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Journal articles on the topic 'Cold War America'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Olander, Marcia. "Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War?" Americas 52, no. 4 (April 1996): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008474.

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The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.

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2

Young, John. "War and cold war." Review of International Studies 13, no. 4 (October 1987): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113555.

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Over recent years the birth of the post-war world—of the East—West divide in Germany and Europe; the Soviet preponderance in the East; and the Atlantic alliance—has come to exert an enormous attraction over academics and students, and as the archives have been opened in Britain, America and elsewhere, the year 1945 has ceased to be a 'barrier' for historical studies.

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3

Broadwater, Jeff, Steven M. Gillon, Diane B. Kunz, Randall B. Woods, and Howard Jones. "America during the Cold War." History Teacher 28, no. 1 (November 1994): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494299.

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4

Maynes, Charles William. "America without the Cold War." Foreign Policy, no. 78 (1990): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148626.

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5

Reisch, George A. "Science in cold war America." Metascience 28, no. 3 (May 29, 2019): 507–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-019-00422-0.

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6

ISAAC, JOEL. "THE HUMAN SCIENCES IN COLD WAR AMERICA." Historical Journal 50, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 725–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006334.

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ABSTRACTThe last fifteen years have witnessed an explosion of interest in the history of the Cold War. Historical attention has focused not only on the diplomatic and military aspects of the conflict, but also, increasingly, on its cultural, intellectual, and technological dimensions. One of the fruits of this widening of scope in Cold War studies is a burgeoning literature on the development of the post-Second World War American human sciences. Studies of the Cold War career of the human sciences, however, have often been inflected by moralistic, and sometimes tendentious, claims about the relationship between the state and the academy. This article seeks to explain the chief characteristics of the historiography of the human sciences in Cold War America by describing its formation in the interstices of three distinct lines of inquiry: the history of science, the cultural turn in Cold War studies, and the history of the birth of the human science professions in the United States. It argues that historians of the post-war American human sciences have absorbed some features of these literatures, whilst neglecting others that offer more nuanced perspectives on the relationship between scientific research and its patrons during the Cold War era. Moreover, it suggests that the best prospects for the future maturation of the field lie in the recovery of ‘middle-range contextualizations’ that link post-war trends in the human sciences to interwar and turn-of-the-century developments, thereby making the Cold War context less all-encompassing than it has sometimes appeared.

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7

FOLLY, MARTIN H. "Cold War Dichotomies." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 3 (December 2000): 503–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875851006474.

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James E. Cronin, The World The Cold War Made. Order, Chaos and the Return of History (New York and London: Routledge, 1996, £15.99). Pp. 344. ISBN 0 0415 90821 3.Richard M. Fried, The Russians Are Coming! The Russians Are Coming! Pageantry and Patriotism in Cold War America (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1998, £25.00). Pp. 220. ISBN 0 19 507020 8.Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron. Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945–1954 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998, £25.00). Pp. 554. ISBN 0 521 64044 x.Michael Kort (ed.), The Columbia Guide to the Cold War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999, £32.00). Pp. 366. ISBN 0 231 10772 2.Joseph M. Siracusa, Into the Dark House. American Diplomacy and the Ideological Origins of the Cold War (Claremont, CA: Regina Books, 1998, $36.95 cloth, $14.95 paper). Pp. 288. ISBN 0 941690 81 4, 0 941690 80 6.There was a time not so long ago when it seemed that there was nothing new to be written about the origins of the Cold War. The topic appeared to have become stale, with the same battles being refought, along familiar lines. Cold War studies have not abated, however, and indeed have been reinvigorated by a number of developments. The writer on American involvement in the Cold War now has to consider how to integrate Eastern bloc material into their work, and the developing theses of scholars from other Western nations, and from within the US to respond to the prevailing intellectual trend in much of academia to focus on ideology, culture and discourse.

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8

Cooke, Bill, Albert J. Mills, and Elizabeth S. Kelley. "Situating Maslow in Cold War America." Group & Organization Management 30, no. 2 (April 2005): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1059601104273062.

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9

Nagahara, Hiromu. "Consuming Japan in Cold War America." Diplomatic History 43, no. 3 (March 15, 2019): 575–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhz009.

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10

Lenihan, John H. "English Classic For Cold War America." Journal of Popular Film and Television 20, no. 3 (July 1992): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01956051.1992.9944227.

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11

McConachie, Bruce. "Method Acting and the Cold War." Theatre Survey 41, no. 1 (May 2000): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400004385.

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Triumphalist accounts of the spread of “the Method” in post-World War II America generally explain its success as the victory of natural truths over benighted illusions about acting. In Method Actors: Three Generations of An American Acting Style, for instance, Steve Vineberg follows his summary of the primary attributes of “method” acting with the comment: “These concerns weren't invented by Stanislavski or his American successors; they emerged naturally out of the two thousand-year history of Western acting.” Hence, the final triumph of “the Method” was natural, even inevitable. Vineberg's statement, however, raises more questions than it answers. Why did it take two thousand years for actors and theorists of acting to get it right? Or, to localize the explanation to the United States, why did more American actors, directors, and playwrights not jump on the Stanislavski bandwagon and reform the American theatre after the appearance of the Moscow Art Theatre in New York in 1923 and the subsequent lectures and classes from Boleslavski and others? The Group Theatre demonstrated the power of Stanislavski-derived acting techniques in the 1930s, but their substantial successes barely dented the conventional wisdom about acting theory and technique in the professional theatre. Yet, in the late 1940s and early fifties, “method” acting, substantially unchanged from its years in the American Laboratory and Group theatres, took Broadway and Hollywood by storm.

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12

McCook, Stuart, and Paul D. Peterson. "The Geopolitics of Plant Pathology: Frederick Wellman, Coffee Leaf Rust, and Cold War Networks of Science." Annual Review of Phytopathology 58, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-phyto-082718-100109.

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During the Cold War, coffee became a strategically important crop in the global contest between the United States and the Soviet Union. The economies of many US allies in Latin America depended upon coffee. In the Cold War context, then, the coffee leaf rust ( Hemileia vastatrix) became a geopolitical problem. Coffee experts in Latin America, which produced most of the world's coffee, began to prepare for an outbreak. In the 1950s, they built a global network of coffee experts. This network was sustained by US-led Cold War programs that promoted technical collaboration across the Global South, such as Harry Truman's Point Four programs. We explore the network's growth and evolution through one of its central figures, the American plant pathologist Frederick L. Wellman. This network has survived the end of the Cold War and evolved to reflect the new geopolitical context.

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13

Holland, Catherine A. "Hartz and Minds: The Liberal Tradition after the Cold War." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 2 (October 2005): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000155.

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The Liberal Tradition in America is truly an exceptional book. Its conceptual framework has been widely criticized as wrongheaded, and each of its organizing theses has been held to be historically inaccurate. Nonetheless, it continues to figure as a central text for scholars in political studies and American studies. We teach it regularly in graduate seminars, allow the problems it raises to shape our research agendas, and organize symposia to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of its publication. Indeed, it is tempting to suggest that, if nothing else, Louis Hartz long ago proved that it is more desirable to be interesting than to be right. To that end, I write here to register an appreciation of his work even as I acknowledge the aptness of much of the criticism to which it has been subjected. To my mind, a Hartz who has been refined and reframed by decades of criticism can still offer valuable insight into America and America's engagement with the world, particularly in a moment of caustic political and sharp economic divisions that would seem to belie the consensus he emphasized, and in the midst of the emergence of forthrightly illiberal doctrines shaping both American domestic and foreign policy.

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14

BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.

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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.

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15

Williams, Mark Eric. "Revisiting the Cold War in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 52, no. 5 (2017): 916–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.229.

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16

Warner, John Harley. "The Doctor in early Cold War America." Lancet 381, no. 9876 (April 2013): 1452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(13)60915-0.

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17

MILLER, LINDA B. "America after the Cold War: competing visions?" Review of International Studies 24, no. 2 (April 1998): 251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210598002514.

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18

Schmidli, William Michael. "Tracking the Cold War in Latin America." Reviews in American History 40, no. 2 (2012): 332–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2012.0048.

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19

Axelrod, Steven Gould. "Pursuing Privacy in Cold War America (review)." Modernism/modernity 9, no. 4 (2002): 697–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mod.2002.0065.

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20

DeBenedetti, Charles L. "Educators and Armaments in Cold War America." Peace & Change 34, no. 4 (October 2009): 425–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2009.00592.x.

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21

Weeks, Gregory. "Latin America and the Global Cold War." Cold War History 21, no. 2 (February 21, 2021): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2021.1886909.

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22

Harmer, Tanya. "Latin America and the Global Cold War." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-9052175.

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23

COUVARES, FRANCIS G. "IMPERIAL LIBERALISM? RELIGION, EDUCATION, AND THE COLD WAR." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924430999031x.

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A few years ago I found myself at the Ogden, Utah rodeo with thirty schoolteachers from all over the world. They were participants in a Fulbright-supported American studies institute, and the trip to Utah was part of a weeklong foray into a part of America quite different from Amherst, MA, where the bulk of lectures and discussions had taken place in the previous three weeks. Our visit happened to coincide with “Armed Services Day,” and the spectacle my students encountered proved even more impressive than the riding and roping they had expected. The principle feature of that spectacle had to do with the organizers’ almost total confounding of religion and patriotism. At the high point of the event, over the roar of military band music and military helicopters passing overhead, the booming voice of the announcer declared that “God's helicopters” were protecting America and the rest of the world from tyranny. The books under review here endeavor to explain the spectacle in Ogden on that summer day—along with the train of events that, over sixty years ago, launched a crusade against “godless communism” and, a few decades later, made “the Christian right” a major force in American politics.

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24

REYNOLDS, DAVID. "FROM WORLD WAR TO COLD WAR: THE WARTIME ALLIANCE AND POST-WAR TRANSITIONS, 1941–1947." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002291.

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This review examines some of the recent British, American, and Russian scholarship on a series of important international transitions that occurred in the years around 1945. One is the shift of global leadership from Great Britain to the United States, in which, it is argued, the decisive moment was the fall of France in 1940. Another transition is the emergence of a wartime alliance between Britain and America, on the one hand, and the Soviet Union, on the other, followed by its disintegration into the Cold War. Here the opening of Soviet sources during the 1990s has provided new evidence, though not clear answers. To understand both of these transitions, however, it is necessary to move beyond diplomacy and strategy to look at the social, cultural, and economic dimensions of the Second World War. In particular, recent studies of American and Soviet soldiers during and after the conflict re-open the debate about Cold War ideology from the bottom up.

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25

Samuel, Lawrence R. "Distinctly un-American: subliminal advertising and the Cold War." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-08-2015-0030.

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Purpose – This paper aims to describe the relationship between subliminal advertising and the Cold War to have a better understanding of the cultural dynamics of postwar America. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is a review of primary and secondary materials from the period 1957-1958, primarily popular and trade periodicals that capture the events as they took place. Findings – Subliminal advertising both reflected and shaped fears grounded in the Cold War cultural climate, and reveal other key insights related to the postwar psyche. Research limitations/implications – Political ideology is readily apparent within consumer culture, a prime example of the insights to be gained by viewing American culture through an interdisciplinary lens. Practical implications – Advertisers can effectively tap into consumers’ deeply seated emotions, but should tread carefully lest they be accused of “mind control”. Social implications – Subliminal advertising represented a seminal moment in postwar American history by exposing the hyper-paranoia of the times. Originality/value – A blow-by-blow account of the subliminal advertising craze and its relationship to the Cold War represents a deep dive into one of the more fascinating sites of mid-century America.

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Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. "The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.

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It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues that Latin American countries consider priorities (Youngers 2003, 2). Susan Kauffman (2002), for instance, posits that: “once again the United States is looking at Latin America through a security lens, while Latin America wants the emphasis to remain on economic development.” The effects of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America after 9/11 have not repeated the pattern of the Cold War. Although Latin America no longer is the overriding priority of American foreign policy, the U.S. has not neglected the region, nor, as many analysts have argued (Shifter 2004; Youngers 2003; Hakim 2006; Roett 2006), has it become disengaged from the hemisphere. The terrorist attacks did not introduce a different agenda for U.S.-Latin American relations from that of the post-Cold-War period. Free trade, illegal migration and the fight against drugs have continued to be the main issues of U.S.-Latin American relations. Even the trend towards militarization of U.S. foreign policy began in Latin America long before the terrorist attacks. U.S.-Latin America relations have been affected significantly not by the consequences of 9/11, but rather by the negative effects of the U.S-promoted economic model in the region. The failures of the so-called Washington Consensus are not linked to the terrorist attacks.

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Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.

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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.

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Peacock, Margaret. "Cold War consumption and the marketing of childhood in the Soviet Union and the United States, 1950-1960." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-05-2015-0015.

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Purpose – This paper aims to explore the relationship between childhood, consumption and the Cold War in 1950s America and the Soviet Union. The author argues that Soviet and American leaders, businessmen, and politicians worked hard to convince parents that buying things for their children offered the easiest way to raise good American and Soviet kids and to do their part in waging the economic battles of the Cold War. The author explores how consumption became a Cold War battleground in the late 1950s and suggests that the history of childhood and Cold War consumption alters the way we understand the conflict itself. Design/Methodology/Approach – Archival research in the USA and the Russian Federation along with close readings of Soviet and American advertisements offer sources for understanding the global discourse of consumption in the 1950s and 1960s. Findings – Leaders, advertisers, and propagandists in the Soviet Union and the USA used the same images in the same ways to sell the ethos of consumption to their populations. They did this to sell the Cold War, to bolster the status quo, and to make profits. Originality/Value – This paper offers a previously unexplored, transnational perspective on the role that consumption and the image of the child played in shaping the Cold War both domestically and abroad.

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Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "Educational Exchange as a Cold War Weapon: American Influence on Danish Journalists after World War II." American Studies in Scandinavia 44, no. 2 (September 1, 2012): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v44i2.4914.

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American President Harry S. Truman called the Cold War a “struggle for the minds of men,” and assigned journalists an important role in the conflict. The American administration’s strategy was to influence young people and opinion leaders in countries deemed important during the Cold War in the hope that their views would trickle down to the broader population. This article analyzes transnational flows of people and knowledge between the United States and Denmark after World War II. Through an examination of archival material, the study finds that the U.S. Department of State, via the American Embassy in Copenhagen, consciously attempted to shape Danish journalists’ view of America directly and indirectly. The article finds that American officials were very skilled at picking future opinion and media leaders for educational exchange and thereby provided them with a deeper understanding of U. S. affairs.

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Kostiuk, Ruslan. "Social-reformist Experiments in Latin America during the Cold War." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-83-105.

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The article is devoted to the consideration and analysis of the practical policy of Latin American national reformism and social reformism during the Cold War. The author shows that the political and ideological gamut of the non-communist left movement in Latin America in the bipolar period was very wide. Specifically in this scientific article, the author refers to examples of the exercise of power by different directions of the socialist movement in the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Panama, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Peru, Chile. The author shows the existing connections between Latin American national reformism and the Socialist International and at that time comes to the conclusion that the ideology and practice of Latin American social democracy during the Cold War had a special, specific character. The common features characteristics of both the ideological project and the practical policy of the social reformist forces in the period under review were a commitment to political transformations, the expansion of social and political rights of citizens, the strengthening of the state and public sector in the economy, the priority of social policy, an anti-oligarchic strategy, a focus on a fair agrarian reform, anti-imperialism and the desire to defend national independence in foreign policy. In some cases (Nicaragua, Panama, Chile), the nature of social-economic transformations went beyond the framework of classical social reformism and had a revolutionary democratic content. The results of the center-left experiments in Latin American countries during the Cold War have varied, but by the 1990s most of them had failed. This is largely due to the fact that in the specific historical conditions of Latin American countries, national reformism in power led to the development of authoritarian and personalist tendencies, an increase in corruption and bureaucracy, attempts to merge the party and state apparatus.

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Madokoro, Laura, Catherine Wihtol de Wenden, and María-Cristina García. "The Refugee Challenge in Post-Cold War America." Monde(s) N°15, no. 1 (2019): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mond1.191.0179.

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Enh, Azlizan Mat, Zubaidah VP Hamzah, Mohd Samsudin, and Rupawan Ahmad. "America-Soviet Conflicts in the Cold War Era." Social Sciences 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2012): 588–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3923/sscience.2012.588.595.

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Anderson, Terry H. "The Refugee Challenge in Post–Cold War America." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 764. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay427.

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Sugrue, Thomas J. "The Politics of Culture in Cold War America." Prospects 20 (October 1995): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006153.

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In march, 1994, the University of Pennsylvania held a conference to celebrate the opening of the Howard Fast papers at the university's library. To commemorate Fast's remarkable sixty-year career, a group of historians and literary critics gathered to reconsider the intellectual and cultural milieu of the United States in the early years of the Cold War. During the eventful years, from 1945 to 1960, Fast emerged as a leading Communist activist and a major literary figure who achieved great popular success. Fast, an unabashed member of the Communist Party, like many other oppositional writers of the era, clashed with the national security state. He faced harassment, blacklisting, and marginalization for his refusal to cooperate with federal authorities who were committed to silencing cultural and political voices from the Left. Like other stalwarts of the Communist Party, Fast was often doctrinaire. As a reporter for the Daily Worker and an occasional partisan polemicist, Fast was often stiflingly orthodox. But Fast's Communism was a distinctively American variant, mediated by New York's Jewish radicalism, deeply concerned with the American dilemma of racial inequality.

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35

Doel, Ronald E. "Evaluating Soviet Lunar Science in Cold War America." Osiris 7 (January 1992): 238–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/368712.

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36

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Volker R. Berghahn. "America and the Intellectual Cold War in Europe." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 3 (2001): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050194.

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37

이원봉. "China's Security Strategy to America Postin cold war." Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 15, no. 2 (November 2008): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18107/japs.2008.15.2.003.

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38

Isaac, Joel. "Introduction: The human sciences and Cold War America." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 47, no. 3 (June 2011): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.20508.

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Burrell, Jennifer L., and Ellen Moodie. "The Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America." Annual Review of Anthropology 44, no. 1 (October 21, 2015): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102214-014101.

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RABE, STEPHEN G. "Human Rights, Latin America, and the Cold War." Diplomatic History 36, no. 1 (January 2012): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01021.x.

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41

Sachs, Jeffrey D. "Will America create a Cold War with China." China Economic Journal 12, no. 2 (April 9, 2019): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2019.1601811.

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COOK, ROBERT. "Bruce Catton, Middlebrow Culture, and the Liberal Search for Purpose in Cold War America." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812001260.

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This essay provides a case study of one man's transition from the reform-oriented liberalism of the New Deal period to the burgeoning rights-focussed liberalism of the 1960s. It contends that Bruce Catton, the most popular Civil War historian of his generation, played an influential role in forging the culture of Cold War America. He did so in his capacity as a prominent “middlebrow” intellectual who sought to instil his legions of adoring fans with a sense of moral purpose at a time when political elites were fretting about ordinary Americans' ability to fight the Cold War effectively. While his finely crafted narratives of the Civil War demonstrated the courage and conviction of nineteenth-century Americans, his many public appearances in the 1950s enabled him to disseminate further his conviction that the timeless values of American democracy remained as relevant in the disturbing present as they had been in the country's divided past. Catton's characteristically middlebrow commitment to antiracism as a contribution to the Cold War struggle was by no means unfaltering but an assessment of his writings and actions during the Civil War centennial reveals his continuing determination to render American democracy sufficiently vigorous to counter the ongoing communist threat.

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Erokhin, Alexander. "Cold War literary modernists in a dialogue under oppression." Translation and Interpreting Studies 15, no. 3 (September 16, 2020): 380–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.20075.ero.

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Abstract The article deals with selected aspects of the cultural appropriation of post-Stalinist Soviet poetry by Anglo-American poets and translators. The article focuses on Yevgeny Yevtushenko and Andrei Voznesensky, two eminent representatives of Russian lyric poetry of the “Thaw.” English translations of Yevtushenko’s and Voznesensky’s poems are discussed in relation to Cold War issues and imagery, such as the themes of the Second World War, the Holocaust, and the rediscovery of America. The article demonstrates that the Soviet-Russian authors and their Anglo-American translators appealed to their governments and audiences over the moral and aesthetic barriers imposed by the Cold War. The opportunity for independent, liberal, romantic, or leftist English-speaking authors to collaborate with the post-Stalinist Russian poets of the Thaw was made possible by the latters’ willingness to break the cultural isolation of the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death.

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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.

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Kovačević, Ivan, and Vladimir Ribić. "“The Russians are coming, the Russians are coming” – an apology of detente." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i2.4.

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The 1966 film The Russians are coming, the Russians are coming is a film which promotes the politics of detente in America. After cold war era films in which the Soviets are exclusively portrayed as spies endangering America, this is the first film to portray them as positive characters, while ridiculing those who propagate war and confrontation. After the Cuban crisis and the process of stopping the spread of nuclear weapons it was necessary to show the American public the funny face of detente. In the comedy about sailors from a stranded Soviet submarine confrontation is always possible but us avoided through solidarity and communal efforts. This apology of detente, intended to calm the cold war situation and anti-war lobbies in America is one-sided, because there weren’t any such films on the other side. What happened over there during the detente period is evident by the following decade in which the largest number of military interventions by the Soviet and Cuban armies around the world occurred.

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Farid, Irfan, Asma Aftab, and Zubair Iqbal. "A Critique of American Supremacist Politics in Cold War in Sorayya Khan's City of Spies." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. II (March 30, 2021): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-ii).02.

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The present study investigates the representation of America in Anglophone Pakistani Literature with a special focus on Sorayya Khan's City of Spies with the assumption to trace some possible connection between American intervention and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the context of Pakistan's politics. Given the American intervention in Pakistani politics and its indelible impact on the domestic and international scenario had made the country a virtual battleground for the superpowers of the world. Khan's novel situates this conflict in the aftermath of the military coup of General Zia, followed by the Afghan war and (c)overt American alliance in it, which brought about serious implications for the Pakistani state. The story of the novel offers some pertinent extracts which deal, literally or metaphorically, with the role and representation of America in these geostrategic events. The article has used the critical cultural angle by investing the theoretical views of Ziauddin Sardar in terms of the Muslim world's apathy for America in the aftermath of cold war politics are used to get a better insight into the central problem by underscoring how this foreign policy of America has been responsible for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan.

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Cameselle-Pesce, Pedro. "Italian-Uruguayans for Free Italy: Serafino Romualdi's Quest for Transnational Anti-Fascist Networks during World War II." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.107.

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AbstractIn 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War.

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Berger, Mark T. "Managing Latin America: US power, North American knowledge and the cold war." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 2, no. 1 (July 1996): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13260219.1996.10431803.

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Daniel M. Cobb. "Indian Politics in Cold War America: Parallel and Contradiction." Princeton University Library Chronicle 67, no. 2 (2006): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.25290/prinunivlibrchro.67.2.0392.

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Castaneda, Jorge G. "Latin America and the End of the Cold War." Transition, no. 59 (1993): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2934871.

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