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Journal articles on the topic 'Cold War in mass media'
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1
Papadopoulus, Elias. "Mass Media and International Relations." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.1.2.
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In the modern theories in the science of International Relations, the traditional pillar of the school of Realism that considered the state as the only actor in the international scene, actor who took every decision in a monolithic and rational way, taking into consideration only the national interest, has now been rejected. The metaphor of the "black box", indicative of this monolithic way of operation and the rejection of every non-state, but also intra-state and out-of-state actor, even if it was valid once, has definitely been weakened by the events of the post-cold war era, and especially with the advent of globalization. New parameters have been inserted in the process of foreign policy formulation and politicians (and all those responsible for a country‘s foreign policy) have to take them into consideration.
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McKnight, David. "‘Not Attributable to Official Sources’: Counter-Propaganda and the Mass Media." Media International Australia 128, no. 1 (August 2008): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0812800103.
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During the Cold War in Australia, the political agenda was dominated by the threat of communism. One factor in building this agenda was the ‘counter-propaganda operations’ of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) which regularly released unattributable information to selected mass media outlets. In the period when these activities were most prevalent (1960–72), ASIO officers had regular contact with editors and with selected journalists on major newspapers and television. This formed part of a broader ‘cultural Cold War’ in which anti-communism was an organising principle. This article outlines new information on these activities, suggests that these operations were more extensive than previously thought, and discusses this relationship in terms of the scholarly work on media sources, government-sponsored intervention in the media and classical theories of propaganda. It suggests that one way to understand the controversial media role in counter-propaganda operations lies in the relationship between police and crime reporters.
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Shaw, Tony. "The Politics of Cold War Culture." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419510.
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This article examines the relationship between politics and culture in Great Britain and the United States during the Cold War, with particular emphasis on the period from the late 1940s to the early 1960s. The article critically examines several recent books on British and American Cold War cultural activities, both domestic and external. The review covers theatrical, cinematic, literary, and broadcast propaganda and analyzes the complex network of links between governments and private groups in commerce, education, labor markets, and the mass entertainment media. It points out the fundamental differences between Western countries and the Soviet bloc and provides a warning to those inclined to view Western culture solely through a Cold War prism.
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Padgett, Andrew, and Beatrice Allen. "Fear's Slave: The Mass Media and Islam after September 11." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (November 2003): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900106.
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This paper investigates the purpose of society's construction of ‘others’ through the gaze of the mass media. During times of crisis, the paper argues, Western mass media are faced with an irreconcilable paradox: the simultaneous demand for, and denial of, a fear-inspiring other (the Soviet Union, Al Qaeda, etc.) This paradigm of otherness was overcome in the period post-Cold War and pre-9/11 as the US media was able to demonise ‘others’ at home — the war on drugs, for example. The question this paper will address, then, is: what are the motives driving the US mass media towards an other constructed along lines similar to the Soviet-era other? Who is to ‘blame’ for this phenomenon — the media, or the society in which these media operate?
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Kovalev, N. A. "Dynamics of the cold war concept’s figurative component in the US political discourse." Professional Discourse & Communication 2, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2687-0126-2020-2-1-10-22.
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The article presents the results of a study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of the development of the COLD WAR concept’s figurative component in political discourse based on the material of the American media. The research conducted using the methods of discursive, conceptualdefinitional and comparative analysis has shown that the COLD WAR concept is a complex multi-component concept-scenario (or dynamic frame) that evolved during the second half of the 20th century. The figurative component of the concept manifests itself in its metaphorization and develops as the concept penetrates into the American mass consciousness. Throughout its history the COLD WAR concept has been both the source domain and the target domain of metaphorization with numerous models of metaphorical reinterpretation. Moreover, the author states that demetaphorization of the concept has also played a big part in the development of its figurative component. The article opens up a perspective for the study of the conceptual field of the “cold war” in different linguocultures, which is very important considering the changing international situation and the emergence of such concepts as COLD WAR 2, COLD WAR 2.0, etc.
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Robinson, Piers. "Operation Restore Hope and the Illusion of a News Media Driven Intervention." Political Studies 49, no. 5 (December 2001): 941–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00348.
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US intervention in Somalia (1992) and Iraq (1991) are held as evidence for a more powerful media in the post Cold War era and the thesis that media coverage of suffering people is a major cause of humanitarian intervention. This paper investigates the role of mass media during the 1992 decision to deploy ground troops in Somalia. A media influence model is outlined and then applied to the decision to intervene in Somalia. The research indicates that significant levels of media attention actually followed the intervention decision and that this coverage was framed in a way that built support for the intervention. I conclude there is little evidence to support the claim that media coverage compelled policy makers to intervene or that media coverage was a major factor in policy deliberations. Overall, the role of media in causing intervention in Somalia has been substantially overplayed, instead other factors are likely to have had a far greater effect in causing the intervention. This finding challenges both the thesis that media coverage is a major cause of the deployment of ground troops during humanitarian crisis and suggests caution be exercised with regard to post-Cold War claims of a more powerful and influential media.
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Derix, Simone. "Facing an “Emotional Crunch”: State Visits as Political Performances During the Cold War." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250208.
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This article argues that state visits are highly symbolic political performances by analyzing state visits to Berlin in the 1950s and 1960s. The article concentrates on how state visits blended in the Cold War's culture of suspicion and political avowal. Special emphasis is placed on the role of mass media and on the guests' reactions and behavior. State visits to Berlin illuminate the heavy performative and emotional burden placed on all participants. Being aware of the possibilities for self-presentation offered by state visits, West German officials incorporated state visitors into their symbolic battle for reunification. A visit to Berlin with extensive media coverage was, therefore, of prime importance for the German hosts. Despite their sophisticated visualization strategies, total control of events was impossible. Some visitors did not want to play their allotted role and avoided certain sites in Berlin, refused to be accompanied by journalists or cancelled their trips altogether.
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Golea, Daniela Georgiana, and Cătălin Robertino Hideg. "The growing importance of economic security in the new paradigm. Towards a new definition of economic security." Technium Social Sciences Journal 35 (September 9, 2022): 525–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v35i1.7257.
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The contemporary world is undergoing profound processes of change, many of them unprecedented in terms of the scale on which they occur and their content or effects. In such a troubled context, the issue of security is becoming more acute by the day. All these changes involving a multidimensional security environment have generally become more acute with the (at least apparent or provisional) end of the Cold War. In that context, the bipolar world disintegrated in a very short space of time, the global security environment was suddenly unsupported and the balance of power was upset. The post-Cold War world needed a new global balance of power, but this was slow to emerge and the state of conflict in the international environment grew more and more tense. Alongside the classic challenges to (inter)national security, new problems have emerged, such as the demographic explosion, the increasingly bleak prospect of a global food crisis, worsening social problems of all kinds, mass migration, the growth of terrorism and new forms of terrorist action (most recently with the possibility of using unconventional weapons from the NBC spectrum), the emergence of global climate change and a whole host of other effects from all these phenomena. Thus, security concerns have become ever greater as traditional security paradigms have collapsed one by one.
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Nyiam, Davina. "Strategic Interest and Media: A Global Perspective." PREDESTINASI 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/predestinasi.v13i2.19536.
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Media has also been used as psychological warfare and a propaganda tool, particularly during times of wars and acts of insurgency. It has been used as a tool while fighting the wars and boosting the morale of the security forces across the nations. Propaganda, although it has existed almost indefinitely, has grown immensely during the past few centuries as a most strategic tool to guard the strategic interests of the nations. The propaganda was bolstered by the invention of the radio. The ability to communicate orally with a large number of people in a very small amount of time also helped the development of propaganda. This form of mass media has been used as the most effective tool with the government agencies to put forth their news and views. Radio has strategically suited governments across the globe to fight psychological wars by airing propaganda into the territories of the neighbouring countries. Since Radio is affordable and speaks in a local language and customs to a very common man, it has definitely an edge over other formats of communication when it comes to the question of guarding the strategic interests of a nation. This research discusses and deals with the strategic interests and the media and how radio has especially been used worldwide as a tool by a number of countries to safeguard their national interests. This chapter touches upon some theories and elements of propaganda, the use of radio during world wars and how countries guarded their strategic interests in the Cold War and Post-Cold War era.
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STONEMAN, TIMOTHY. "Global Radio Broadcasting and the Dynamics of American Evangelicalism." Journal of American Studies 51, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 1139–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816002000.
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During the middle decades of the twentieth century, American evangelicals broadened their global outlook and operations, becoming the largest private radio broadcasters in the world. As they expanded overseas after World War II, American evangelicals encountered a world in crisis due to the Cold War, population growth, and processes of decolonization, affecting Western missions. Evangelical broadcasting advocates promoted mass media as a means to address the shifting demographic, political, and religious balance between the global North and South. Global radio broadcasting demonstrated a dynamic tension within American evangelicalism between innovative and conservative impulses, which was particularly evident in the area of reception.
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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.
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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.
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Robertson, Emma, and Gordon Johnston. "Mass media and propaganda in the making of Cold War Europe, University College Dublin, 11–13 January 2007." Social History 32, no. 4 (November 2007): 446–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071020701616811.
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Schaefer, Bernd. "Thomas Lindenberger, ed., Massenmedien im Kalten Krieg: Akteure, Bilder, Resonanzen [Mass Media in Cold War: Actors, Images, Resonances]." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 3 (July 2008): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.3.166.
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Nazarova, Violetta V. "Regional printing of the second half of the 1940s as a mean of ideological bombardment of Soviet citizens (based on the materials of “Tambovskaya Pravda”)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 185 (2020): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-185-233-238.
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We analyze the influence of the official ideology on the content of the local press. We show exactly how the influence of propaganda was reflected. Actually, it could not be otherwise, as the mass media were financed by the state. We provide examples of how the newspaper agitated, encouraged to act and dictated the only correct interpretation of certain events. At the same time, it is reflected how “Tambovskaya Pravda” became the last instance for ordinary Soviet citizens. In addition to the issues of the main regional newspaper of the 20th century, we use publications devoted to such topics as official propaganda. We note what significance the press had in the first post-war five-year plan. In addition, the impact of the Cold War on the articles content in the newspaper “Tambovskaya Pravda” was analyzed. It is noted that the mass media had influence on the formation of the enemy image in the Soviet citizens minds. Characteristic words, formulaic slogans speak about the similarity of publications. It is worth noting how the newspaper pages note labor feats and vice versa, berated for the failure of the plan and laziness. On the basis of all this, we come to the conclusion that the print media contributed to the mythologization of authorities and the growth of faith in its infallibility.
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Gusejnova, Dina. "Jazz Anxiety and the European Fear of Cultural Change: Towards a Transnational History of a Political Emotion." Cultural History 5, no. 1 (April 2016): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2016.0108.
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From the interwar period onwards, music now known as jazz transcended geographic and political boundaries thanks to increased mobility and new media. Commonly associated with American mass culture, jazz music and jazz musicianship evoked strong emotions, ranging from love to hate. In this paper, feelings about jazz as a new form of cultural anxiety are the main subject of analysis. By looking at jazz as an emblem of different kinds of fear of the non-European, we can reconstruct the changing perception of Europe's internal frontiers from the dissolution of Europe's continental empires to the early Cold War.
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Reid, Susan E. "Cold War binaries and the culture of consumption in the late Soviet home." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-09-2015-0038.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to challenge Cold War binaries, seeking a more nuanced understanding of popular experience of change in the Soviet Union’s last decades. This was a period of intensive modernization and rapid transformation in Soviet citizens’ everyday material environment, marked by the mass move to newly constructed housing and by changing relations with goods. Design/methodology/approach – To probe popular experience and changing meanings, the paper turns to qualitative, subjective sources, drawing on oral history interviews (Everyday Aesthetics in the Modern Soviet Flat, 2004-2007). Findings – The paper finds that qualitative changes took place in Soviet popular consumer culture during the 1960s-1970s, as millions of people made home in new housing amid the widespread media circulation of authoritative images representing a desirable modern lifestyle and modernist aesthetic. Soviet people began to make aesthetic or semiotic distinctions between functionally identical goods and were concerned to find the right furniture to fit a desired lifestyle, aesthetic ideal and sense of self. Research limitations/implications – The problem is how to conceptualize the trajectory of change in ways that do justice to historical subjects’ experience and narratives, while avoiding uncritically reproducing Cold War binaries or perpetuating the normative status claimed by the postwar West in defining modernity and consumer culture. Originality/value – The paper challenges dominant Cold War narratives, according to which Soviet popular relations with goods were encompassed by shortage and necessity. It advances understanding of the specific form of modern consumer culture, which, it argues, took shape in the USSR after Stalin.
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Lamb Drover, Victoria. "ParticipACTION, Healthism, and the Crafting of a Social Memory (1971–1999)." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 25, no. 1 (August 28, 2015): 277–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032805ar.
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Established in 1971, ParticipACTION was a social marketing company created to change the physical behaviour and personal views of Canadians through persuasive marketing techniques and re-enforced mass media branding. Charting the personal accounts of four influential historical actors, this paper explores the original motivations behind the establishment of ParticipACTION. Through oral history accounts, untapped archival records pulled from the ParticipACTION Archives, and government documents, this article follows the development of the ParticipACTION brand and its relationship with a nation of media consumers. The overt commodification of health, manipulation of Cold War fears, and the federal government’s behaviour modification agenda are all aspects of its origin story, yet they have been strategically omitted from the dominant social memory of this national health promotion organization because these founding goals no longer served the ParticipACTION brand.
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Minardi, Anton, Rini Afriantari, and Maesuroh Maesuroh. "The Implementation of Islamic Penal Law in Brunei Darussalam and International Society." Socio Politica : Jurnal Ilmiah Jurusan Sosiologi 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/socio-politica.v11i1.7961.
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This article discusses the application of the shari'a penal code in Brunei Darussalam, in the Brunei institutionalization called Perintah Kanun Jenayah Syariah. The research in this discussion using qualitative methods with descriptive analysis techniques. Brunei Darussalam inaugurated the punishment of the shari'a crime on May 1, 2014, and applied in 3 stages; the stages imposed the criminal penalty in the level of violations and sanctions from mild to severe. The reaction o fthe international community can not be avoided because the punishment concerns Human Rights, which became a hot issue after the cold war. The response of oral and written censure in electronic media and mass media has harmed the government and the image of the Brunei sultanate family. Brunei state has carried out various actions so that the condition will not cause any protracted defect and sharia law will be implemented.
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Huang, Shuzhen, and Terrie Siang-Ting Wong. "'More coming out, bigger market': Queer visibility and queer subjectivity in the Chinese pink market." Queer Studies in Media & Popular Culture 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/qsmpc_00013_1.
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Abstract The transnational circulation of Euro-American queer discourse affects queer subjectivity in local contexts. Through a case study of the Rainbow Love wedding competition, this article unravels the interplay between transnational queer politics, queer affect and the economy of visibility in the emerging pink market to explore how they shape the queer landscape in mainland China. Rainbow Love demonstrates how recent queer visibility in Chinese media manifests as a narrative commodity that is embedded in consumerism and in colonialist sexual discourse. By exploiting post-Cold War anxiety in mainland China, Rainbow Love invites affective identification and produces an 'ideal' queer subjectivity in the Chinese pink market: cosmopolitan, mobile and middle-class queers who desire and can afford luxury consumption. We argue that such queer visibility in the Chinese pink market has become a regulatory force on Chinese queer subjects despite the liberatory narratives that are advocated in the mass media.
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Shakleina, Tatiana A. "AMERICAN POLICY TOWARDS RUSSIA: COMPETITION, DETERRENCE AND GOVERNING CONTROL." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2020): 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-4-10-26.
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The global strategy of the United States is characterized by a great degree of continuity, adherence to basic ideas of American ideology, aims, tasks, and the methods of realization of national American interests, though different administrations bring tactical minor changes to the real policy and official rhetoric. Similar trend is seen when we describe and analyze the US strategy towards Russia. The hypothesis of the author is the following: American policy towards Russia has been developing within a quite clear historical paradigm of confrontational competition; American actions do not depend on whether the Russian State exists as the USSR or the Russian Federation. The dominant factor defining this kind of confrontational strategy is that Russia remains one of the leading world powers that is playing a very influential role in international relations and the world order formation, demonstrates an opposite to American view of global governance and world development. In the US, it is seen as a serious obstacle to the realization of the American concept of world liberal order – a monocentric /US centric world order. Restoration by Russia of a great power status after the dissolution of the Soviet Union has not been fully predicted and is unacceptable to the US, and first of all, to the ruling political elite. Opposition and criticism of Russia has been growing since 1995, and in the 2010s the deterrence of Russia evolved into a new cold war. Cold war confrontation between the US and Russia during the Trump administration became large scale and multifaceted, and could be characterized as a political, economic, and information war. There is a quite clear consensus on the Russia issue between the representatives of Congress, political parties and the groups of interest, mass media and think tanks, the representatives of intelligence community and some federal agencies. The article suggests the analysis of the views and recommendations of the leading think tanks as their influence on the policy towards Russia has been quite visible during all administrations. Though the Trump administration is in opposition to practically all liberal media (the majority of all mass media) and think tanks, the policy of the United States towards Russia is being formulated within the traditional paradigm. The author suggests a structural realist school of thinking as the most relevant for the better understanding of the situation in the Russian-American relations.
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Druick, Zoë. "Operational Media: Cybernetics, Biopolitics and Postwar Education." Foro de Educación 18, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/fde.835.
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This article develops the concept of «operational media» to think through the deployment of utility/useful cinema in the context of cybernetically informed educational policy. The paper argues that cybernetic concepts of communication, feedback loops and homeostasis were central to the pragmatic installation of media at the center of postwar mass education. Links are made to the dominance of cybernetic ideas in postwar social science, including social psychology, sociobiology and behaviourism. A consideration of the UN’s operational media allows for a reconsideration of the agency’s communicative mandate as biopolitical and governmental. Educational policies influenced by the UN were doubly concerned with technologized classrooms: cybernetic ideas presented themselves as politically neutral, while offering efficiencies in the delivery of content. Cold war citizenship was thus conceived as a form of training that would pragmatically lead to the rebalancing of a volatile international situation. Carrefour de la vie (1949), made by Belgian filmmaker Henri Storck for the United Nations, is presented as an example of the centrality of mental health for citizenship training in postwar biopolitical regimes. In particular, the tension between the film’s humanist and cybernetic strands are considered. Au Carrefour de la vie is considered as a transitional text, presenting a humanist story of childhood in postwar life that simultaneously prefigures the operation of a controlled society.
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Nakamura, Kelli Y. "A “Revenge Bound Orgy”." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2021): 475–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.4.475.
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On November 13, 1945, Honolulu residents awoke to news of a mass riot the previous evening by over one thousand sailors in the Damon Tract area in Honolulu. Although it was one of the largest postwar military uprisings on American soil, the riot itself has not been carefully examined in the historical record due other events and interests locally and nationally, as the media continued to operate within a highly militarized state. Remembering and understanding the Damon Tract riot became secondary to America’s Cold War interests in the Pacific, the growth of tourism in the Islands, and efforts to garner statehood for Hawai‘i that depended on unifying these historically contentious identities at the expense of acknowledging conflict that existed in the past.
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FIDELIS, MALGORZATA. "Pleasures and Perils of Socialist Modernity: New Scholarship on Post-War Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (October 19, 2016): 533–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731600031x.
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What role did consumption, the mass media and popular culture play in post-war Eastern Europe? Did they help ‘normalise’ state socialism or rather inspire outlooks and desires incongruent with communist regimes’ goals? These questions are central to recent scholarship which has departed from conventional Cold War studies centred on narrowly-conceived political elites and modes of Soviet domination. Instead, using the lens of social and cultural history, scholars have turned to exploring Eastern European societies as independent subjects in their own right. Looking at workers, middle classes, women, tourists, hippies, shoppers, television audiences and other groups, this new body of work has questioned the impenetrability of the Iron Curtain and has highlighted Eastern European participation in broader European and global trends. Instead of enumerating failures of the socialist system from ‘economics of shortage’ to the depressing ‘greyness’ of apartment blocks, scholars now explore ‘pleasures in socialism’, including leisure, fashion and consumer culture. In place of preponderant societal resistance against the controlling state, they expose complex ways of appropriation, accommodation and identification with elements of state socialism by individuals and groups.
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Byung Joon, Jung. "The Political Was Personal: Shifting Images of 76 Korean pow s Who Went to Neutral Nations." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27030003.
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Abstract Under the terms of the Korean War armistice, prisoners of war (pow s) could reject repatriation. The vast majority of non-repatriates went to either of the Koreas, China, or Taiwan. But a small group consisting of 76 Korean and twelve Chinese pow s exercised their option to go to neutral nations instead. This article examines how South Korean discourse about these outlier pow s shifted over the decades. An early assumption was that they had made a principled, ideological decision to reject both blocs of a global Cold War. But their choice of neutral countries was a more personal than ideological one. Their anti-communism appeared muted, since they also eschewed the other side. This interpretation contained little direct knowledge of the pow s themselves; it owed more to how the South Korean public saw the war that devastated their peninsula. There also was the influence of “The Square” in the Korean intellectual society and the mass media in their understanding of these Korean prisoners. After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, South Koreans became more confident about the rivalry with North Korea. This led to a reengagement with the memory of the pow s who had spurned both Koreas, making rejection of Communist North Korea more convincing and their refusal to remain in South Korea was less problematic.
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De Beer, Arnold, Lynnette Serfontein, and Annelie Naude. "NEW SOUTH AFRICA AND INTERNATIONAL NEWS FLOW." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 15, no. 2 (November 3, 2022): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v15i2.1905.
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The democratization developments in Africa during the 19905 (and not the least in South Africa) offered new opportunities for researchers in the field of news flow studies. Since the 19505, a number of studies have been undertaken internationally, but relatively few comparative studies were done in Africa since 1990. The end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall demand not only new cartographic and conceptual maps, but also new news media maps, espeially of Africa. In this article, a broad question is posed: "How does South African mass media portray South Africa and the rest of the world in the 19905 through the process of international news coverage?' This article deals with some possible answers to this question as it pertains to specific newspapers and broadcast news in the country. The general goal was to provide answers to some of the questions set out in the international project on Global NewsFlow in the 1990s for the period 3-9 and 17-23 September 1995. Aspects such as main news topics,main news events, datelines and sources of international news were, amongst others, addressed. This article is based on papers presented as part of an international research) to the International Communication Association, Chicago, USA, 23-27 May 1996; the 20th International Association for Mass Communication Research Conference, Sydney, Australia, 18- 22 August, 1996; and an international symposium on 'Culture, Communication, and Development,organized (inter alia) by the Unit for Social Communication at the Human Sciences Research Council, and the World Commission on Culture and Development of Unesco, HSRC Building, Pretoria, 29-31 August 1996.
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van Loon, Hans. "Legal Diversity in a Flat, Crowded World: The Role of the Hague Conference." International Journal of Legal Information 39, no. 2 (2011): 172–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500028080.
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In the beginning of this month we commemorated the collapse of the Berlin Wall. The 9th of November 1989 not only marked the end of the Cold War but also the opening up of the possibility of joining global, and regional, economic activities and institutions for millions of people east of the wall - and indeed elsewhere in the world, from India to Latin America. This has levelled the global economic playing field. It has “flattened” our world. For some, this marked the beginning of the globalization process. But our world has become “horizontal” in a more fundamental sense and over a longer period of time. Human relationships are now far more than in the past determined by horizontal connections with like-minded others across borders, including virtual connections through cyberspace and mass-media, and much less by vertical lines of authority within a closed society.
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Ingiriis, Mohamed Haji. "Predatory politics and personalization of power: The abuses and misuses of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) in Somalia." African Affairs 119, no. 475 (January 22, 2020): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz027.
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Abstract This article investigates the security sector in Somalia, with a focus on the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), a government security unit, involved in the fight against the Al-Shabaab insurgency. This article argues that the historically traumatic legacy of autocratic oppression of the former military regime gives the Somali intelligence agency an infamous reputation that survives today and plays a significant role in the operations of the intelligence agency. Intelligence agents employ tactics from the late Cold War era military regime’s intelligence services, suggesting striking historical continuities of the military regime in practice and performance. The empirical data also shows that NISA is enmeshed in the ‘dirty war’ between the federal government and Al-Shabaab. Not only does the intelligence agency normalize extrajudicial activities to serve the agenda of political authorities and to suppress their critics, but it also financially benefits from arrests without trials. NISA agents harass the public and political opposition groups daily and brutally suppress mass media and freedom of speech, especially in the government-controlled areas in Mogadishu. As the first empirical academic investigation into NISA, the article contributes to broader debates on intelligence, the anthropology of the state, security studies, and institution- and state-building in violent environments.
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HEALE, M. J. "Anatomy of a Scare: Yellow Peril Politics in America, 1980–1993." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 1 (April 2009): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809006033.
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This article maps the rise and dissemination of Yellow Peril fears in the United States between about 1980 and 1993 and seeks to explain them. Anti-communism had been an animating force in Ronald Reagan's career, but shortly after he left office an opinion poll revealed that Japan had replaced the Soviet Union as the greatest perceived threat to the US. While economic anxieties contributed to the resurgence of Yellow Peril sentiments, this article emphasizes the vital parts played by other phenomena, notably Reagan's economic policies, partisan politics, a media war, and the ending of the Cold War. The Yellow Peril scare was widely criticized, and by the early 1990s the controversy had invaded popular culture. Ronald Reagan is frequently applauded for restoring American self-confidence after the “malaise” of the Carter years, but the apprehensions discussed here suggest that he enjoyed only limited success in this respect.
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Buranok, Sergey O. "Evaluation of Asia and Decolonization in the US Press." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 4 (2020): 1186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.410.
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No research in the colonial system issues during the Cold War would be complete without studying the press of the participating parties. In order to give a detailed analysis of the international relationships in terms of the global transformations from an American point of view, the article explores relevant newspaper articles published after the World War II. It shows changes concerning priority schemes as viewed in American social discourse during 1945. Roosevelt’s plan for the dismantling of the colonial empires was gradually replaced with less radical plans, which presupposed using the colonial experience for foreign policy of the USA. The materials of the American press of 1945 dedicated to the search for the most effective strategy of building relations with both colonial empires and dependent territories demonstrate, among other things, a steady interest of American mass media in negative and positive experience of colonial policy. Thus, in the American public discourse of late 1945 emerged several new approaches towards evaluation of the prospects of the colonial system. The first approach: retention of all colonial empires, especially in the key points of the after-war world (Middle East, Indochina, Northern Africa). The second approach: retention of the British colonial empire capable of controlling (with the aid from the USA) the Mediterranean area, the Middle East, and the South-Eastern Asia; which would address two tasks, namely provision of valuable raw materials for the American economy, and control over rebels and national liberation forces. The third approach: replacement of colonial empires with American military presence in order to solve the same problems.
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Shaw, Tony. "JudithDevlin and HendrickMüller, eds., War of words: culture and the mass media in the making of the Cold War in Europe (University College Dublin Press: Dublin, 2013. Pp. xiv + 226. ISBN 9781906359379 Hbk. £60)." Economic History Review 68, no. 1 (January 7, 2015): 389–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12108_29.
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Kharchenko, Oleksandr. "How Ukraine May Convey Truth about the War to the World." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 792–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-49.
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The fifth year of confrontation with Russian aggressor and violent war in eastern Ukraine – which made the country to bleed – brought the cold understanding that this tragedy which was carried to the peaceful land of Ukraine, this dreadful mixture of cruelty, hostility, lies, military treachery and dishonour, this flow of a hatred and fear that every day pours into Ukraine from Russian “zombie boxes”, all these troubles will stay here for a long time. Therefore, we have to determine an evident thing. Those democratic norms of freedom of speech, pluralism, diversity of thoughts and views, which Ukraine has struggled for and continues to fight for so long – all these achievements were also stricken by the war. They did not disappear but have clearly changed. War sharpened them. Occupation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine divided the information space into the “black” and “white” where halftones are hard to find between. Therefore, today calls for pacifism or non-acceptance of violence resemble readiness to capitulation and perceived as a part of hostile information game. However, what shall we do, if Ukrainian journalists are demanded the maximum pluralism from some international organizations and the unconditional adherence to the slightest nuances of freedom of speech from the Ukrainian authorities? How Ukraine can reveal all this “hybridity” of Ukrainian realia, so that European officials could understand it? For instance, last autumn, a year after the correspondent of Ukrinform, Roman Sushchenko, had been illegally arrested in Moscow, we sent this news to three dozen European news agencies. Do you know how many agencies responded? The one. On the other hand, if a journalist of the France Press or the Associated Press gets illegally arrested in the same manner, you may not even doubt that support will be much more tangible. Ukrinform has recently become a part of the Ukrainian Multimedia Broadcasting Platform. It is probably the first time in the modern history of Ukraine when media platform demonstrates a systematic approach to the Ukrainian information presence abroad. What matters is that approach helps the representatives of the Ukrainian authorities to assert themselves and the country as part of the globalized world, to seek and find the right decisions so that Ukraine is perceived as peaceful, proud and happy country, to the joy of its neighbours and its own citizens. Keywords: Ukrinform, mass media, hybrid war, propaganda, Russian regime.
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Irfani, Suroosh. "Double Betrayal." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2302.
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Since 1989, more Kasluniris have died in the struggle against Indianrule than the cumulative number of Bosnian casualties of Serb attacks inSarajevo and of Palestinians during the intifada. Even so, not many peopleare aware of the mass freedom movement that has gripped the northernHimalayan state of Jammu and Kashmir for the past six years. Reasons forsuch apathy are not hard to gauge: Western stakes in Kashmir are of a differentkind than those in the Balkans or the oil-rich Middle- EastConsequently, the uprising in Kashmir and the massive human rights violations there have been relegated to the fringe of the Western media. Overburdenedby its post-cold war concerns, the Western conscience seems tobe on recess in Kashmir.
A corollary to the lack of international concern over Kashmir is thevirtual absence of literature on contemporary Kashmiri reality. The studyby Paula Newberg, a senior associate at the Camegie Endowment whohas visited Kashmir several times, is an apt response to this doubledeficit. Academically unpretentious and refreshingly free of prescriptivesolutions, Double Betrayal (available from The Brooking Institution inWashington, DC) etches a disturbing image of mass resistance and insularmass repression in this land-locked Indian-administered state. Thebook encapsulates the nature of the Kashmiri insurgency, Indian repression,and the agony of an entire population whose suffering the worldrefuses to fathom ...
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Uznarodov, Igor M. "PROSPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION IN THE 21st CENTURY." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 3 (211) (September 30, 2021): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-3-128-133.
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The article considers the issue of the prospects of globalization, which receives ambiguous and contradictory assessments in the expert community and the mass media. Since negative judgments about the future of globalization are mainly based on assessments of the state of the contemporary economy, the article analyzes the trends in the development of the global economy in the context of the stages of globalization. The changes that took place in the world economy are shown, attention to the growth of its unification and uniformity is paid. It is concluded that by the beginning of the 21th century, the successful globalization processes had reached their peak. Then the recession, associated with the two world wars and the emergence of a bipolar world began. After the end of the cold war, a new rise in globalization begins, a single mechanism of the world economy is being formed. In general, it is concluded that the historical context and recent events in the world do not give grounds to talk about the end of globalization. Today, there is only some slowing down of global processes, after which a new recovery should be expected.
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Meden, N. K. "On Some Tendencies in Defense Policy of Germany." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-143-151.
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The paper discusses the newest trends in the German defense policy, caused by the aggravation of European geopolitical situation. The author analyzes various sources, among them official reports presented to the Ministry of Defense and the Bundestag; speeches by the Minister of Defense and by supreme commanders of the Bundeswehr; published in mass media information on condition and problems of the military forces, as well as modernization of the equipment. Officially it is deemed, that the reform of the Bundeswehr which started in 2011, so far has turned into an amorphous process of renewal (Neuausrichtung), intended to improve the military organization. Since the acting Cabinet was farmed, Ursula von der Leyen - the first woman Minister of Defense of Germany - directs these activities, and her style of work affects all the work in the Ministry. Meanwhile, the revision of the main parameters of the defensive activity and the whole German politics is caused not by a fresh leadership, but by the most sharp after the end of the "cold war" geopolitical crisis in Europe. The author comes to conclusion, that a turning point in the Defensive Policy of Germany is taking shape, so that all the aspects of military organization are now affected: command stuff training, military equipment, strengthening of ties with allies. Anti-Russian propaganda in mass-media reanimates an image of an enemy and prepares public opinion to the future growth of military expenses; it even overcomes certain pacifism, so usual in modern society. Here in Russia, one must take all this into account, as an idea of the low fighting capacity of the Bundeswehr, which was formed in the last years, is getting obsolete, and could became a dangerous illusion.
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Zorin, Artem. "The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia: Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Perry, Joe. "War of Words: Culture and the Mass Media in the Making of the Cold War in Europe. Edited by Judith Devlin and Christoph Hendrik Müller. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2013. Pp. xiv + 226. Cloth €60.00/$99.95. ISBN 978-1906359379." Central European History 48, no. 1 (March 2015): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000278.
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Belyaev, Dmitriy A., and Ulyana P. Belyaeva. "Historical Video Games in the Context of Public History: Strategies for Reconstruction, Deconstruction and Politization of History." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i1.204.
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Today, historical video games going beyond the boundaries of the purely entertainment framework of screen media are increasingly influencing the formation of the public history infosphere. The aim of the study is a comprehensive analysis of historical video games as a tool for constructing mass historical consciousness and the implementation of ideologized strategies for the politics of memory. Methodologically, the work is based on the concepts of “public history infosphere” and “politics of memory”, as well as the historical method and classification approach. In addition, elements of comparative analysis, the method of narrative research of cultural artifacts and the optics of I. Bogost’s procedural rhetoric are used.
The study determines the specificity and nature of broadcasting historical plots in the context of procedural actualization of video game narratives. Starting from the interactive-procedural nature of video games, the original possibilities and objective constraints in the reproduction of “stories about the past” are revealed. It is demonstrated that the programmatic and subjective-user modalities of a video game existence endow it with rhizome and nomadic characteristics. Video game architectonics has an intention to deconstruct the “metaphysics of presence” and the main repressive instances characteristic of traditional historical narrative. At the same time, based on the concept of simulations by G. Frasca, three main formats of historical video game reconstructions are revealed: factual (plot and setting), logical-dynamic and hybrid. The article identifies the most common ways of distorting, mythologizing and politicizing history in video games. Special attention is paid to the explication of the ideologized concept of “anti-Sovietism” in video game plots, as a form of quasi-historical criticism of the Soviet regime and the continuation of the rhetoric of the “Cold War”.
The results of the study can be used in the expert assessment of the space of public history, in the identification of relevant media tools and meaningful concepts that form its semantic framework. In addition, certain conclusions are essential for the effective correction of memory policy strategies implemented in screen digital media.
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Fengler, Susanne, Marcus Kreutler, Matilda Alku, Bojana Barlovac, Mariella Bastian, Svetlana S. Bodrunova, Janis Brinkmann, et al. "The Ukraine conflict and the European media: A comparative study of newspapers in 13 European countries." Journalism 21, no. 3 (May 15, 2018): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884918774311.
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The crisis in Ukraine was one of the dominant topics in international news coverage of 2014 and the following years. Representing a conflict along the lines of an East-Western confrontation unprecedented since the end of the Cold War, the news reporting in different European countries with different historical backgrounds is an essential research topic. This article presents findings of a content analysis examining coverage of the conflict in the first half of 2014 in newspapers from a diverse set of 13 countries: Albania, Czech Republic, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, as well as Ukraine and Russia. Drawing on prior literature on news values, key events, and news cycles in foreign coverage, this study maps the evolution of the conflict in the course of four key events and identifies specific characteristics of the coverage in different newspapers. The results show that attention for the conflict varies considerably across the countries, which might be traced back to different degrees of geographical and cultural proximity, domestication, and economic exchange, as well as lack of editorial resources especially in Eastern Europe. Russia dominated the news agenda in all newspapers under study with a constant stream of conflict news. Contradicting prior literature, media sought to contextualise the events, and meta-coverage of the media’s role in the crisis emerged as a relevant topic in many countries with a developed media system.
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Sussman, Leonard R. "The MacBride Movement: Old ‘New Order’ leads to the new." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, no. 2-3 (October 1992): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000202.
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‘The MacBride Movement’ was the culmination of the campaign by the Non- aligned Movement to secure a better share of the global communications flows, while improving coverage by the dominant Western news media of Third World information and political objectives. The Soviet bloc, for its own Cold War objectives, joined the Nonaligned's bid for some ‘new world information and communication order’. With the MacBride Commission's report in 1980, following the relatively moderate Mass Communication Declaration at Unesco in 1978, the Nonaligned Movement's drive for NWICO reached its peak. This was the result, I maintain, mainly of 1) the changed global geopolitics, demonstrated spectacularly in 1989–91, and 2) the opportunities for diversity of information flows provided by the new communications technologies. They had already demonstrated they could generate and sustain political revolutions in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The paper traces the ‘Hegelian dialectic’ of events preceding and during the rise of the MacBride Movement: the ‘old order’ (Thesis, or Western dominance) from 1946 to 1976, the old ‘new order’ (Antithesis, or Nonaligned-Soviet challenge) from 1976 to 1989, and the new ‘New Order’ (Synthesis, or coming age of ISDN) from 1989. ISDN, integrated systems of digital networks – the networking of networks, worldwide – provides 'small’ communications capabilities (telephone, fax, copier, computer, radio particularly FM) tied to the long-distance lines (satellites, fiber optics, computer links). The cost of linkage will drop dramatically as each new facility is mass-distributed, and as competition – especially system competing against system – reduces the cost to the citizen. There are, indeed, dangers in mass linkage. The Orwell warning is appropriate. But this paper argues that competition and government regulation (replacing censorship in many places) will prevent the monopolization by commercial interests, as diverse communication machines in the hands of citizens will prevent government monopolies. As a consequence, there were mainly winners in the decade-long debates in Unesco over NWICO. The developing countries are beginning to receive aid in building communication infrastructures, Western coverage of their news is improving, and developing-world citizens will increasingly have access to the domestic as well as international information flows. The West, meanwhile, has ended the bitter debates over NWICO, and the perceived threat of new forms of media censorship from governments or intergovernmental organizations.
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Close, David, and Walter C. Soderlund. "Media Definitions of Cold War Reality." International Journal 58, no. 1 (2002): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203835.
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Thalpawila, Osantha Nayanapriya. "Politics of Covid-19: A Study of the Role of the Global Powers in Combatting the Pandemic." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.4.7.4.
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The Covid-19 pandemic, having convincingly proved its deadliness, has become the most significant global calamity experienced to date in the 21st century. The Covid-19 virus outbreak besides affecting the health of people across the world seriously has also badly disrupted the economies of all countries, and the livelihoods of their citizens. The most recent data from the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) has indicated that most of the lower to upper-middle-income countries have been significantly impacted by the rampaging COVID-19 pandemic. This has prompted a concerted effort by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the major world powers to combat the spread of the Covid-19 global pandemic. In combating this pandemic, the world powers have a responsibility to collaborate with the WHO, as they wield a lot of power in the decision-making process at a global level. The aim of this study is to examine the international cooperation that has been taken forward to combat the ‘Covid-19’ pandemic in the context of management of major calamities by the global powers. The study focuses on the 18-month period from December 2019 when the pandemic first broke out, to June 2021. The study is based entirely on secondary data collected from the reports and documents of involved organizations and the media. The leaders and people of the USA and some Western countries did not provide adequate support to contain the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic in the early stages. They used the disparaging term ‘Chinese Virus’ to refer to the deadly virus, which President Trump wholly underestimated and treated as a minor irritant. Further, avoidable mass gatherings contributed to repeated outbreaks of the virus, which spread from country to country. Mass rallies were held protesting the lockdowns by raising the issues of liberal democracy and individual freedom. Although several high-income Western countries developed vaccines to arrest the pandemic, the distribution of vaccines was not done in a fair and equitable manner. The WHO policy on the distribution of vaccines was undermined due to the “Vaccine Politics” of the world powers. The other aspect of Covid-19 politics was that the pandemic had given rise to a ‘cold war’ between the major Western powers and the burgeoning Chinese power and influence at the global level. Finally, it must be understood that the global cooperation required to combat the Covid-19 pandemic was badly hampered due to the politicization of the programs planned for this purpose during the first year of the pandemic.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreview." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005): 103–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002504.
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Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreview." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 103–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002504.
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Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2
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Bastiansen, Henrik G. "Norwegian Media and the Cold War 1945–1991." Nordicom Review 35, s1 (March 13, 2020): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2014-0110.
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AbstractThe theme of this article is how the Cold War influenced the media – but also how the media influenced the Cold War. In order to study this, the article connects Norwegian media to the broader international Cold War history between 1945 and 1991. The aim is to show the relevance of the Cold War for media development and of the media for research on the Cold War. The goal is to construct a tentative fundament for further research on the role of the media during the Cold War.
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Tjelmeland, Hallvard. "The Nordic Media and the Cold War." Scandinavian Journal of History 41, no. 4-5 (July 15, 2016): 611–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2016.1206263.
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Trüper, Henning. "Philological Scripts in Cold War Media Theory." Javnost - The Public 26, no. 4 (July 23, 2019): 375–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2019.1633605.
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Weste, Marija. "The Nordic media and the Cold War." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 36, no. 2 (March 29, 2016): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2016.1164478.
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Cheterian, Vicken. "Georgia's Rose Revolution: Change or Repetition? Tension between State-Building and Modernization Projects." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230530.
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The wave of Colour Revolutions, which started in Serbia in the year 2000, and spread to Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, has changed the existing concepts on how transformation would take form in countries exiting from “really existing socialism.” In the early years following the collapse of the Soviet state, the dominant concepts were that of “transition” or slow, top-down reforms that would transform the existing political systems from ruling-party dictatorships to parliamentary democracies, and planned economies to market-based ones. Yet in the late 1990s there was a growing fatigue and pessimism towards the basic thesis of transition: the transition paradigm was formulated as a reaction to the perceived causes of the Soviet failure: a totalitarian state which monopolized the political space proved itself unable to provide either economic well-being or political legitimacy. The task in the early 1990s was to shrink the state apparatus, to make space for a multi-party political pluralism. Even though some argued that the main objective of transition was to achieve democracy,1 for transition theories and even more so for its translation into actual political choices the economic aspect of transition was perceived to be more immediate than the political one. Democracy needed a certain material context, and here too decreasing the role of the state was thought to liberate the market and provide material stability to the new democracies. It was necessary to create a new middle class by way of mass privatization of the former state properties to create a social demand for democracy. Those ideas reflected not only an ideological victory of the one side of the Cold War over the Eastern camp, but also very practical needs: the huge Soviet state sector was neither sustainable nor necessary after the fall of one-party rule, and it had to be radically transformed. At the time, this transition was thought to be an easy task: to take off the oppressing lid of the party-state and let democracy and market economies emerge naturally. Yet in the conception of transition there was a certain tension between the economic and political sides of the imagined reforms, between mass privatization with its dire social consequences of unemployment and fall in the standard of living, and the political goals of democratization where people who were being “restructured” were simultaneously promised to receive the right to change their rulers by casting their ballots. Would people who are threatened with job loss and lower living standards vote for the reformers? And in the event of a negative answer, how would the reforms proceed? Should economic reforms come before political ones; that is, first privatization and in a second stage freedom of political choice through parliamentary elections? These are some of the dilemma that the new republics of the Soviet Union and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe were facing in the early 1990s. At the time, the answer was clear: the economy came first; it was more important to reform the economic sector, to privatize massively, and stabilize the economy as soon as possible. The economy came before politics, in the sense that restructuring of the property structure through mass privatization was supposed to create the material means for the creation of democracy. It was believed that once the middle class was created as a result of mass privatization, the democratic institutions, such as free elections, multi-party system, independent media, an active civil society, in a word, all the attributes of democracy, would evolve naturally.
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Close, David. "Review: Miscellaneous: Media Definitions of Cold War Reality." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 58, no. 1 (March 2003): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200305800126.
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Culbert, David. "Introduction: Media and the cold war in Europe." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 13, no. 1 (January 1993): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689300260421.
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