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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cold War America'
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1
Hirshberg, Matthew S. "Cold war cognition and culture in America /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10745.
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Summers, Sandra. "Presidents and legitimacy in U.S. foreign policy : Cold War and Post-Cold War intervention in Latin America." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555823.
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The legitimacy of presidential actions in United States interventions in Latin America is examined. The key questions are to consider the legitimacy of the interventions in terms of the constitutional legitimacy, international legitimacy, including the United Nations and the Organization of American States, political legitimacy and public legitimacy. It discusses whether presidents considered the legitimacy of their actions, and how it affected their decision making. It considers how presidents view legitimacy and whether administrations attempted to construct an image of legitimacy for the interventions. If further considers whether there was a difference between the Cold War and Post-Cold War periods. It concludes with a discussion about how the results of the case studies can be extended to other times and place. Four case studies of interventions in Latin America are used to determine how presidents have used their power: Bay of Pigs, 1961; Dominican Republic, 1965; Panama, 1990/91; and Haiti, 1995. The study considers what the Founders intended, and how it has been interpreted over the years. Presidents have made claims about their power. Those claims are discussed against their actions. The Constitution informs the congressional legitimacy, but it is a living document and has been interpreted differently over time. The study examines how presidents can gain legitimacy in the international, political and public arenas. A main finding is that do presidents consider legitimacy but are more concerned with how their actions are perceived. The work concludes that presidents view legitimacy in a different way from that intended by the Constitution. Legitimacy is an important aspect of their decision making, but they do not follow due process. They systematically and wilfully manipulate the information to present their actions in a legitimate light. In this they have scant regard for the Constitution, or International Law. Public legitimacy is shown to be a key issue for the presidents in the study.
3
Baesler, John Philipp. "Clearer than truth the polygraph in Cold War America /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3373493.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 6, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-10, Section: A, page: 4010. Adviser: Nick B. Cullather.
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Kaziewicz, Julia. "Artful Manipulation: The Rockefeller Family and Cold War America." W&M ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624010.
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My dissertation, "Artful Manipulation: The Rockefeller Family and Cold War America," examines how the Rockefeller family used the Museum of Modern Art, Colonial Williamsburg, and the Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Collection to shape opinions about America, both at home and abroad, during the early years of the Cold War. The work done at Colonial Williamsburg tied the Rockefeller name to the foundations of American society and, later, to the spread of global democracy in the Cold War world. The establishment of a new museum for the Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art collection in 1957 renewed the narrative that American folk art was the basis for American modern art, thus creating a legacy of creative cultural production that could match America's Cold War economic and military power. A close reading of the Museum of Modern Art's famous 1955 Family of Man exhibition shows how the Rockefellers promoted America as the head of the post-war global family. The show, a large scale photography exhibition, glorified universal humanism as the only option for global peace after World War II. The implicit message of the show, which traveled nationally and internationally through 1962, was that Americans would lead the free world in the second half of the twentieth century. In their insistence on shaping American society in their view, the Rockefellers shut out dissenting opinions and alternative narratives about American culture. A consideration of James Baldwin and Richard Avedon's 1964 photo-text Nothing Personal is then offered as a rebuttal to the narrative of modern American culture endorsed by the Rockefellers. In Nothing Personal, James Baldwin's essays and Richard Avedon's photographs signify on the narrative of white domination, the same narrative evoked across the Rockefellers' institutions. Juxtaposing Nothing Personal against the hegemonic work of the Rockefellers' cultural organizations offers readers a consideration of how narratives of exclusion necessitate and give life to narratives of resistance.
5
Martinez, Francisco J. "Changes in Guerrilla conflicts in Latin America after the Cold War." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA385902.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2000.Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne K. ; Trinkunas, Harold A. "December 2000." Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
6
Satybaldieva, Elmira. "A Q study : attitudes toward Communism in post-Cold War America." Virtual Press, 2002. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1236578.
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The purpose of this study was to measure American attitudes toward communism in the post-Cold War era (1990-to present) and see if the legacy of negative media messages has influenced the formation of attitudes. The researcher attempted to explore current attitudes toward communism and look for differences in perception of East-West relations among those Americans who were raised during the Cold War and those who grew up at the end of the Cold War.The researcher interviewed forty-five individuals in three age groups to meet the goals of the study. Three factors have emerged from the study.Factor 1 is favorable toward Russia and is tolerant toward communism. Factor 2 maintains the Cold War enemy image of communism; therefore, it has negative attitude toward communism and Russians. Factor 3 dislikes communism as a working political system, but doesn't perceive it as a threat, and holds favorable attitude toward Russians. Overall, all factors believed that relations are improving between the U.S. and Russia.The educational levels of each group revealed differences in their attitudes toward communism/Russia. The most educated factor was Factor 1, the most tolerant factor.Department of Journalism
7
Wilson, Benjamin Tyler. "Insiders and outsiders : nuclear arms control experts in Cold War America." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/93810.
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Thesis: Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS), Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Program in Science, Technology and Society, 2014.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 462-499).
This dissertation presents a history of the community of nuclear arms control experts in the United States during the middle and later years of the Cold War, the age of thermonuclear ballistic missiles. Arms control experts were, in many interesting ways, both insiders and outsiders to the American "nuclear state." The dissertation begins by exploring the formation of strategic arms control in the years leading up to 1960, showing how arms control emerged from the mixing of local communities of disarmament advocates and theorists of nuclear deterrence. Rather than inevitable doctrinal unity, early arms control was highly local and contingent. In particular, the crucial concept of "stability" was open to multiple interpretations. In the 1960s, arms control problems motivated groundbreaking scientific research. Elite contract consultants to the government contemplated the use of lasers as weapons against ballistic missiles. As consultants performed calculations and experiments in the context of classified discussions and studies, they founded a new field of physics called nonlinear optics. In the late 1960s, strategic arms control became a public issue during a complex political dispute over missile defense. Arms control experts mediated and fueled this controversy by participating in a surprising range of activity, rallying alongside local residents whose neighborhoods would be impacted by missile defense installations, and criticizing defense policy in Congressional testimony-even as they worked their connections to the White House. In the 1960s and 1970s arms controllers shaped a changing institutional landscape for the support of arms control expertise. They built arms control into a new government agency, and later drew on the resources of philanthropic foundations to create major university arms control centers. By the 1980s, arms control reached peak public visibility amid controversy over the Reagan administration's Strategic Defense Initiative. This dissertation uses the private papers and correspondence of numerous experts, a wide range of arms control publications, and government records to explore the diverse practices of arms control. It engages a wider discussion among historians about the status of Cold War elites, the relationship between experts and the American state, and the character of scientific knowledge during the Cold War.
by Benjamin Tyler Wilson.
Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS)
8
Guasch, Mark. "Evolution of U.S. Strategy in Latin America After the Cold War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/74276.
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In the years after the Cold War it appears that the U.S. distanced itself from Latin America. The region has begun to integrate itself in the world political economy without exclusively depending on the U.S. The integration has included engagement with extra-hemispheric states, such as China and Russia, and the creation of regional institutions. Some of these advancements may oppose U.S. interests in the region. The research aims to identify how the U.S. strategy for addressing key national interests in Latin America evolved since the end of the Cold War and how it should approach the region in the future.
The research provides an overview of U.S. policies towards Latin America from the Spanish-American War through the collapse of the Soviet Union; and from the post Cold War era through Barack Obama's presidency. The focus is on the U.S.-Latin American policies during and after the Cold War. There is a review of China and Russia's engagement of the region both during and after the Cold War. Finally there is a case study on the change of the U.S-Cuba policy and possible consequences.Master of Arts
9
Stewart, Kierstin. "The Black Scare: Cold War Anticommunism and the Long Civil Rights Movement in America." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35506.
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This thesis discusses the impact of the Cold War on the Long African American Civil Rights Movement in the US from 1945 into the early 1970s. I seek to address the historiography that argues that the Cold War was an animating or galvanizing force behind the Civil Rights movement. I argue that black strategies of activism and black thought during the long civil rights era were directly or indirectly influenced by Cold War politics. Strategies towards freedom and equality were manipulated, altered, and transformed due to anticommunism in America.
10
Bishop, Tom. "Every home a fortress : the fallout shelter father in Cold War America." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/39958/.
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During the nuclear crisis years of 1958 to 1961, millions of U.S. citizens were instructed by their federal government that the best chance of surviving a direct nuclear confrontation with the Soviet Union resided in converting their backyards or basements into family fallout shelters. Directing their policies towards middle-class suburban America, civil defence policymakers asked citizens to realign their lives and family relationships in accordance with a new doctrine of ‘do-it-yourself’ survival, stating that middle-class suburban fathers had the capacity and resources to protect both themselves and their families from the worst possible manmade disaster. “Every Home a Fortress: The Fallout Shelter Father in Cold War America” is the first historical study of fatherhood and the family fallout shelter during the early Cold War. Focusing specifically on the cultural and political representations of fatherhood and masculinity in the formation of and public reaction to the doctrine of civil defence, this project examines the tension between the politics of ‘do-it-yourself’ survival and the lived reality. The process and practice of fallout shelter construction represented an almost unprecedented level of state penetration into the private sphere. Yet, as the ideal of shelter fatherhood permeated society, a widening gap emerged between the political rhetoric of civil defence and the everyday experience of the ordinary Americans facing the prospect of building a family fallout shelter and surviving the next war. Each chapter of this thesis explores the lived reality of civil defence, highlighting the ways in which U.S. fathers interpreted and reinterpreted the act of private shelter construction. Rather than fostering one singular politicised vision of Cold War fatherhood, this thesis argues that fallout shelters brought to the surface a variety of interlinked visions of Cold War fatherhood, rooted in narratives of domesticity, militarism, and survivalism. Central to these narratives of masculinity was the private fallout shelter itself, a malleable Cold War space that inspired a new national discourse around notions of nationhood, domestic duty, and collective assumptions of what it meant to be a father in the nuclear age.
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MacKoul, Matthew John. "Reagan, Central America and the Human Costs to Waging the Cold War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103616.
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Since the introduction of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, the United States has maintained a sphere of influence in Latin America. This hegemony has yielded beneficial results, such as the Panama Canal, and at times, has caused more harm than good. The later result has been the dominant outcome beginning with 1954 and the Central Intelligence Agency's foray into Guatemala. U.S. foreign policy has enabled or sanctioned actions resulting in human rights abuses. This can be easily viewed through the Reagan Administration's re-ignition of Cold War politics based on realist international relations theory
This particular foreign policy blueprint is based on one geo-political thought: Communist Rollback. Due to this, other concerns, such as human rights, were relegated to a lesser priority. The purpose of this thesis is to determine the extent to which U.S. foreign policy undermined human rights in Central America during the decade of the Reagan Administration. By understanding the effects of Reagan's singular focus, this thesis seeks to bring clarity to the deficiencies of current or potentially future foreign policy models. To understand the impact of U.S. foreign policy this thesis will explore three key case countries: Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua. These crossroads of policy between the Reagan Administration and their Central American counterparts will dictate decisions made publicly and secretly that will be the impetus of human rights abuses that are still being uncovered thirty years later. What we will discover is that, ultimately, containment policy failed to slow socialism as an alternative to capitalism and democracy in some of these states at the expense of the human rights of native citizens.Master of Arts
This study was conducted with the purpose of evaluating the effects of U.S. Foreign Policy upon human rights in Central America during the 1980s. The study first reviews both the Carter and Reagan Administrations' formulation of foreign policy in regard to Central America and Communist expansion. The methodology used to explore this topic is a historical review of events in Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua. The importance of such a study is to ascertain whether a single-issue foreign policy focus can negatively impact the rights of ordinary citizens. By understanding how foreign policy is created and executed in this manner can bring accountability and transparency for the consequences that follow such a strategy.
12
Poston, Lance E. "Queer Bedfellows: Huey Newton, Homophobia, and Black Activism in Cold War America." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1337961685.
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Clifton, James A. "A Nuclear Family: Britain, America, and NATO Rearmament during the Late Cold War." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107358.
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Thesis advisor: James E. CroninThis dissertation examines British nuclear policymaking during the late 1970s and early 1980s with a focus on its political implications. Highlighting the important link between nuclear politics and alliance coordination, the dissertation demonstrates that at a time of increased Alliance disunity (over Vietnam, détente, etc.) NATO policymakers achieved a broad consensus on theater nuclear policy that in effect stabilized the Alliance against the crises of the 1970s. The dissertation focuses especially on the U.K.’s role in this; British policymakers’ unique ability to mediate between the U.S. and continental Europe contributed enormously to the success of NATO in this period. Taking the British decision to update its strategic nuclear weapons and the coterminous debates in NATO over theater nuclear weapons, carried out against the backdrop of heightened public opposition and debate, it argues that nuclear politics played an integral role in structuring alliances and that this recalibration not only precipitated the end of the Cold War, but also ensured the Alliance’s post-Cold War viability. This research revises our understanding of the Cold War. This dissertation demonstrates that the Cold War, traditionally regarded as a bipolar conflict between superpowers, was often waged through alliances and that the policy preferences of lesser alliance partners mattered tremendously. The dissertation, furthermore, provides evidence for the way in which British policymakers retained an unexpected and disproportionate influence for the U.K. in world affairs—via their ability to successfully mediate within NATO
14
Root, Colin Edward. ""Living on the level": the significance of horizontality in shaping Cold-War America." Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12841.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.After 1945, a visual dichotomy emerged in the United States. Americans from the late 1940s into the 1950s gradually understood "living on the level"- or the nation's visual transformation toward the horizontal axis-to be progressive, a comfortable existence postponed by two decades of Depression and war. While the obsession with skyward progress (epitomized by technological achievements such as airplanes and skyscrapers) dominated the early decades of the twentieth century, postwar Americans turned away from life on the vertical axis and toward horizontality as the nation's dominant organizational scheme. In fact, postwar Americans experienced life almost exclusively horizontally in their day-to-day activities, and few anticipated the effects that such a dramatic spatial re-orientation would have on the landscape. Drawing on the methodological example of Michael Leja's book Looking Askance, this dissertation is an interdisciplinary project that re-imagines several crucial ways in which postwar Americans experienced their new horizontal environment (from cinema to interstate highways to commercial and domestic architecture) as a dramatic shift away from verticality and toward horizontality in a Cold War context. Chapter 1 discusses mainstream Hollywood's widescreen cinematic processes that emerged during the early 1950s. This chapter explores the ways that technological advances in cinematic exhibition incorporated horizontality and demonstrates the correlation between the widescreen frame and the western genre's popularity. Chapter 2 uses census data and government records to situate the construction of the Federal Interstate Highway System during the Eisenhower administration. The resulting horizontal concept of sprawl re-visualized the American landscape; the interstates' creation echoed the construction of the transcontinental railroad a century earlier. Chapter 3 looks at nationwide construction pattern books and business postcards to examine the effect that horizontality had on commercial architecture-from Main Street to regional shopping centers and motels-and the resulting change in consumerism that fundamentally altered how daily business was transacted. Chapter 4 analyzes house plans and blueprints to examine domestic architecture's rejection of verticality and embrace ofhorizontality-the postwar ranch house-by situating its low-profile silhouette and horizontal orientation as shelter against the dangers of the atomic age.
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Mark, Chi-kwan. "A reluctant cold warrior : Hong Kong in Anglo-American interactions, 1949-57." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365531.
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Creasey, Joanne. "How did American capitalism boost profits by exploiting cold war anti-communism in America during the 1950's? /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09SSAR/09ssarc912.pdf.
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Findlay, Robert Alexander. "Emperors in America: Haile Selassie and Hirohito on Tour." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/96.
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The imperial visits to the United States by Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia in 1954 and Emperor Hirohito of Japan in 1975, while billed as unofficial by all parties involved, demonstrated the problematic nature of America's unstable Cold War political agendas, connected African and Asian Americans with alternative sources of race, nationality, and ethnic pride, and created spaces for the emperors to reinforce domestic policies while advancing their nations on the world stage. Just as America's civil and governmental forces came together during the imperial tours, in 1954 and 1975 respectively, to strongly promote Cold War ideological narratives to a global audience, African American and Japanese American racial and ethnic groups within the United States created their own interpretations of the tours. Likewise, the governments and imperial institutions of Ethiopia and Japan both appropriated American efforts in an attempt to renegotiate political relationships and produce imperial narratives for domestic consumption. However, fundamental contradictions arose during these tours as both Ethiopia and Japan simultaneously sought to embrace America and to expand their presence on the world stage. The full nature of the political, economic, and social ramifications of these two imperial visits, and the contradictions in American's Cold War policies revealed by the tours, has yet to be explored. Reactions to the emperors' tours demonstrated the connections and conflicts between race, nation, and identity. Further the narratives of Ethiopia's and Japan's role on the world stage, particularly during these "unofficial" imperial tours, have yet to be fully examined by historians. Only by examining the emperors' tours within a broader transnational context, taking multiple political, racial, and economic perspectives into account, can the consequences of these visits be fully observed and understood.
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Kuebeck, Peter L. "Aliens and Amazons myth, comics and the Cold War mentality in fifth-century Athens and postwar America /." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143218315.
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Burks, Marie Elizabeth. "Meditations in an emergency : social scientists and the problem of conflict in Cold War America." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/120645.
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Thesis: Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS), Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Program in Science, Technology and Society, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 194-206).
Through the mode of conceptual history, this dissertation examines some of the forms dissent could take within academic social science in the United States from roughly 1945-1970. The concept in question is "conflict." There are many stories one could tell about this concept and its transformations in postwar American social science, but in this dissertation I focus on one in particular: how certain social scientists sought to frame conflict as a problem of knowledge, by stretching the concept to fit the global proportions of the bipolar world that seemed to have emerged from World War II, and then using that conceptualization to oppose the Cold War. The dissertation first considers a specific moment of conceptual change, when some social scientists sought to redefine "conflict" in the immediate aftermath of World War II, so that it would be capacious enough to describe conflict at all levels of analysis, from the intrapersonal to the international. From there, it follows a cadre of social scientists who used that novel conceptualization to build an intellectual movement around a new journal and research center starting in the mid- 1950s. The scholars who participated in that movement, known as "peace research" or ''conflict resolution," endeavored to construct a "general theory of conflict," which they would then employ to challenge the notion that the Cold War was inevitable. The language of mid-century social science was the idiom in which they expressed their dissent. Although this was to become an international movement, this dissertation focuses on its American incarnation, which came to fruition at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor beginning around 1957. The dissertation then looks closely at how two of the leading theorists of that movement modeled conflict in the early 1960s, and considers the ethical and political impulses that animated their work, demonstrating that it was possible for some intellectuals to inhabit the dual role of academic social scientist and social critic in the early 1960s. It concludes with a brief set of reflections on the United States Institute of Peace, an independent federal institute established in 1984 to embody the dream of "conflict resolution."
by Marie Elizabeth Burks.
Ph. D. in History, Anthropology, and Science, Technology and Society (HASTS)
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Payne, Alyson Marie. "Creating Music of the Americas in the Cold War: Alberto Ginastera and the Inter-American Music Festivals." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1165436117.
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James, John. "UNITED STATES COLD WAR POLICY, THE PEACE CORPS AND ITS VOLUNTEERS IN COLOMBIA IN THE 1960S." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3964.
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John F. Kennedy initiated the Peace Corps in 1961 at the height of the Cold War to provide needed manpower and promote understanding with the underdeveloped world. This study examines Peace Corps work in Colombia during the 1960s within the framework of U.S. Cold War policy. It explores the experiences of volunteers in Colombia and contrasts their accounts with Peace Corps reports and presentations to Congress. It intends to show the agency's assessment of volunteer work and how it compares to the volunteers' views and Congressional reports. Although the Peace Corps presented some topics and themes expressed by volunteers, the thesis exposes the discrepancies that existed between Peace Corps reports and the volunteers' experiences. Volunteer accounts reveal that there were some criticisms and stories that the agency did not report. Furthermore, evidence sheds light on the obstacles volunteers encountered, how they were presented by the Peace Corps, as well as the value of volunteer work as perceived by volunteers. Finally, the Peace Corps articulated a goal of making friends in the underdeveloped world, and the accounts of the volunteers support the Peace Corps assertion that volunteers were successful in fostering relations and understanding in Colombia during the 1960s.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
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Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
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Mackay, Antonia Alexandra. "City, suburban and pastoral spaces and the formation of identity in Cold War America (1945-1965)." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2013. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/c32e0892-d70c-4288-a6a2-189783590838/1.
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This thesis focuses on the culture and literature of Cold War America and seeks to challenge accepted notions and assumptions about this era and its culture, pointing ultimately to the possibilities for transgression or escape from enforced homogeneity. Using feminist theories, urban theory, and a cultural materialist approach, this thesis employs the work of Judith Butler (1993, 1999), Elizabeth Grosz (1994, 1995, 2001, 2008) and Beatriz Colomina (1992, 2004), and draws on the ideas of Gilles Deleuze, to undertake an examination of subjectivity and its relation to built and landscape environments of the Cold War, enabling an investigation that includes literary texts and criticism, visual and media culture, and cultural, architectural and technological discourses. This study of identity examines the way in which bodies react to and are shaped by their surroundings engaging with sights (Disneyland, The Monsanto House of the Future & the Playboy Mansion), places (New York City, Southern American states and suburbia) texts, and objects (television & cook books). Racial, sexual and youth identities are examined in chapter one, through the street spaces of Ralph Ellisonʼs Invisible Man (1952), the works of the Beats, Hubert Selby Jrʼs Last Exit to Brooklyn (1964), and Salingerʼs The Catcher in the Rye (1951) illustrating how street identities manage to complicate the purported containment of the era, and blurring the distinction between public display and private spectacle where transgressive personae can find authenticity of selfhood from within their urban location. Chapter two considers suburban gender identities and their manufactured proscription through architecture and technology as presented in Richard Yatesʼ Revolutionary Road (1961), John Cheeverʼs short stories, Vladimir Nabakovʼs Lolita (1958), John Updikeʼs Rabbit, Run (1960) and Sloan Wilsonʼs The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit (1955), each examined in order to question containment, surveillance and gender proscription in this space. Finally, I examine the tensions between traditionally conformist selves and racial and sexual Others in the landscapes of Southern states, in the works of Tennessee Williamsʼ Cat on a Hot Tin Roof (1955) and A Streetcar Named Desire (1948) and Flannery OʼConnorʼs Wise Blood (1952). Using imagined spaces and landscapes this section considers a different form of spatially-determined identity, identity formed in an essentially hyperreal space – and exposes the contradictions of conformity and transgression. This thesisʼ original contribution to knowledge is based in the application of a theoretical feminist framework to established Cold War cultural criticism. In bridging the gap between existing theories of feminist corporeality and cultural criticism, my work will extend and challenge accepted notions of Fifties conformity and homogeneity in new and dynamic ways.
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新太郎, 水島. "Representations of masculinity and homosociality in cold war America : the beat generation and male homosocial bonding." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12572742/?lang=0, 2012. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB12572742/?lang=0.
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Stodden, William Peter. "Destabilization as Foreign Policy: The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.
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Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
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Sanchez, David J. "An emerging security community in the Americas? : a theoretical analysis of the consequences of the post-Cold War Inter-American demoncracy regime /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FSanchez.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Michael Barletta, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-77). Also available online.
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Lytwyn, Alexander. ""The Love of America is on Move:" Victimization, Cold War Consensus, and the Hungarian Revolution, 1956-1957." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/265734.
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HistoryM.A.
On November 4, 1956, Soviet forces brutally suppressed the Hungarian Revolution in Budapest. Although Nikita Khrushchev had attempted to "repair" the Soviet Union's image by denouncing Stalin's crimes, the Soviet invasion of Hungary damaged the Soviet Union's legitimacy in the international community. This thesis examines the popular and religious press' coverage of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. By publishing anticommunist editorials and letters to the editor, the popular press furthered the phenomenon known as Cold War Consensus. Historians have looked at Cold War Consensus as a conscious political project created by a number of individuals and institutions. This thesis emphasizes the role of the popular and religious press as agents in the solidification of the Cold War Consensus. Most notable was the popular and religious press' use of the victimization narrative. By portraying the Hungarian freedom fighters as victims of the Soviet system, the popular and religious press condemned the Soviet Union's actions while extolling "American values" such as democracy, freedom, and charity. The popular and religious press' treatment of Soviet brutality also built a sensationalized image of Hungarian refugees. The emphasis on Soviet savagery and narrative centered on incoming Hungarian refugees as heroes strengthened anticommunist rhetoric that was typical during the 1950s.
Temple University--Theses
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Prokop, Michal. "The Role of Munich Analogy in United States Foreign Policy and Latin America's Cold War." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-205019.
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The Munich analogy has been one of the most influential paradigms, which framed the United States strategic thinking in terms of use of force since 1945. The 1930s negative experience of appeasement traditionally served as a vehicle of rationalizing open and covert interventions, which allegedly aimed to stop the repetition of World War II scenario. The application of the historical reasoning in the US-Latin American relations since the 1950s contributed to the creation of the Munich syndrome in US foreign policy. This perception of threats led the American leaders to believe that the political changes in Latin America represented a serious challenge to the national security of the US. This study examines the role of Munich analogy and its relevance in justifying the policies of regime change in four Latin American countries namely Chile the Dominican Republic Grenada and Nicaragua. Due to the historical analogy contribution the indigenous political conflicts within these states were incorporated into dynamic Latin American Cold War. Based on the new available official documents and declassified files this paper offers a new perspective on the significant period of the 20th century international relations, whose consequences can be traced even in the contemporary US politics.
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Perez, Mario. "The Chavez challenge Venezuela, the United States and the geo-politics of post-Cold War inter-American relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FPerez.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A. ; Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Venezuela, United States, Latin America, Populism, President Hugo Chávez, Inequality, Foreign Policy, Ideology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-67). Also available in print.
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Sykes, Ian. "HOW TO TRY TO MASK COLONIALISM AND FAIL ANYWAY: AMERICAN PROPAGANDA IN NON-COMMUNIST ASIA DURING THE EARLY COLD WAR." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/566222.
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HistoryM.A.
This paper examines Free World articles covering anticommunism, modernization, decolonization, intra-regionalism, US foreign affairs, US foreign aid, and neocolonialism because the task of popularizing specific iterations of these ideas illustrated the implementation of the ideas formulated in NSC 48/5. Moreover, NSC 48/5 called non-communist Asia the location of “the most immediate threats to American National Security.” My paper seeks to answer the question of how American propaganda in Asia, seen through a case study of Free World, tried to accomplish this popularization objective. I argue that the United States Information Agency (USIA) masked America’s neocolonialist intentions and activities in East and Southeast Asia through a rhetoric of anticommunism, intra-regionalism, and modernization.
Temple University--Theses
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Borrie, Lee Adam. ""Wild Ones: Containment Culture and 1950s Youth Rebellion"." Thesis, University of Canterbury. American Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1003.
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My study seeks to fill a void in Cold War historiography by situating the emergence of 1950s youth culture in the context of containment culture, evaluating the form and extent of youth's cultural 'rebellion'. The pervasive cultural discourse of 'containment', which operated as both a foreign policy to restrict the Soviet Union's sphere of influence and a domestic policy to stifle political dissent, mandated that America propagate an image of social harmony and political plurality during the early years of the Cold War. Yet the emergence of a rebellious youth culture in the middle of the 1950s challenges the notion that America was a 'consensus society' and exposes the limitations and fissures of the white middle class hegemony that the containment narrative worked to legitimate. In examining the rise of rock n roll, the emergence of the drive-in theatre as a "teen space," and the significance of "style" to the galvanization of 1950s youth culture, this study examines the ways in which youth culture of the period variously negotiated, resisted, and accommodated containment culture.
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Chan, Catherine See. "Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.
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Fins, Antonio N. Hunt Michael H. "Pan American dialectic the impact of liberal and nationalist ideologies on U.S. policy toward Latin America from Good Neighbor to the Cold War, 1933-1949 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2748.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
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Crooker, Matthew R. "Cool Notes in an Invisible War: The Use of Radio and Music in the Cold War from 1953 to 1968." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1559565327720453.
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Pabst, Elizabeth Skelly. "Cold War Insecurity as Women's Opportunity: Sputnik, The National Defense Education Act of 1958, and Shifting Gender Roles in Eisenhower's America." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/403.
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Thesis advisor: Seth JacobsThe 1950s and early 1960s witnessed a dawning awareness throughout many sectors of American society that women were good for more than simply bearing children and tending house. The threat of communism, epitomized by the Soviet Union's launch of Sputnik in 1957, created extreme anxiety in the United States, an anxiety that manifested itself in two contradictory fashions. First, American women learned that the nation's best defense against communism began in the home, which was decidedly women's domain. The second message that American women received during this time is unquestionably the lesser known. The federal government and much of American society identified women as an untapped resource in national defense, a source of innovation and advancement in science and technology, thereby implying that with the help of American women, the United States could match Soviet achievements in these fields
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Virk, Kudrat. "Developing countries and humanitarian intervention in international society after the Cold War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60fbdfeb-341c-430c-91c7-5071397a0e47.
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This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.
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Taylor, John Matthew. "Outside Looking In: Stand-Up Comedy, Rebellion, and Jewish Identity in Early Post-World War II America." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2104.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.Title from screen (viewed on February 26, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason M. Kelly, Annie Gilbert Coleman, Monroe H. Little. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-125).
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Greentree, Todd. "The origins of the Reagan Doctrine Wars in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:54550ee8-e24b-4274-83d8-e9643c1f1aba.
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This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.
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Underwood, Aubrey. "The Apocalypse will be Televised: Representations of the Cold War on Network Television, 1976-1987." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/27.
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This dissertation examines how the major television networks, in conjunction with the Reagan administration, launched a lingering cloud of nuclear anxiety that helped to revive the Cold War during the 1980s. Placed within a larger political and cultural post-war context, this national preoccupation with a global show-down with the Soviet Union at times both hindered and bolstered Reagan’s image as the archetypal conservative, cowboy President that could free America from its liberal adolescent past now caustically referred to as “the sixties.” This stalwart image of Reagan, created and carefully managed by a number of highly-paid marketing executives, as one of the embodiment of peaceful deterrence, came under attack in the early 1980s when the “liberal” Nuclear Freeze movement showed signs of becoming politically threatening to the staunch conservative pledging to win the Cold War at any cost. And even if the nuclear freeze movement itself was not powerful enough to undergo the Herculean task of removing the President in 1984, the movement was compassionate enough to appeal to a mass audience, especially when framed in narrative form on network television. In the early 1980s, debates over the possibility of nuclear war and other pertinent Cold War related issues became much more democratized in their visibility on the network airwaves. However, the message disseminated from the networks was not placed in an educational framework, nor did these television productions clarify complicated nuclear issues such as nuclear winter theory and proliferation. I argue this renewed network attention on nuclear issues was not placed in an historical framework and likely confused American viewers because it routinely exposed audiences to both fact and fiction, undifferentiated at the level of the mass media.
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Jacobs, Matt D. "The unforeseen consequences of informal empire the United States, Latin America, and Fidel Castro, 1945-1961 /." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/jacobsm/mattjacobs.pdf.
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Antonopoulos, Athanasios. "Redefining an alliance : Greek-US relations, 1974-1980." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23483.
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In 1974 following the Cyprus Crisis, the bilateral alliance between Greece and the United States entered a new period. The bilateral relations, traditionally close since the emergence of the Cold War, faced a set of challenges. Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus and the collapse of the Greek dictatorship, which enjoyed close ties with Washington, gave rise to anti-Americanism in Greek society. Moreover, Washington’s inability to contain Turkish aggression frustrated the Greek government. In response to the invasion of Cyprus, Athens announced Greece’s withdrawal from NATO with the hope of securing the active involvement of the US and NATO in the Greek-Turkish dispute. These developments required readjustments to Greek-US policies and strategies to overcome obstacles and secure their objectives. Greece’s withdrawal from and return to NATO after six years, in October 1980, symbolises best this distinct period of Greek-US cooperation. The traditional historical narrative states that after 1974 the priorities of successive Greek governments were increasingly directed at managing the country’s accession to European Economic Community while developing closer cooperation with the Balkan states. The United States remained another significant ally of Greece. This thesis emphasises that the Greek governments between 1974 and 1980 regarded the United States as the single most important ally for the Greek national security policy. The Greek governments realised that only Washington could assist Greece with both Soviet and Turkish threats. Washington, meanwhile, prioritised retaining close ties with both Greece and Turkey and an eventual re-build of NATO’s Southern Flank. What is significant is that President Carter put aside his idealistic declarations made on the campaign trail and adopted fully Ford/Kissinger’s approach toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus, i.e. the Eastern Mediterranean. Hence, the thesis underlines the element of continuity between the US administrations in the second half of 1970s. The thesis makes a significant contribution to Cold War scholarship regarding bilateral relations within the West during the era of détente. Scholars has largely overlooked the US’s relationships with Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus even though the Eastern Mediterranean region dominated the foreign policy agendas of both Ford and Carter administrations. This study argues that President Ford’s handling of relations with Greece was focused on crisis management rather than crisis solving. More significantly, although unrecognised at the time, President Carter’s relations with Greece were a significant success. Ford and Carter responded to the Eastern Mediterranean questions in ways that reflect significant continuities in their approaches. Ford and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger developed the concept of a ‘balanced approach’ towards Athens and Ankara in political, economic, and military terms that aimed at ensuring close ties with both. Carter followed the same policy concept. Carter succeeded in seeing Greece’s return to full NATO membership while resisting being dragged into the centre of Greek-NATO negotiations. During these years the Greek government also scored significant successes. Greek pressure ensured that Washington devoted equal attention to Greece and Turkey, a much more powerful regional power. Similarly, Greece received significant US economic aid while Turkey faced a strict US arms embargo. By 1980, however, the implications of the Iranian Revolution and the end of détente mandated that Turkey had to take precedence over Greece in the US’s policy considerations.
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Ali-Masoud, Atiya Hamed. "America and the Arab World through the prism of the United Nations : a study of Libya and Sudan in the post-Cold War era (1990-2006)." Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9496/.
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There exists a number of important key issues surrounding the drafting of the United Nations (UN) Charter and affecting relations between the United States (US) and the UN - not least of which have been the standards of the UN Charter and the extent to which the US has influenced international decision-making and exploited the UN Security Council in attempts to promote US foreign policy interests and achieve its own political agenda. I query the variables affecting the UN Security Council’s powers under the auspices of maintaining the international balance of power and raise questions surrounding how the US was able to expand its own foreign policy agenda, specifically toward Arab nations, under the umbrella of the UN. In addition, I examine how the US made efforts to push other UN members in directions that they might not have wanted to follow in specific cases in the Arab World, including those of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Iraq, Somalia, Libya and Sudan. The research illustrates a significant transformation in the tasks dealt with by the UN Security Council and its performance in the Arab World through the two case studies of Libya and Sudan. Primary data was collected through interviews with four administrators involved in Libyan and Sudanese foreign policy and the UN during the post-Cold War era (1990-2006). The findings reveal a positive correlation between the ability of the US to predominate over decision-making within the UN Security Council and to successfully influence its policies in order to achieve the collective legitimisation of its own actions and political agenda.
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Gudicello, Dean. "Security at any Cost." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/461.
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Thesis advisor: Jennie PurnellAbstract: American policy in Latin America has been primarily motivated by a desire to keep foreign powers out of the Western Hemisphere. To this end America has pursued a policy of military intervention designed to make sure that it stays the dominant power in this hemisphere. American policymakers consider this vital to national security, and have do not let concerns over the moral implications of the interventions interfere. This paper looks at interventions during the 20th century, focusing on the imperialist era of the first few decades of the 20th century and the Cold War
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Ballion, Frédérique. "La représentation de l'ennemi dans le cinéma étasunien : de l'après guerre à la chute du mur de Berlin." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0073/document.
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Afin d’étudier les différentes représentations de l’ennemi véhiculées pendant laGuerre froide, nous avons privilégié l’analyse croisée du discours politique et dudiscours cinématographique. Le concept d’ennemi, inhérent à la politique étrangèrependant cette période, participe au processus de légitimation des actions menéespar le gouvernement américain. Le traitement de ses représentations par le cinémacontribue à ce processus devenant un vecteur de diffusion des représentations del’ennemi. Cependant, le cinéma peut également être le lieu de cristallisation desinterrogations présentes au sein de la société, battant en brèche le discours politiquedominant. Le discours cinématographique s’appréhende à la fois comme une armeidéologique participant à la désignation et à la diabolisation de l’ennemi maiségalement dans le contexte troublé des années soixante et soixante-dix comme uninstrument de contestation, révélateur des tensions socialesIn order to study the various representations of the enemy conveyed during the ColdWar, we preferred to adopt a crossed-analysis of both the political andcinematographic discourses. The concept of enemy, which was inherent to theforeign policy at that time, took part in the process of legitimization of the actionscarried out by the American government. Its cinematographic representationscontribute to this process, cinema becoming a medium of diffusion of therepresentations of the enemy. However, it can also be the place where society'sinterrogations crystallize, thus attacking the dominant political discourse. Thecinematographic discourse can be comprehended at the same time as an ideologicalweapon, part of the designating and of the demonizing of the enemy, but also, in thetroubled context of the sixties and the seventies, as a contestation tool, saying a lotabout the social tensions
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Spring, Dawn. "Selling Brand America: The Advertising Council and the ‘Invisible Hand’ of Free Enterprise, 1941-1961." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1235745009.
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Martins, Maria Antonia Dias. "Identidade Ibero-americana em revista: Cuadernos Americanos e Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, 1942 - 1955." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-20052013-114134/.
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Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar as discussões sobre a identidade ibero-americana realizadas por intelectuais nas revistas Cuadernos Americanos (CA) e Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH) no período de 1942 a 1955. Também faz parte deste trabalho o estudo das análises propostas por esses intelectuais sobre as relações entre Ibero-América, Estados Unidos e Espanha nos contextos da II Guerra Mundial e da Guerra Fria. Embora se interessassem pelo mesmo foco (a Ibero-América), ambas as publicações tiveram origens e propostas distintas: as duas atuaram em campos ideológicos opostos e se constituíram como armas de luta política. CA foi gestada por um grupo de intelectuais mexicanos e exilados espanhóis que se identificavam com o republicanismo, e, portanto, eram opositores ferrenhos do franquismo; CH surgiu posteriormente, com vistas a ampliar as bases de apoio do regime franquista no Continente latino-americano, já que a Espanha estava isolada desde o final da Segunda Guerra em virtude de sua anterior identificação com a ideologia nazi-fascista e com um governo autoritário e simpático ao Eixo.This thesis presents an analysis of the debates around Iberian-American identity accomplished by intellectuals in the magazines Cuadernos Americanos (CA) and Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos (CH), in the years 1942 to 1955. This works also examines the analysis proposed by these intellectuals about the relationship between Iberian-American, United States and Spain during World War II and the Cold War. Although the magazines had the same focus in Iberian-America, they had distinct origins and proposals: both served as political instrument in opposite ideological terrains. CA was created by a group of intellectuals (Mexicans and Spanish in exile) in a hard opposition to Franquismo; CH appeared later aiming to enlarge the Latin-American support of Francos regime, as this was isolated since the end of WWII due to Francos authoritarianism and Nazi-Fascist alignment.
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Wurstová, Adéla. "USA jako globální supervelmoc a jejich pozice v 21. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193706.
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This thesis is dealing with the analysis of American attributes of power which formed the USA as a superpower and has influenced the world politics in the 21st century. Hypothesis that the USA is still a superpower on the beginning of the 21st century was confirmed in six chapters. The first part of the diploma thesis presents theoretical and methodological bases, history and development of the United States and its rise to superpower status after the Second World War. The second part of the thesis, the last three chapters which are dealing with current American foreign policy and its relations with other important states and regions, proved the expected results of the hypothesis. Therefore the result of the thesis is that the United States still maintains its leading position of the global superpower despite of its relative political and economic weakness in the recent years.
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Bellavia, Steven Robert. "Building Cold War Warriors: Socialization of the Final Cold War Generation." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu152293636915038.
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Hwang, Seunghyun. "Remaking the American Family:Asian Americans on Broadway during the Cold War Era." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1403302910.
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Daw, Sarah Harriet. "Writing ecology in Cold War American literature." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19367.
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This thesis examines the function and presentation of “Nature” in American literature written between 1945 and 1971. It argues that the widespread presence of ecological representations of “Nature” within Cold War literature has been critically overlooked, as a result of Cold War literary criticism’s comparatively narrow concentration on the direct effects of political and ideological metanarratives on texts. It uncovers a plethora of ecological portrayals of the relationship between the human and the environment, and reveals the significance of the role played by non-Western and non-Anglocentric philosophies and spiritualties in shaping these presentations. This study is methodologically informed by the most recent developments in the field of ecocriticism, including Scott Knickerbocker’s work on ecopoetics and Timothy Morton’s explorations of the problems associated with the term “Nature”. It finds significant continuities within these ecological portrayals, which suggest that nuclear discourse had an influential effect on the presentation of “Nature” within Cold War literature. This influence is, however, heavily mediated by the role that non-Western and non-Anglocentric philosophies play in writers’ theorisations of relations of interdependence between the human and the environment. Such literary presentations challenge the understanding that the Nuclear Age represents a conquest of “Nature”. Rather, they reveal that a number of Cold War writers present human interdependence within an ecological system, capable of the annihilation of the human, and of the containment of the new nuclear threat. The thesis’s introductory chapter questions the characterisation of Silent Spring (1962) as the founding text of the modern environmental movement. It outlines this study’s intervention into the field of Cold War criticism, detailing its specific ecocritical methodology and engaging with the legacy of Transcendentalism. Chapter One looks at the work of Paul Bowles, with a primary focus on The Sheltering Sky (1949). It demonstrates the centrality of the landscape to the writer’s creative project, and reveals the substantial influence of the Sufi mysticism on Bowles’s presentation of the human’s relationship to the environment. Chapter Two focuses on the work of the New Mexican poet Peggy Pond Church. It establishes the influence of the writer’s familiarity with the Pueblo Native American worldview on her poetic portrayals of the human and the nuclear as interrelated parts within a greater ecological system. It also uncovers similar portrayals within the work of the “father of the atomic bomb”, J. Robert Oppenheimer. The third chapter analyses the effects of Chinese and Japanese literature and thought on the work of J. D. Salinger. It outlines the function of “Nature” in the work of the specific translators that Salinger names, arguing that this translated Taoism substantially informed the ecological vision present across his oeuvre. Chapter Four explores the impact of Simone Weil on the work of Mary McCarthy. It reads Birds of America (1971), demonstrating the governing influence of Weil’s concept of “force” on McCarthy’s presentation of the human as an interdependent part within a powerful ecological system.