Journal articles: 'Cold War Civil rights movements'

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MOORES, CHRISTOPHER. "From Civil Liberties to Human Rights? British Civil Liberties Activism and Universal Human Rights." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000100.

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AbstractThis article discusses British civil liberties organisations hoping to engage in a broader human rights politics during and immediately after the Second World War. It argues that various movements and organisations from sections of the British Left attempted to articulate a human rights politics which incorporated political, civil, social and economic rights during the 1940s and early 1950s. However, organisations were unable to express this and mobilise accordingly. This reflected the collapse of the popular-front-style alliances forged in the 1930s and the difficulties in articulating political positions distinct from the ideological polarisation that emerged with the onset of the Cold War.

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Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.

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Romano, Renee. "Moving Beyond ““The Movement that Changed the World””: Bringing the History of the Cold War into Civil Rights Museums." Public Historian 31, no. 2 (2009): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.2.32.

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Abstract A growing body of historical scholarship has demonstrated that the Cold War had a profound impact on the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The rise of newly independent nations in African and Asia, coupled with Americas quest to lead the ““free world”” against the Soviet Union, made American racism an international liability and created conditions that fostered civil rights reforms at home. Yet the Cold War's influence on the movement is largely absent at the nation's leading civil rights museums. This article surveys the ways in which four civil rights museums present the relationship between the movement and the Cold War, and suggests some reasons that museums have yet to internationalize their history of the movement. The Cold War interpretation shows how foreign policy concerns and elite whites' self-interest both helped generate and limit civil rights reforms. This interpretation, however, stands at odd with the celebratory narrative of the movement as a triumph of democratic ideals that these museums present.

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Tóth, György. "The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7355.

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Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle—which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.

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Koppes, Clayton R. "Solving for X." Pacific Historical Review 82, no. 1 (November 2012): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.95.

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George F. Kennan is renowned as the author of the containment doctrine and subsequently as a critic of American Cold War policy. But other elements of his thought, which have been neglected, are integral to a reconsideration of his stature. He distrusted democracy and proposed ways to limit its expression, discounted movements for human rights in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, believed Hispanics posed a threat to the United States, and often argued against the national liberation aspirations in the Third World (which he considered largely irrelevant to Great Power diplomacy). He failed to grasp the connection between the U.S. civil rights movement and foreign policy. These weaknesses limited his usefulness as a policy adviser and still cloud his legacy as America’s “conscience.”

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Hong, Sukyoung. "A Study on Liberal Anticommunism of Civil Rights Movement in the Early Cold War Era." Korean Journal of American History 49 (May 31, 2019): 173–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37732/kjah.2019.49.173.

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Lewis, Su Lin. "“We Are Not Copyists”: Socialist Networks and Non-alignment from Below in A. Philip Randolph’s Asian Journey." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 402–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz101.

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Abstract In 1952, A. Philip Randolph, the head of America’s largest black union and a prominent civil rights campaigner, traveled to Japan and Burma funded by the American Committee for Cultural Freedom. In Asia, he encountered socialists and trade unionists struggling to negotiate the fractious divides between communism and capitalism within postwar states. In Burma, in particular, Western powers, the Soviet bloc, and powerful Asian neighbors used propaganda, aid missions, and subsidized travel to offer competing visions of development while accusing each other of new forms of imperialism and foreign interference. In such an environment, a battle for hearts and minds within Asian labor movements constituted the front lines of the early years of the Cold War. Randolph’s journey shows us how Asian socialists and trade unionists responded to powerful foreign interests by articulating an early sense of non-alignment, forged in part through emerging Asian socialist networks, well before this was an official strategy. The Asian actors with whom Randolph interacted in Japan and Burma mirrored his own struggles as a socialist, a trade unionist, and a “railway man” while furthering his campaign for civil rights at home. This article uses Randolph’s journey to examine parallels and divergences between African-American and Asian socialists and trade unionists during the early Cold War, an age characterized by deepening splits in the politics of the Left.

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DUAN, RUODI. "Solidarity in Three Acts: Narrating US black freedom movements in China, 1961–66." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (May 14, 2019): 1351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700052x.

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AbstractThe political campaigns and events that comprised the US civil rights movement, as well as the urban race riots that coloured the 1960s, garnered widespread public attention and press coverage within the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the years between the Sino-Soviet Split in 1961 and the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, China strove to substantiate its commitment to US black liberation in three key respects: consistent news reporting, sentimental receptions of visiting black activists, and local gatherings that publicized up-to-date information on US anti-racist struggles and featured ordinary citizens sharing notes of empathy. This multidimensional Chinese engagement of US black freedom struggles helped to cement both intra-national and international solidarities. The party state, its mouthpieces, and everyday students and workers echoed Mao Zedong's dictum that racial discrimination was a matter of class struggle. Embedded within their observations was a critical analysis of African American history and social movements in relationship to US capitalism. Their narrations of black resistance and Afro-Asian solidarity, while intimately bound up with nation-state interests, shed light on the intricate nexus of race, revolution, and international class struggle that defined the global Cold War.

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Denson, Andrew. "Native Americans in Cold War Public Diplomacy: Indian Politics, American History, and the US Information Agency." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.36.2.mh593721537j1ug3.

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This essay examines the depiction of Native Americans by the US Information Agency (USIA), the bureau charged with explaining American politics to the international public during the Cold War. In the 1950s and 1960s, the USIA broadcast the message that Americans had begun to acknowledge their nation's history of conquest and were working to redress old wrongs through an activist government. That message echoed the agency's depiction of the African American Civil Rights Movement and allowed the USIA to recognize Indian resistance to assimilation. It offered little room for tribal nationhood, however, during these early years of the modern American Indian political revival.

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Peleggi, Maurizio. "When art was political: Historicising decolonisation and the Cold War in Southeast Asia through curatorial practice." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (December 2019): 645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000107.

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In Asia, and in Southeast Asia in particular, the Cold War was far from cold, witnessing the most deadly conflicts and political massacres of the second half of the twentieth century. Also, the clash of ideologies there did not follow a binary logic but included a third force, nationalism, which was rooted in the anticolonialist movements of the interwar years and played a significant role even in countries that decolonised peacefully after the end of the Second World War. The Cold War thus overlapped with the twin process of decolonisation and nation-building, which had its founding moment at the Asian-African Conference at Bandung in 1955, where the non-aligned camp, which advocated a neutral position vis-à-vis the two rival blocs, coalesced (one year ealier, the anticommunist Southeast Asia Treaty Organization had been established). Postcolonial aspirations to national progress that tied socioeconomic development to the civic and cultural elevation of the citizenry were widely shared among newly decolonised countries. By the mid-1960s, however, the utopian ‘Bandung Spirit’ had lost ground to Cold War realpolitik; intra-Asian and communal conflicts fomented by Cold War enmities (the Sino–Indian War of 1962, the Indo–Pakistani War of 1965, Indonesia's anticommunist purges of 1965–66) along with the escalation of the Vietnam War and the consequent exacerbation of regional divisions, belied governments’ earlier commitment to human rights, Third World solidarity and world peace. The authoritarian involution of several Asian countries that were often American allies, redoubled by the opening of their economies to multinational corporations, led many artists and intellectuals to embrace political activism. The conception of art as a revolutionary instrument in the service of the masses had been famously articulated by Mao Zedong at the Yan'an Forum in 1942. In China, Mao's prescriptions on art were sidelined, though never officially repudiated, only in the early 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the adoption of a socialist market economy, by acknowledging the necessity ‘to respect and guarantee the creativity of individuals’.

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Letwin, Daniel. "Robert H. Zieger, ed.,Southern Labor in Transition, 1940-1995. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1997. x + 346 pp. $42.00 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900342806.

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Beginning with the surge of interest in slavery a generation ago, the South has steadily emerged as an integral part of America's labor past. From the mid-1970s into the early 1990s, attention flowed chiefly to the period from Reconstruction through World War One. And pathbreaking studies continue to appear on the women and men, white and black, who worked the farms, homes, docks, mines, forests, craft-shops, railroads, factories, and service trades of the New South. Lately, though, the frontier of research has shifted to the eras of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), World War Two, the early Cold War, and the civil rights movement—a chapter of Southern labor history once left to journalists, activists, and social scientists. Southern Labor in Transition, 1940–1995, edited by Robert H. Zieger, offers a valuable road map of current scholarship.

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Catsam, Derek. "The Civil Rights Movement and the Presidency in the Hot Years of the Cold War: A Historical and Historiographical Assessment." History Compass 6, no. 1 (January 2008): 314–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00486.x.

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UY, MICHAEL SY. "Performing Catfish Row in the Soviet Union: The Everyman Opera Company andPorgy and Bess, 1955–56." Journal of the Society for American Music 11, no. 4 (October 20, 2017): 470–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196317000384.

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AbstractFor three weeks in 1955 and 1956 the Everyman Opera Company stagedPorgy and Bessin Leningrad and Moscow. In the previous two years, the Robert Breen and Blevins Davis production of Gershwin's opera had toured Europe and Latin America, funded by the U.S. State Department. Yet when Breen negotiated a performance tour to Russia, the American government denied funding, stating, among other reasons, that a production would be “politically premature.” Surprisingly, however, the opera was performed with the Soviet Ministry of Culture paying the tour costs in full. I argue that this tour, negotiated amid the growing civil rights movement, was a non-paradigmatic example of cultural exchange at the beginning of the Cold War: an artistic product funded at different times byboththe United Statesandthe Soviet Union. Through an examination of the tour's archival holdings, interviews with surviving cast members, and the critical reception in the historically black press, this essay contributes to ongoing questions of Cold War scholarship, including discussions on race, identity, and the unpredictable nature of cultural exchange.

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Golan, Romy, and Katy Siegel. "On Curating Postwar." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (June 2019): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00236.

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On March 8, 2017, curator and art historian Katy Siegel delivered a lecture at the Museum of Modern Art, New York, about the exhibition Postwar: Art Between the Pacific and the Atlantic, 1945–1965 she curated with Okwui Enwezor and Ulrich Wilmes at Haus der Kunst, Munich from October 2016 to March 2017. Postwar, and its accompanying publications, explored how artists responded to the Holocaust, the atomic bomb, a radically transforming world in the aftermath of World War II, and—amidst Cold War divides—decolonization movements, the struggle for civil rights, and the invention of new communication technologies. Ambitious in scope, generous in outlook, and remarkable in its capacity for critical and self-reflexive dialogue, Postwar exemplified many of the qualities that made Enwezor the most significant curatorial voice of the last quarter century. As the final event in the Art, Institutions, and Inter nationalism conference on which this special issue is based, Siegel's lecture capped off two days of intensive discussions on how political internationalism and its attendant institutions impacted the development of art around the world in the mid-twentieth century. During a conversation with art historian Romy Golan following her lecture, Siegel outlined the curatorial decisions that went into Postwar and discussed how exhibitions can confront entrenched ideas of quality and belatedness inherited from Eurocentric readings of modernism. Find the complete conversation between Siegel and Golan at artmargins.com .

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Nguyễn, Linh Thủy. "“Loving Couples and Families:” Assimilation as Honorary Whiteness and the Making of the Vietnamese Refugee Family." Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (June 2, 2021): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10060209.

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Integration studies of Vietnamese refugees and their children begin with the problem of assimilation based on cultural and racial difference and ultimately lead these groups to achieve upward mobility against great odds. While scholars have offered alternatives to linear models of assimilation which assume a prescribed path to determine when migrants become integrated, the ideologies and norms which underlie the so-called problem of assimilation remain largely unexamined. Building from a feminist and Foucauldian analysis of power, this article examines state-sponsored knowledge production, such as semi-annual government surveys of Vietnamese refugees as representations which reproduce and reinforce logics of heteronormativity and white supremacy. I contextualize the production of these social science surveys as legibility projects in the geopolitical context of international (Cold War) and domestic (state attempts to dismantle black power movements through civil rights) maintenance of white supremacy. By examining self-sufficiency surveys of Vietnamese refugees conducted upon arrival to the US from the 1970s–1980s and 1990s studies of the second generation, I argue that the family is an instrumental yet overlooked dimension of the racialization of Vietnamese as new immigrants which is rooted in heteronormative, Orientalist, and anti-black notions of family.

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Jordan, Richard. "A Militant Crusade In Africa: The Great Commission And Segregation." Church History 83, no. 4 (December 2014): 957–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001188.

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During the Cold War and in the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Calvinist and political fundamentalists of North America opposed the integration of American society and the extension of civil rights to African-Americans. Both were viewed as contrary to God's plan for humankind and omens for the end times. At the same time, these militant clerics spread reformed theology and eschatology to non-white societies across the globe. An important missionary field was Africa, where American and British racial mores influenced the cultural and political struggle. western, capitalistic and democratic principles, white minority-rule, and British imperialism faced African nationalism and communist aid to independence movements. Accordingly, the contrast between militant theology and liberal, modernist Protestantism was interjected into the conflict. Two American crusaders, Carl McIntire and Billy James Hargis, made Africa an important battleground to defend segregation and western influence. Both pursued individual ministries and had differing theological agendas towards race. The International Council of Christian Churches, an organization that McIntire led, spread God's word to black Africans, while Hargis' Christian Crusade Against Communism worked with Rhodesia's white minority government. Their efforts provide insight into the militant theological and political crusade in North America and how they projected their Calvinist ideals into the international arena and into Africa.

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Bruno-Jofré, Rosa. "The «Long 1960s» in a Global Arena of Contention: Re-defining Assumptions of Self, Morality, Race, Gender and Justice, and Questioning Education." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.256.

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I argue that the global dissent of the 1960s is part of a political cultural constellation with many fronts, political conjonctures and religious intersections, in addition to a new sense of being that informed subjectivities and desires. The configurational components examined in this article include secularization, Vatican II, and the emergence of liberation theology in Latin America, as well as the New Left, the Cuban Revolution and the context of the Cold War; the legacy of the civil rights movement and its impact; second wave feminism and a new understanding of gender relations; art as a vehicle for ideas and agendas; the global dissension conveyed in the students’ insurrection and repercussions; and education as a tool for change. The article identifies relevant connections between the events and processes that challenged the social and political order across space, and explores the emergence of a contesting ethical framework.

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Kinowska-Mazaraki, Zofia. "The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion." Social Sciences 10, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10030112.

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Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.

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Martin, Lerone. "Bureau Clergyman: How the FBI Colluded with an African American Televangelist to Destroy Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 28, no. 1 (2018): 1–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2018.28.1.1.

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AbstractThis article explains how the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) partnered with African American minister Elder Lightfoot Solomon Michaux to discredit and neutralize Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. The Elder, the nation's first minister (black or white) to have his own weekly television show, colluded with the Bureau to shape public opinion against King and cast doubt upon King's religious commitments and activities. Michaux was, what I call, a Bureau Clergyman: a minister who was an FBI “Special Service Contact” or on the Bureau's “Special Correspondents Lists.” Far from secret informants, black and white male clergy in these official Bureau programs enjoyed very public and cooperative relationships with the FBI and were occasionally “called into service” to work in concert with the FBI. The FBI called upon Michaux and he willingly used his status, popular media ministry, and cold war spirituality to publically scandalize King as a communist and defend the Bureau against King's criticisms. In the end, the Elder demonized King, contested calls for black equality under the law, and lionized the FBI as the keeper of Christian America. The story moves the field beyond the very well known narratives of the FBI's hostility towards religion and reveals how the Bureau publicly embraced religion and commissioned their clergymen to help maintain prevailing social arrangements. Michaux's relationship with the FBI also offers a window into the overlooked religious dimensions of the FBI's opposition to King, even as it highlights how black clergy articulated and followed competing ideologies of black liberation during the civil rights movement.

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Woods, J. "The Cold War and the Struggle for Civil Rights." OAH Magazine of History 24, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/24.4.13.

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Keene, Jennifer D. "DEEDS NOT WORDS: AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 27, 2018): 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.

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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.

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Gajić, S., and E. G. Ponomareva. "Accelerated expansion of NATO into the Balkans as a consequence of Euro-Atlantic Discord." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-70-93.

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The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.

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RUOTSILA, MARKKU. "Neoconservatism Prefigured: The Social Democratic League of America and the Anticommunists of the Anglo-American Right, 1917–21." Journal of American Studies 40, no. 2 (July 27, 2006): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580600140x.

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Far from being limited to conspiracist McCarthyism, American anticommunism always spanned the entire ideological spectrum. Recognizing this, in his classic studies of the initial Western reception of Bolshevism, Arno J. Mayer divided early anticommunists into mutually antagonistic “parties of order” and “parties of movement” and claimed that these two fought each other almost as much as they combatted the Bolsheviks themselves. Mayer's conceptualization spoke to a profoundly important dimension in Western anticommunism, both before and during the Cold War, in that it exposed a sort of civil war between Western liberals, conservatives and socialists in which each of these groups tended to define their ideological rivals as the allies, unconscious tools or prototypes of Soviet Bolshevism.

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Lebovic, Sam. "No Right to Leave the Nation: The Politics of Passport Denial and the Rise of the National Security State." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x20000048.

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This article provides an institutional and legal history of passport denial in the United States from World War I to the early Cold War. Identifying the Passport Division as a central institution of the national security state, the article shows that the state was deeply invested in regulating the international movement of people and in monopolizing international connections in a globalizing age. It also analyzes the rise of the Passport Division as an authoritative and autonomous bureaucracy to provide new insight into the institutional development of the national security state. It emphasizes particularly the ways that the executive branch, the Congress, and the Passport Division mutually constituted travel policy as a field of state action in a decades-long process stretching from World War I to the Cold War. It explores the centrality of the reputation of the Passport Division, as personified by its head, Ruth Shipley, in facilitating its rise as an authoritative institution in the field of travel policy. And by analyzing the ways that the Passport Division was able to survive civil libertarian challenges in the 1950s, it explores the surprising longevity of national security bureaucracies.

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Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri, and Mary L. Dudziak. "Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy." Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001): 1159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700536.

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Bernstein, Shana. "Interracial Activism in the Los Angeles Community Service Organization: Linking the World War II and Civil Rights Eras." Pacific Historical Review 80, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2011.80.2.231.

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Through the lens of the Community Service Organization (CSO), this article explores the emergence of Los Angeles ethno-racial communities' political activism and what enabled their success in a difficult Cold War climate. The CSO's creation in 1947, when it became the first enduring civil rights organization for the largest urban Mexican-origin population in the United States, is striking since historical narratives generally assume the Cold War crushed meaningful civil rights change. The CSO complicates this declensionist narrative. Its success stemmed in part from its reliance upon interracial networks that sustained it in its early years. The CSO reveals links between different racial and ethnic communities, in three different eras—the World War II, Cold War, and civil rights eras—that made the emergence and persistence of such activism possible.

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Lucks, Daniel S. "Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Riverside Speech and Cold War Civil Rights." Peace & Change 40, no. 3 (June 22, 2015): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pech.12136.

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Lauren, Paul Gordon. "Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (review)." Human Rights Quarterly 24, no. 2 (2002): 566–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2002.0026.

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Vincent, Jonathan. "American Culture and the (Permanent, Global) Cold War (on Terror)." American Literary History 32, no. 2 (2020): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajaa009.

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Abstract This review-essay considers recent scholarly work that, in contrast to our understanding of the Cold War’s demise 30 years ago, examines the lingering practices of permanent militarization that have nonetheless continued to flourish. Focusing especially on the cultural habits that normalize permanent war—a necessary supplement since the Cold War’s justifying logics no longer adhere—they together enlarge a picture of the dyadic or double-jointed projects of a transforming military–industrial complex occurring at all manner of points internationally as well as in a range of locales internal to US life, and in ways that are structurally linked. At the heart of that critique is disclosing the way that the adapting discourses of a liberalizing American state downplay and reframe the older, more overt rhetorics of colonialism and imperialism while nonetheless retaining similar expansionist and disciplinary goals. Using the literary and cultural record of those structural adaptations, they document how the twin arms of that coordinated state power worked relentlessly to manage “neocolonial” interventions across the globe, well into the “forever wars” of our own time, as well as, simultaneously, to interfere in and subdue the civil right movement or prosecute the War on Drugs domestically.

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Ward, Alonzo M. "Black Public History in Chicago: Civil Rights Activism from World War II into the Cold War." Journal of American History 106, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 255–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz309.

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O’Brien, Matthew M. J. "Black Public History in Chicago: Civil Rights Activism from World War II into the Cold War." History: Reviews of New Books 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2019.1543500.

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Berg, M. "Black Civil Rights and Liberal Anticommunism: The NAACP in the Early Cold War." Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094777.

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Poulos, Margarite. "Transnational militancy in Cold-War Europe: gender, human rights, and the WIDF during the Greek Civil War." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 24, no. 1 (June 2016): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2016.1155539.

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Rizvi, Ali A., Anca Pantea Stoian, Nader Lessan, and Manfredi Rizzo. "Endocrinology in the Time of COVID-19: A Rapid Evolution of Knowledge and Care." Medicina 57, no. 8 (August 6, 2021): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57080805.

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American singer-writer and visual artist Bob Dylan produced the song “The Times They Are a-Changin” in the 1960s, which became a rallying cry for the civil rights and anti-war movements in that decade [...]

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35

Lomax, Michael E. "Mary L. Duziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy." Journal of African American History 88, no. 3 (July 2003): 319–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559077.

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Cederman, Lars-Erik, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and Julian Wucherpfennig. "Predicting the decline of ethnic civil war." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 2 (February 22, 2017): 262–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316684191.

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Many scholars have detected a decrease of political violence, but the causes of this decline remain unclear. As a contribution to this debate, we revisit the controversy over trends in conflict after the end of the Cold War. While many made ominous predictions of surging ethnic warfare, Gurr presented evidence of a pacifying trend since the mid-1990s and predicted a further decline in ethnic conflict in an article on ‘the waning of ethnic war’. Leveraging more recent data on ethnic groups and their participation in ethnic civil wars, this study evaluates if Gurr was right about the decline of ethnic conflict, and if he was right for the right reasons. We assess whether an increase in governments’ accommodative policies toward ethnic groups can plausibly account for a decline in ethnic civil war. Our findings lend considerable support to an account of the pacifying trend that stresses the granting of group rights, regional autonomy, and inclusion in power-sharing, as well as democratization and peacekeeping.

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Darian-Smith, Eve. "Re-reading W. E. B. Du Bois: the global dimensions of the US civil rights struggle." Journal of Global History 7, no. 3 (October 19, 2012): 483–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000290.

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AbstractDrawing on the increasingly important insights of historians concerned with global and transnational perspectives, in this article I argue that Du Bois' international activism and writings on global oppression in the decades following the Second World War profoundly shaped the ways in which people in the United States engaged with race as a concept and social practice in the mid decades of the twentieth century. Du Bois' efforts to bring his insights on global racism home to the US domestic legal arena were to a large degree thwarted by a US foreign policy focused on Cold War politics and interested in pursuing racial equality not on the basis of universal human rights principles but as a Cold War political strategy. Nonetheless, I argue that Du Bois' writings, which were informed by a new rhetoric of global responsibility and universal citizenship, had unpredictable and significant consequences in shaping the direction of US racial politics in the civil rights era.

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Lovelace, H. Timothy. "William Worthy's Passport: Travel Restrictions and the Cold War Struggle for Civil and Human Rights." Journal of American History 103, no. 1 (June 2016): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaw009.

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Arnesen, Eric. "The Final Conflict? On the Scholarship of Civil Rights, the Left and the Cold War." American Communist History 11, no. 1 (April 2012): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2012.664888.

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Cîrstocea, Ioana. "Challenges and Pitfalls of Feminist Sisterhood in the Aftermath of the Cold War*." Aspasia 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2020.140103.

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Established in the aftermath of the Cold War and animated by US-based scholars and activists experienced in the second wave of women’s liberation movements, the Network of East-West Women (NEWW) has received little attention from scholars. This transnational and transregional group played an instrumental role in triggering and structuring the circulation of information, contacts, and academic and activist publications dedicated to women in Central and Eastern Europe, and in conceptualizing new gender politics in that region after the end of the socialist regimes. Building on original empirical evidence (archive work and interviews), this article considers NEWW’s founding and its steps in establishing operations “beyond borders” in the 1990s—a time of professionalizing and globalizing women’s rights politics when transnational feminist activism was faced with both new challenges and potentialities.

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Countryman, Matthew J. "Ian Rocksborough-Smith. Black Public History in Chicago: Civil Rights Activism from World War II into the Cold War." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz506.

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Fleming, John E. "The Impact of Social Movements on the Development of African American Museums." Public Historian 40, no. 3 (August 1, 2018): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.3.44.

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The effort to preserve African American history is firmly grounded in the struggle for freedom and equality. Black people understood the relationship between heritage and the freedom struggle. Such struggles in the pre and post Civil War eras spurred the preservation of African and African American culture first in libraries and archives and later museums. The civil rights, Black Power, Black Arts and Black Studies movements helped advance social and political change, which in turn spurred the development of Black museums as formal institutions for preserving African American culture.

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Kubota, Yuichi. "Explaining State Violence in the Guatemalan Civil War: Rebel Threat and Counterinsurgency." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 3 (2017): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12026.

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AbstractLiterature on the Guatemalan Civil War has debated whether or not state violence was triggered by rebel activities. Did the government respond to each insurrection caused by the rebels, or did it blindly target regions where antigovernment antipathy and movements had historically prevailed? Because state violence was extensive during the civil war period, the dynamism of the war could have been the reason for its occurrence. Relying on the threat-response model of state violence, this article argues that human rights violations occurred when the government perceived a rebel threat that would have seriously degraded its capability in future counterinsurgencies. The article employs propensity score matching to address the problem of confounding in empirical analysis, and reveals that rebel attacks, particularly those targeting security apparatus and resulting in human injury, increased the likelihood of state violence in the Guatemalan Civil War.

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Kubota, Yuichi. "Explaining State Violence in the Guatemalan Civil War: Rebel Threat and Counterinsurgency." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 03 (2017): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1531426x0001027x.

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Abstract Literature on the Guatemalan Civil War has debated whether or not state violence was triggered by rebel activities. Did the government respond to each insurrection caused by the rebels, or did it blindly target regions where antigovernment antipathy and movements had historically prevailed? Because state violence was extensive during the civil war period, the dynamism of the war could have been the reason for its occurrence. Relying on the threat-response model of state violence, this article argues that human rights violations occurred when the government perceived a rebel threat that would have seriously degraded its capability in future counterinsurgencies. The article employs propensity score matching to address the problem of confounding in empirical analysis, and reveals that rebel attacks, particularly those targeting security apparatus and resulting in human injury, increased the likelihood of state violence in the Guatemalan Civil War.

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SWARTZ, DAVID R. "Christ of the American Road: E. Stanley Jones, India, and Civil Rights." Journal of American Studies 51, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 1117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816001420.

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This article, which emphasizes the importance of transnational history, tracks the influence of E. Stanley Jones, a missionary to India in the early twentieth century, on evangelicals in the United States. It contends that global encounters pushed Jones to hold integrated ashrams, conduct evangelistic crusades, and participate in the Congress on Racial Equality. During his time abroad, he discovered that racial segregation at home hurt the causes of missions and democracy abroad. Using this Cold War logic, Jones in turn provoked American evangelicals to consider more fully questions of racial inequality.

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O'Keeffe, Brigid. "A Cold War Cold Case: What Huldah Clark Can Teach Us about Teaching Soviet History." Slavic Review 80, no. 2 (2021): 299–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.80.

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This short article reconstructs the forgotten story of Huldah Clark, a Black American teenager who studied in Moscow in the years 1961–1964 on a scholarship offered her by Nikita Khrushchev. It deploys her story to explore the complexities of Cold War racial politics and how ordinary people mobilized the superpowers’ competing slogans in creative ways. It shows how ordinary Black Americans found hope and even tangible support in Khrushchev's Soviet Union as they struggled for civil rights at home and sought avenues for asserting Black power and anti-racist protest on the global stage. Whereas the historiography on Black American sojourners to the USSR has focused on the interwar period, this article shows how the avowed Soviet commitment to racial equality and global anti-racism still had the power to inspire ordinary Black Americans in their struggle against Jim Crow and in their global pursuit of Black liberation.

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Zarnow, Leandra. "Braving Jim Crow to Save Willie McGee: Bella Abzug, the Legal Left, and Civil Rights Innovation, 1948–1951." Law & Social Inquiry 33, no. 04 (2008): 1003–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2008.00130.x.

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This article considers the role of Bella Abzug, lead counsel for Willie McGee from 1948–1951, in shaping the defense of this Cold War era Mississippi rape case. Representing McGee left an indelible mark on Abzug: she made her first trip south, wrote her first Supreme Court petition, and faced her first death threat. Participation in the Left legal bar—especially the National Lawyers Guild and Left feminist circles—shaped Abzug's legal consciousness as she redirected the McGee defense significantly in 1950. By joining race and sex, Abzug's legal argument zeroed in on the taboo of interracial sexual relations at the heart of Southern rape cases, thereby exposing the innermost sexual color line. She urged the courts and cause lawyers—albeit unsuccessfully—to pursue a more radical civil rights agenda than outlawing public segregation, as ultimately achieved in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), and typically recognized in Cold War civil rights scholarship.

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COOK, ROBERT. "Bruce Catton, Middlebrow Culture, and the Liberal Search for Purpose in Cold War America." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812001260.

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This essay provides a case study of one man's transition from the reform-oriented liberalism of the New Deal period to the burgeoning rights-focussed liberalism of the 1960s. It contends that Bruce Catton, the most popular Civil War historian of his generation, played an influential role in forging the culture of Cold War America. He did so in his capacity as a prominent “middlebrow” intellectual who sought to instil his legions of adoring fans with a sense of moral purpose at a time when political elites were fretting about ordinary Americans' ability to fight the Cold War effectively. While his finely crafted narratives of the Civil War demonstrated the courage and conviction of nineteenth-century Americans, his many public appearances in the 1950s enabled him to disseminate further his conviction that the timeless values of American democracy remained as relevant in the disturbing present as they had been in the country's divided past. Catton's characteristically middlebrow commitment to antiracism as a contribution to the Cold War struggle was by no means unfaltering but an assessment of his writings and actions during the Civil War centennial reveals his continuing determination to render American democracy sufficiently vigorous to counter the ongoing communist threat.

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Burns, Andrea A. "Review: Black Public History in Chicago: Civil Rights Activism From World War II into the Cold War, by Ian Rocksborough-Smith." Public Historian 41, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.3.168.

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Andrews, Kenneth T. "Social Movements and Policy Implementation: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the War on Poverty, 1965 to 1971." American Sociological Review 66, no. 1 (February 2001): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657394.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Cold War Civil rights movements'

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