Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cold War Civil rights movements

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Cold War Civil rights movements'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Cold War Civil rights movements"

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MOORES, CHRISTOPHER. "From Civil Liberties to Human Rights? British Civil Liberties Activism and Universal Human Rights." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000100.

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AbstractThis article discusses British civil liberties organisations hoping to engage in a broader human rights politics during and immediately after the Second World War. It argues that various movements and organisations from sections of the British Left attempted to articulate a human rights politics which incorporated political, civil, social and economic rights during the 1940s and early 1950s. However, organisations were unable to express this and mobilise accordingly. This reflected the collapse of the popular-front-style alliances forged in the 1930s and the difficulties in articulating political positions distinct from the ideological polarisation that emerged with the onset of the Cold War.
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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Romano, Renee. "Moving Beyond ““The Movement that Changed the World””: Bringing the History of the Cold War into Civil Rights Museums." Public Historian 31, no. 2 (2009): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.2.32.

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Abstract A growing body of historical scholarship has demonstrated that the Cold War had a profound impact on the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The rise of newly independent nations in African and Asia, coupled with Americas quest to lead the ““free world”” against the Soviet Union, made American racism an international liability and created conditions that fostered civil rights reforms at home. Yet the Cold War's influence on the movement is largely absent at the nation's leading civil rights museums. This article surveys the ways in which four civil rights museums present the relationship between the movement and the Cold War, and suggests some reasons that museums have yet to internationalize their history of the movement. The Cold War interpretation shows how foreign policy concerns and elite whites' self-interest both helped generate and limit civil rights reforms. This interpretation, however, stands at odd with the celebratory narrative of the movement as a triumph of democratic ideals that these museums present.
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Tóth, György. "The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7355.

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Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle—which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.
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Koppes, Clayton R. "Solving for X." Pacific Historical Review 82, no. 1 (November 2012): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.95.

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George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”
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Hong, Sukyoung. "A Study on Liberal Anticommunism of Civil Rights Movement in the Early Cold War Era." Korean Journal of American History 49 (May 31, 2019): 173–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37732/kjah.2019.49.173.

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Lewis, Su Lin. "“We Are Not Copyists”: Socialist Networks and Non-alignment from Below in A. Philip Randolph’s Asian Journey." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 402–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz101.

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Abstract In 1952, A. Philip Randolph, the head of America’s largest black union and a prominent civil rights campaigner, traveled to Japan and Burma funded by the American Committee for Cultural Freedom. In Asia, he encountered socialists and trade unionists struggling to negotiate the fractious divides between communism and capitalism within postwar states. In Burma, in particular, Western powers, the Soviet bloc, and powerful Asian neighbors used propaganda, aid missions, and subsidized travel to offer competing visions of development while accusing each other of new forms of imperialism and foreign interference. In such an environment, a battle for hearts and minds within Asian labor movements constituted the front lines of the early years of the Cold War. Randolph’s journey shows us how Asian socialists and trade unionists responded to powerful foreign interests by articulating an early sense of non-alignment, forged in part through emerging Asian socialist networks, well before this was an official strategy. The Asian actors with whom Randolph interacted in Japan and Burma mirrored his own struggles as a socialist, a trade unionist, and a “railway man” while furthering his campaign for civil rights at home. This article uses Randolph’s journey to examine parallels and divergences between African-American and Asian socialists and trade unionists during the early Cold War, an age characterized by deepening splits in the politics of the Left.
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DUAN, RUODI. "Solidarity in Three Acts: Narrating US black freedom movements in China, 1961–66." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (May 14, 2019): 1351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700052x.

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AbstractThe political campaigns and events that comprised the US civil rights movement, as well as the urban race riots that coloured the 1960s, garnered widespread public attention and press coverage within the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the years between the Sino-Soviet Split in 1961 and the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, China strove to substantiate its commitment to US black liberation in three key respects: consistent news reporting, sentimental receptions of visiting black activists, and local gatherings that publicized up-to-date information on US anti-racist struggles and featured ordinary citizens sharing notes of empathy. This multidimensional Chinese engagement of US black freedom struggles helped to cement both intra-national and international solidarities. The party state, its mouthpieces, and everyday students and workers echoed Mao Zedong's dictum that racial discrimination was a matter of class struggle. Embedded within their observations was a critical analysis of African American history and social movements in relationship to US capitalism. Their narrations of black resistance and Afro-Asian solidarity, while intimately bound up with nation-state interests, shed light on the intricate nexus of race, revolution, and international class struggle that defined the global Cold War.
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Denson, Andrew. "Native Americans in Cold War Public Diplomacy: Indian Politics, American History, and the US Information Agency." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.36.2.mh593721537j1ug3.

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This essay examines the depiction of Native Americans by the US Information Agency (USIA), the bureau charged with explaining American politics to the international public during the Cold War. In the 1950s and 1960s, the USIA broadcast the message that Americans had begun to acknowledge their nation's history of conquest and were working to redress old wrongs through an activist government. That message echoed the agency's depiction of the African American Civil Rights Movement and allowed the USIA to recognize Indian resistance to assimilation. It offered little room for tribal nationhood, however, during these early years of the modern American Indian political revival.
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Peleggi, Maurizio. "When art was political: Historicising decolonisation and the Cold War in Southeast Asia through curatorial practice." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (December 2019): 645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000107.

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In Asia, and in Southeast Asia in particular, the Cold War was far from cold, witnessing the most deadly conflicts and political massacres of the second half of the twentieth century. Also, the clash of ideologies there did not follow a binary logic but included a third force, nationalism, which was rooted in the anticolonialist movements of the interwar years and played a significant role even in countries that decolonised peacefully after the end of the Second World War. The Cold War thus overlapped with the twin process of decolonisation and nation-building, which had its founding moment at the Asian-African Conference at Bandung in 1955, where the non-aligned camp, which advocated a neutral position vis-à-vis the two rival blocs, coalesced (one year ealier, the anticommunist Southeast Asia Treaty Organization had been established). Postcolonial aspirations to national progress that tied socioeconomic development to the civic and cultural elevation of the citizenry were widely shared among newly decolonised countries. By the mid-1960s, however, the utopian ‘Bandung Spirit’ had lost ground to Cold War realpolitik; intra-Asian and communal conflicts fomented by Cold War enmities (the Sino–Indian War of 1962, the Indo–Pakistani War of 1965, Indonesia's anticommunist purges of 1965–66) along with the escalation of the Vietnam War and the consequent exacerbation of regional divisions, belied governments’ earlier commitment to human rights, Third World solidarity and world peace. The authoritarian involution of several Asian countries that were often American allies, redoubled by the opening of their economies to multinational corporations, led many artists and intellectuals to embrace political activism. The conception of art as a revolutionary instrument in the service of the masses had been famously articulated by Mao Zedong at the Yan'an Forum in 1942. In China, Mao's prescriptions on art were sidelined, though never officially repudiated, only in the early 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the adoption of a socialist market economy, by acknowledging the necessity ‘to respect and guarantee the creativity of individuals’.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cold War Civil rights movements"

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Stewart, Kierstin. "The Black Scare: Cold War Anticommunism and the Long Civil Rights Movement in America." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35506.

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This thesis discusses the impact of the Cold War on the Long African American Civil Rights Movement in the US from 1945 into the early 1970s. I seek to address the historiography that argues that the Cold War was an animating or galvanizing force behind the Civil Rights movement. I argue that black strategies of activism and black thought during the long civil rights era were directly or indirectly influenced by Cold War politics. Strategies towards freedom and equality were manipulated, altered, and transformed due to anticommunism in America.
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振兴, 朱., and Zhenxing Zhu. "Chinese American activism in the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement Era,1949-1972." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0, 2018. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0.

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本研究は、冷戦期と黒人公民権運動期という二重の文脈が交差するなかで、中国系アメリカ人の運動に作用した多様なダイナミズムを歴史的に解明することであった。これにより、従来のような「同化」と「モデル・マイノリティ」の視点から語られがちであった中国系アメリカ人という歴史観とは異なる視座から、当時の中国系アメリカ人の歴史を捉えることを試みた。さらに、チャイナタウン内で発行されていた中国語新聞と中国共産党の資料の分析により、中国共産主義が中国系の左派活動家を通して、いかにアメリカ合衆国の黒人公民権運動に影響を与えたかとのことも検証した。
This dissertation provides an overview of Chinese American activism during the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement period. At the same time, it re-examines the history of Chinese Americans from the perspective of Chinese American activism. By employing a transnational approach to Chinese American activism and carefully analyzing various primary resources, this project attempts to clarify the dynamic process through which Chinese American activist movements changed from engaging in spheres of transnational Chinese struggles to fighting for justice and the interests of their own community in the United States, and finally to becoming an integral part of the Asian American Movement.
博士(アメリカ研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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van, der Valk Adrienne. "Black power, red limits : Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War responses to Black empowerment struggles /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

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Poston, Lance E. "Queer Bedfellows: Huey Newton, Homophobia, and Black Activism in Cold War America." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1337961685.

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Owens, Kevin John. "The School and Society: Secondary School Social Studies Education from 1945-1970." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368290377.

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Thompson, Mark A. "Space Race: African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/.

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Using African American newspapers, this study examines the consensual opinion of articles and editorials regarding two events associated with the space race. One event is the Soviet launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957. The second is the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969. Space Race investigates how two scientific accomplishments achieved during the Cold War and the civil rights movement stimulated debate within the newspapers, and that ultimately centered around two questions: why the Soviets were successful in launching a satellite before the US, and what benefits could come from landing on the moon. Anti-intellectualism, inferior public schools, and a lack of commitment on the part of the US government are arguments offered for analysis by black writers in the two years studied. This topic involves the social conditions of African Americans living within the United States during an era when major civil rights objectives were achieved. Also included are considerations of how living in a "space age" contributed to thoughts about civil rights, as African Americans were now living during a period in which science fiction was becoming reality. In addition, this thesis examines how two scientific accomplishments achieved during this time affected ideas about education, science, and living conditions in the U.S. that were debated by black writers and editors, and subsequently circulated for readers to ponder and debate. This paper argues that black newspapers viewed Sputnik as constituting evidence for an inferior US public school system, contrasted with the Soviet system. Due to segregation between the races and anti-intellectual antecedents in America, black newspapers believed that African Americans were an "untapped resource" that could aid in the Cold War if their brains were utilized. The Apollo moon landing was greeted with enthusiasm because of the universal wonder at landing on the moon itself and the prowess demonstrated by the collective commitment and organization necessary to achieve such an objective by decades end. However, consistently accompanying this adulation is disappointment that domestic problems were not given the same type of funding or national commitment.
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Grabarek, Kristin Elizabeth. "Protest activities in southern universities, 1965-1972." Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2006%20Spring/master's/GRABAREK_KRISTIN_16.pdf.

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Mattingly, Ryan. "Fair Housing Goes Nuclear: In Suburban Chicago the Cold War Meets a Civil Rights Protest in 1967." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2006. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/494.

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In December of 1966 the United States government decided to place a $375 million atomic accelerator in the all-white, rural town of Weston, Illinois. The small town was located 30 miles west of Chicago, within an affluent suburban county named DuPage. Residents of DuPage were thrilled to receive the atomic installation because it would spark new economic growth in the area. However, the National Committee Against Discrimination in Housing (NCDH) immediately protested the approval of the Weston site. They opposed the site choice because of a documented history of racial housing discrimination in and around Weston. In 1967, the NCDH hoped to utilize the Cold War scientific research plant as political leverage to abolish racial housing discrimination in suburban Chicago. This study argues that the eventual failure of the NCDH’s Weston protest illustrates the limits of the federal fair housing policy changes during the late 1960s.
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Rodrigue, Matthew M. "THE SEARCH FOR ANTI-RACIAL EXOTICISM : BLACK LEISURE TRAVEL, THE CARIBBEAN, AND COLD WAR POLITICS, 1954-1961." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/89131.

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History
M.A.
By the mid-1950s leisure travel became both a new arena in the civil rights movement as well as a tactic in that struggle. Middle class African Americans felt their travel (both domestic and international) constituted both a critique of race relations at home and a realization of their rights as citizens. Alongside this development, I argue, was the proliferation of black travel columns and travel ads that simultaneously upheld the Caribbean as a model of racial progressivism while reinforcing its status as an exotic location dedicated to the pleasure of American tourists. By 1960 this ostensibly apolitical movement became politicized when ex-boxer Joe Louis met resistance from the mainstream press after promoting Fidel Castro's Cuba as a black American playground. In this second section I argue that the scandal surrounding Louis' PR campaign was revelatory of white unease regarding the transnational racial/political connections being forged between a selection of African Americans and Castro, thus constituting the story as yet another episode in the entangled development of the Cold War and the civil rights movement.
Temple University--Theses
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Zasimczuk, Ivan A. "Maxwell M. Rabb : a hidden hand of the Eisenhower administration in civil rights and race relations." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/753.

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Books on the topic "Cold War Civil rights movements"

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Subversive southerner: Anne Braden and the struggle for racial justice in the Cold War South. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.

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Fosl, Catherine. Subversive sourtherner: Anne Braden and the struggle for racial justice in the Cold War South. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.

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Dudziak, Mary L. Cold War civil rights: Race and the image of American democracy. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2000.

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Robert, Cook. Troubled commemoration: The American Civil War centennial, 1961-1965. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2005.

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The Cold War and the color line: American race relations in the global arena. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2001.

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From Wounded Knee to Checkpoint Charlie: The alliance for sovereignty between American Indians and Central Europeans in the late Cold War. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2016.

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Native activism in Cold War America: The struggle for sovereignty. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008.

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Woods, Jeanne M. Ending the Cold War at home. Washington, D.C: American Civil Liberties Union, 1991.

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Truskoff, David. The second Civil War. [United States?]: Sidney T. Black Pub., 2001.

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Street, Joe. The culture war in the Civil Rights Movement. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cold War Civil rights movements"

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Burrell, Julie. "Rescripting the Negro Problem: The Cold War-Civil Rights Play." In The Civil Rights Theatre Movement in New York, 1939–1966, 113–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12188-4_4.

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Nathans, Eli. "From Understanding to Indignation: Zahn on American Racism and the Civil Rights Movement." In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 239–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_10.

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Burrell, Julie. "“To Be a Man”: Progressive Masculinities in Lorraine Hansberry’s Cold War-Civil Rights Plays." In The Civil Rights Theatre Movement in New York, 1939–1966, 153–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12188-4_5.

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Lucks, Daniel S. "The Cold War and the Long Civil Rights Movement." In Selma to Saigon, 9–36. University Press of Kentucky, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813145075.003.0002.

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Dominy, Jordan J. "Suburbs, Civil Rights, and Southern Identities." In Southern Literature, Cold War Culture, and the Making of Modern America, 95–122. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496826404.003.0005.

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This chapter argues Walker Percy’s Love in the Ruins (1971) and Alice Walker’s Meridian (1976) portray a post-South in which “southern” is not defined by geography but by sensibilities appropriated by the Cold War thinkers and the culture industry. Walker’s Meridian reveals the interconnectedness between characters’ regional backgrounds, racial identities, and roles as activists within Civil Rights movement. These connections are mediated by television, as it broadcasted for the entire US the struggles for equality that occurred mainly in the US South. Love in the Ruins is a satire about suburban American and its politics in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement, as well as a plea for political moderation. Percy’s novel also forecasts the further fracturing of America through the culture wars into red states and blue states. Walker’s and Percy’s visions of the US South show communities measured by how their values measure up against Cold War visions of American-style democracy.
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Zeigler, James. "Back to the Billboard: The Long Civil Rights Movement Still." In Red Scare Racism and Cold War Black Radicalism, 191–98. University Press of Mississippi, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496802385.003.0006.

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Marino, Katherine M. "History and Human Rights." In Feminism for the Americas, 225–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0010.

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The Epilogue demonstrates how the UN Charter’s women’s and human rights promises inspired feminists throughout the Americas, and how the Cold War stifled the movement and largely erased the historical memory of inter-American feminism. Paulina Luisi and Marta Vergara helped organize an inter-American feminist meeting in Guatemala in 1947 that articulated broad meanings of inter-American feminism and global women’s and human rights. However, the Cold War’s pitched battle between communism and capitalism narrowed both “feminism” and “human rights” to mean individual political and civil rights. The Cold War also contributed to historical amnesia about this movement. The epilogue explores how Cold War politics affected each of the six feminists in the book. Each woman sought in different ways to archive the movement and write inter-American feminism into the historical record. The epilogue also provides connections between their movement and the global feminist and human rights movements that emerged in the 1970s through the 90s. It argues that the idea that “women’s rights as human rights” was not invented in the 1990s; rather, it drew on the legacy of early twentieth-century inter-American feminism.
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Lewis, Cathleen. "Arnaldo Tamayo Méndez and Guion Bluford." In NASA and the Long Civil Rights Movement, 145–66. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066202.003.0008.

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Cathleen Lewis argues that throughout the Cold War, race played an important role in foreign policy with the United States painfully aware that its civil rights situation could have an adverse impact on foreign policy ambitions abroad. The USSR preyed on that U.S. sensitivity, calling the country out on its failures. In the early 1980s, almost a decade after U.S. foreign policy had all but abandoned race as a Cold War issue, the race issue reemerged, albeit briefly when the USSR launched the first black man into space, Arnaldo Tamayo Méndez, beating NASA’s own Guion Bluford. This final battle over race in the Cold War ultimately revealed American domestic progress and the hollowness of Soviet space stunts.
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Tromly, Benjamin. "A Fissile National Community." In Cold War Exiles and the CIA, 23–47. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840404.003.0001.

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Chapter 1 explores anti-communist movements of the Russian diaspora, setting the stage for their participation in the Cold War. The anti-communist cause housed four major movements in the postwar years: the Whites, or Russian conservatives who had fled communist rule during the Russian Civil War (1918–22); a cohort of democratic socialists who had opposed the tsars before being driven out by Lenin; the so-called Vlasovites, Soviet citizens who exited their home country during World War II and then attached themselves to a Russian liberation army formed under Nazi auspices; and the National Labor Alliance (NTS), a far-right émigré organization, most of whose members collaborated with Nazi Germany during World War II. As the chapter argues, the different experiences of these groups—in Russia, during displacement, and while in exile—informed their divergent notions of Russia’s past and future.
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Kempker, Erin M. "Women’s Experience in Cold War America." In Big Sister, 15–37. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041976.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 surveys Cold War America and looks at the experience of American women coming out of World War II. This chapter explains the history of world federalism and the desire for increased global cooperation after two world wars in the twentieth century. It also introduces important anticommunist organizations that challenged world government, like Pro America, the Minute Women, and the John Birch Society and activism in Indiana. Finally, it discusses rightwing women’s politics during the postwar era. Like their leftwing counterparts active in Women Strike for Peace, the labor movement, and the civil rights movement, rightwing women were intensely active during the 1950s and 1960s. In that way, they too defy the notion of apolitical housewives and offer more proof that American women were “not June Cleaver,” but unlike their leftist counterparts, they rooted their political activism in maternalism and essentialized the nature of women to include antisubversive political activity.
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Conference papers on the topic "Cold War Civil rights movements"

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Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.

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Abstract:
The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
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