant par Skopje et Polog pour atteindre Kicevo et Prilep - de l'exp?dition du roi de Serbie Uros en 1257, car des t?moignages attestent parfaitement l'existence d'un itin?raire alternatif, mais tout aussi important et utilise, allant de Prizren ? Tetovo en logeant les contreforts du massif de la Sara, de sorte qu'il ?tait possible d'atteindre Kicevo depuis les territoires du roi de Serbie sans passer par Skopje. Compte tenu de tout cela, il para?t permis d'accepter la supposition voulant que l'origine du tsar Constantin soit li?e ? Skopje et ? la r?gion de Skopje. Dans les travaux s'?tant int?ress?s ? l'origine du tsar Constantin Tich, la r?ponse ? cette question a ?galement ?t? rattach?e, sur la base de l'inscription de l'?glise de Bojana, ? celle concernant l'origine du s?bastocrator Kalojan. Il ne fait aucun doute que lui non plus n'?tait pas un Asen, car, si cela avait ?t? le cas, il aurait eu le droit de pr?tendre au tr?ne laiss? vacant ? la suite des meurtres de Michel Asen et de Kaliman, or les auteurs byzantins nous apprennent pr?cis?ment que le pouvoir n'avait pas d''h?ritier l?gal' en Bulgarie. Le t?moignage apport? par l'inscription de Bojana, selon laquelle Kalojan est un 'fils du fr?re du tsar' (? savoir le tsar Constantin) et 'petit-fils du saint roi de Serbie Stefan' (? savoir Stefan le Premier Couronn?), semblerait ?tre contradictoire. Cela n'est toutefois le cas que si nous perdons de vue le fait que la notion de parent? induite par 'fils du fr?re' (bratoucad), pouvait ?galement se rapporter ? des personnes appartenant ? diff?rentes g?n?rations. Nonobstant notre connaissance encore insuffisante des d?tails prosopographiques concernant le tsar Constantin Tich et le s?bastocrator Kalojan, ces deux Nemanjic, porteurs de titres particuli?rement ?lev?s, sont deus personnages int?ressants qui attestent parfaitement de la mobilit? horizontale et verticale au sein du monde byzantin, autrement du 'commenwealth byzantin', compris au sens le plus large.

The site with the remains of the Saxon church, that is, the former Catholic church of St Mary, lies on a mild slope that descends from the fort to the southeast, or the village of Bostane. Located at a distance of about 1,200 m from Novo Brdo?s Lower Town, it was outside this former urban area. It was intermittently investigated in the 1950s and ?60s, but the complete results of these works have not been published. With this in mind, after almost six decades, an attempt was made, based on the remaining fieldwork documentation, to examine in more detail the complex of this important Novo Brdo edifice. The investigated remains of the church itself reveal three stages, or more precisely, construction phases, which reflect the emergence, renovation and extension of this temple over an extended period of time, from the first decades of the 14th to the end of the 17th century. The first and most important stage comprises the construction of the church itself, as well as the successive adding of masonry tombs and graves in the interior of the original temple. The following stage includes an extensive renovation and expansion of the church, while the third and final stage is distinguished by the construction of a porch in front of the western fa?ade (Fig. 2). The Saxon church is a single-nave temple of a spacious rectangular base. On the eastern side, two massive pilasters separated the nave from a much narrower alter area that terminated in a semicircular apse. This space, that is, the presbytery, was divided by a pair of similar massive pilasters into two unequal parts - a shorter western one, which could be labelled as the choir, and a much larger eastern one, in the centre of which was a masonry altar mensa in the form of a massive column and two simultaneously built steps. In front of them, on the same western side, this construction also included the first, monolithic step, which on the sides had step-like profiled cubes, the upper surface of which contained regularly carved circular indentations for the placement of massive candles. Alongside all four corners of the masonry construction of the alter mensa, steplike profiled bases carved from breccia were discovered in situ, which most likely carried the construction of a wooden ciborium. On the southern side, in the corner between the altar area and the wider nave, a sacristy was located, which was connected by a door to the presbytery, that is, the choir. The interior of the Saxon church, which was completely explored, revealed the existence of several burial horizons, which can, chronologically and in terms of their general characteristics, be determined. The oldest burials, which were performed within the original church, somewhat differ from the later ones, from the time after the renovation of the temple, as well as the construction of the porch. Characteristic of the older period are masonry tombs, intended for a number of burials (Fig. 3). Generally observed, despite the noticeable construction technique typical of the local area, the Saxon church stylistically resembled a Gothic edifice. What particularly contributed to this are stylistically clearly recognisable tall and narrow windows with a broken arch. Such a stylistic preference, in all likelihood, was also influenced by a possible solution for the under- roof construction above the unvaulted nave. The Saxon church in Novo Brdo represents a peculiar phenomenon in the territory of Serbia. It is immediately apparent that the church?s spatial solution corresponded to the needs of Roman Catholic worship. However, by the form of its base it is distinguished from the usual types of Catholic temples in the coastal areas of medieval Serbia, from where the western cultural influences flowed. It was clearly noted that the base of the Novo Brdo church has no close parallels among churches of the Adriatic, which imposed the need for a more detailed consideration of its spatial solution. It?s base, with a rectangular nave, a narrower vaulted presbytery and a laterally positioned sacristy, is characteristic of sacral architecture in a wider area, from the Netherlands, Southern Germany and Saxony, all the way to Transylvania - Ardeal. The spread of this type of base from the areas of its origin, during the 12th and 13th centuries, can be associated with the Saxon diaspora, specifically the Sassi miners, progressing towards the east. This was particularly indicated by a considerable number of these temples in the mining areas of Ardeal, from where the Sassi migrations advanced further down to the south, namely, to the central regions of the Balkans. The thus perceived base of the Novo Brdo church, which, on the whole, follows the spatial solution of Saxon temples, represents the southernmost example of a sacral edifice of this type in Southeast Europe. The time of the construction of the Saxon church in Novo Brdo can be quite reliably determined despite the fragmentarily preserved documentation. The rapid development of the city was undoubtedly accompanied by religious organising, first of the Sassi miners, followed by numerous merchants from Adriatic towns, primarily those from the ?King?s City? of Kotor, and subsequently also from Dubrovnik. Based on all these findings it can be quite safely concluded that the first newly erected church in Novo Brdo was precisely the Saxon church, that is, Santa Maria in Novomonte. It was built, without any doubt, due to the efforts of the newly settled Sassi mining community. Such a conclusion can reliably be drawn on the basis of the spatial solution of the new temple rooted in traditions from the homeland, which were disseminated by this mining population in all areas of their diaspora. The very method of building and some construction solutions, which did not affect the basic concept, were left to local builders. This dating is further supported by coin finds, the oldest specimens of which originate from the last decade of the reign of King Stefan Uros II (1282-1321). The Saxon church, outside the fortified Lower Town, shared the fate of Novo Brdo. Since it was located on the access route to the city, which was not especially defended, it could have been exposed to occasional Turkish attacks during the last decades of the 14th century. With significant destruction, as evidenced by the results of archaeological excavations, the earlier period of life of the Saxon church came to an end. It can be assumed that this took place at the time of the almost two-year long Turkish siege of Novo Brdo between 1439 and 1441. After the Turkish occupation of Novo Brdo in 1455, and upon restoring stability in the conquered city, conditions were created for the renovation of the Saxon church ? Santa Maria in Novomonte. One letter from Rome, sent to the archbishop of the city of Bar in 1458, indicates that this was also advocated by Pope Pius II personally. Major works on that occasion, as shown by archaeological investigations, were conducted within the area of the nave, which was almost entirely in ruins. The undertaken renovation provided the opportunity to increase the size of the church, specifically to extend it westward by 2.70 m. New walls were built from the ground up on the northern and western side of the nave, while within the altar area, which was certainly much better preserved, no traces of any subsequent alterations were noted. Somewhat later, in front of the renovated church, a wooden porch was added. The Saxon church was also used for worship during the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. The archbishop of Bar, Marino Bizzi, during a canonical visitation in 1610, noted that the church at that time fulfilled all the requirements for worship. Three decades later, his successor, Archbishop Giorgio Bianchi, visited the Novo Brdo ?canonical church dedicated to St Mary?, which he says was in the hands of Christians and that inside ?are graves in which Catholics are buried??. This is also the last known data regarding this prominent Novo Brdo temple, which was, without a doubt, finally destroyed during the Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century.

That a writer should change the language in which he writes, or that he or she should write from the start in a non-native language, is an increasingly common phenomenon. Economic migrations in the latter half of the 20th century, intensified in the 1990s by migrations due to political conflict, have resulted in a larger number of writers who do not write in their native language. Also, the question of defining the concept of native language in bilingual or multilingual speakers is quite complex. The established definition according to which the mother tongue is the language that is unconsciously acquired in a natural social environment in childhood, does not necessarily correspond to language development in the diaspora, where the first language to be acquired is not always the language of the family. Authors who write in a language that is not their first are not a new phenomenon in literature; on the contrary, they are a historical constant as are migrations themselves. There have been a number of attempts to coin a name for this phenomenon. Terms like exile literature, gastarbeiter (in German-speaking countries) literature, migrant, intercultural, multicultural or transcultural literature have been used. In their works, writers who as individuals are multilingual but write only in a language which is not their first, often engage with themes inspired by their own or their ancestors' cultural milieu. Also, they often engage in translation, thus additionally contributing to the interweaving of two cultures. The Austrian writer Milo Dor who, apart from some early poetry in his mother tongue – Serbian, created his entire literary oeuvre in the German language, is one such author. He wrote in German, was fluent in several languages principally using German and Serbian for communication, and drew on his cultural sphere and experience for his literary themes and range of social engagement. This interconnectedness of cultures is reflected not only in the themes of Dor's prose works, characterized by biographism, but also in his translations and in his work as editor. For writers from the territory of Yugoslavia, Dor represented for decades an important link with German-speaking countries, working tirelessly to promote them both in Austria and in Germany.

Le World Council of Anthropological Associations, un dénominatif que l’on peut traduire en français par Conseil mondial des associations d’anthropologues, est un réseau d’organisations nationales, régionales et internationales dont le but est de promouvoir « les communications et la coopération en anthropologie à l’échelle mondiale. Ses objectifs premiers sont de promouvoir la discipline anthropologique dans un contexte international ; promouvoir la coopération et le partage d’information entre anthropologues à travers le monde ; promouvoir l’organisation conjointe d’évènements et de débats scientifiques et coopérer aux activités de recherche et à la diffusion du savoir anthropologique » (librement traduit, www.wcaanet.org, consulté le 14 février 2018). Entre le 9 et le 13 juin 2004, le colloque international « World Anthropologies: strengthening the international organization and effectiveness of the profession », titre qu’on peut traduire par « Les anthropologies du monde : renforcer l’organisation et l’efficacité internationales de la profession ») fut mis sur pied à l’initiative de Gustavo Lins Ribeiro, dans la ville de Recife, au Brésil, avec le support financier de la Fondation Wenner-Gren pour la recherche anthropologique. À cette époque, Gustavo Lins Ribeiro était président de l’Association brésilienne d’anthropologie (ABA), et ce colloque était un évènement préliminaire au congrès biannuel de l’ABA. Au début des années 2000, Arturo Escobar, Eduardo Restrepo, Marisol de la Cadena et Gustavo Lins Ribeiro ont fondé le World Anthropologies Network (http://www.ram-wan.net/) (ou réseau des anthropologies du monde), un réseau composé d’individus désireux de pluraliser les échanges autour du savoir anthropologique sur le plan mondial, cela devant la dominance anglo-américaine croissante de notre agenda disciplinaire. Le fait que les membres fondateurs de ce mouvement soient latino-américains doit être brièvement commenté. Par diverses manières, ils ont amené un style cosmopolite critique d’Amérique latine au mélange qui allait définir plus tard les anthropologies du monde en tant que cosmopolitiques radicales. L’Amérique latine apparaît dans ce contexte comme une sorte de « cosmopolitisme en tant que principal contrepoint de l’impérialisme américain » (Ribeiro 2014: 491, traduction libre). Par ailleurs, au sujet des cosmopolitiques anthropologiques impériales, libérales et radicales, on note que: Le projet des anthropologies mondiales n’était pas guidé par un agenda multiculturaliste ; plutôt, il a été influencé par les discussions radicales en Amérique latine sur l’interculturalité (voir Bartolomé 2006 et Rappaport 2005) (Ribeiro 2014: 489, traduction libre). Pour le World Anthropologies Network, la valorisation des « autres anthropologies et des anthropologies autrement » (Restrepo et Escobar 2005) avait besoin d’être faite conjointement avec « une critique des conditions engendrées par la modernité et la "colonialité du pouvoir" (Castro-Gómez et Grosfoguel 2007 ; Quijano 1993) qui ont oblitéré la production, la validité et la visibilité des autres savoirs » (Ribeiro 2014: 489, traduction libre). Bien que le congrès de Recife en 2004 n’ait pas été l’initiative du World Anthropologies Network, et bien que l’un d’entre nous y était engagé profondément (Ribeiro), il semblait clair que l’idée de ce colloque était fortement inspirée et influencée par l’agenda des anthropologies du monde. Ce colloque avait quatre objectifs principaux : Premièrement : Rassembler les anthropologues agissant comme leaders d’organisations nationales et internationales dans une visée de construction de nouveaux canaux d’intercommunication et de coopération. Deuxièmement : Initier un processus pour approfondir la coopération internationale en anthropologie dans une portée davantage tournée vers le cosmopolitisme, à travers la facilitation de dialogues et les processus de réseautage pouvant mener à des communications plus hétéroglosses et à une diffusion du savoir anthropologique. Troisièmement : Élaborer une proposition collective pour une coopération internationale qui pourrait servir en tant que « document de travail international » initial, qui pourrait être rapportée et discutée au sein des associations anthropologiques nationales et internationales présentes au colloque. Quatrièmement : Participer à un symposium au congrès de l’Association brésilienne d’anthropologie, où les faits saillants du colloque ainsi que les documents qui auront été produits seront présentés et discutés. Quatorze représentants d’organisations anthropologiques se sont déplacés à Recife pour cette occasion. Ils étaient les présidents d’associations issues d’Australie, du Brésil, du Canada, de la France, de l’Inde, de la Russie, de l’Afrique du Sud, du Royaume-Uni et des États-Unis. Les présidents des associations internationales suivantes étaient également présents : l’Association Européenne des Anthropologues Sociaux, l’International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, l’Asociación Latinoamericana de Antropología et la Pan African Anthropological Association. La Société japonaise a délégué son directeur des relations internationales. Le colloque se tint en deux temps. Le premier, et plus intense, consista en trois débats d’une journée, ayant précédé le 24e congrès biannuel de l’Association brésilienne d’anthropologie. Après avoir discuté de multiples mécanismes et initiatives possibles pour accroître la coopération internationale, les participants décidèrent de créer le World Council of Anthropological Associations. Le second temps consista en une session durant le congrès brésilien, qui se tint le 13 juin 2004, lorsque la fondation du WCAA fut annoncé publiquement. Gustavo Lins Ribeiro était élu comme premier facilitateur du Conseil. Le WCAA voulait devenir un réseau et non pas une nouvelle institution. Le rôle de facilitateur consistait à démarrer le réseau en diffusant la nouvelle de son existence, et plus important encore, à démarrant un site internet. L’arrivée du World Council a été largement acclamée partout. Depuis 2004, le WCAA connait une croissante rapide et poursuit sa lancée. Il est maintenant une présence reconnue sur la scène politique anthropologique mondiale, avec plus de 50 membres d’à travers le monde. Les anthropologies du monde sont discutées dans différents congrès organisés par les membres du World Council. D’autres présidents (on ne les apele plus facilitateur) ont pris les rennes au cours des années : Junji Koizumi (Japon), Thomas Reuter (Australie), Michal Buchowski (Pologne), Vesna Vucinic-Neskovic (Serbie), Chandana Mathur (Irelande), and Carmen Rial (Brésil, depuis juillet 2018). L’intérêt du leadership du WCAA pour les politiques académiques internationales a également été manifesté en 2009, lorsque plusieurs leaders du WCAA sont devenus membres du comité exécutif de l’International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences. Ils ont poursuivi sa réorganisation en promouvant une constitution plus démocratique ainsi qu’un congrès international en 2013, à Manchester, et au Brésil, en 2018, couronnés de succès. Cette nouvelle période apporta l’espoir que les anthropologues puissent améliorer leurs échanges à l’échelle mondiale, à l’intérieur d’un milieu institutionnel assuré et ouvert à la participation de collègues venus de tous les coins du globe. En effet, lors du congrès mondial à Manchester, la possibilité de créer un seul corps international propre à représenter l’anthropologie commença à être débattue entre les membres du comité organisateur du WCAA et du comité exécutif de l’International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES). Des négociations furent tenues avec succès dans les années suivantes, et en 2017, une institution bicamérale fut créée : la World Anthropological Union (WAU). Les modalités prévues dans la constitution de cette nouvelle institution reconnaissent le maintien de l’existence du WCAA et du IUAES, chacun avec ses structures politiques et objectifs propres, son leadership, et en tant que deux chambres séparées, distinctes et autonomes de la nouvelle WAU. Le World Anthropologies Network et le WCAA ont également inspiré la création de la Commission des anthropologies du monde (CWA) Au sein de l'American Anthropological Association en 2008, alors que Setha Low était sa présidente. En 2010, lors du mandat présidentiel de Virginia Dominguez au sein du AAA, la commission devint un comité, une entité permanente au sein de l’association. Ses objectifs sont d’ « identifier les enjeux importants partagés par les anthropologues issus de diverses nations ; développer des objectifs clairs pour rassembler les anthropologues des États-Unis et de l’international pour le bénéfice de l’anthropologie mondiale ; faire appel à une diversité de voix et de perspectives internationales et impliquer à la fois le milieu universitaire et l’anthropologie appliquée dans cette démarche » (traduction libre). En 2014, en réponse aux suggestions du CWA, le journal de l'American Anthropological Association, l’American Anthropologist, ouvrit une section « anthropologies du monde » afin d’aborder « les origines et préoccupations constantes de l’anthropologie à travers le monde » (Weil 2014: 160, traduction libre). L’histoire du WCAA en est une d’un succès. Mais l’enjeu maintenant est de savoir quoi faire de ce succès. Bien que le WCAA ait créé de nombreuses opportunités pour laisser place à plus de conversations hétéroglosses sur le plan mondial ainsi que l’apparition d’un nouveau leadership mondial, nous devons nous poser des questions, dont celles-ci : - A-t-on vraiment amélioré la visibilité des autres anthropologies au sein de la production anthropologique du système mondial, ainsi qu’en appelle Kuwayama (2004) ? Que pourrait-on faire de plus relativement aux politiques mondiales de la visibilité ? - Comment le WCAA peut-il améliorer les communications mondiales actuelles entre les anthropologies ? Un facteur permet de demeurer optimiste. À la suite d’années de débats internes au sein du WCAA sur comment pluraliser les politiques éditoriales au sujet du style et de la langue, le WCAA a lancé son propre journal en ligne, Déjà Lu. Depuis 2012, il republie, dans toutes langues, des articles sélectionnés par des revues anthropologiques (www.wcaanet.org/dejalu). L’édition de 2017 de Déjà Lu compte plus de 40 articles d’à travers la planète. Ce type d’intervention dans le domaine de la publication anthropologique est un effort stratégique particulier puisqu’il permet de visibiliser l’hétérogénéité de l’anthropologie contemporaine.