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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cold War Propaganda'
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Bernhard, Nancy E. "U.S. television news and Cold War propaganda, 1947-1960 /." Cambridge : Cambridge university press, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37220855k.
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Hope, Claire. "Cold War Educational Propaganda and Instructional Films, 1945-1965." VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2416.
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This thesis will examine the response of educators to the use of the American public school system for ideological management during the early Cold War period. Through an assessment of instructional films, this work will show that the objectives of educational propaganda fell into three main categories: to promote Americanism as the national ideology, to deter students from communism or communist sympathy, and to link the potential for nuclear warfare to ideological lassitude. It will be argued that although the majority of educators accepted these goals, as films became increasingly extreme in their presentations, a critical minority revealed discontent with the use of the school for the purposes of indoctrination. By the mid-1960s, a number of factors would result in the dismantling of the Cold War consensus and a reinvigoration of the critical perspective in education.
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Barrett, Gordon Robert Burgess. "Foreign policy, propaganda, and scientific exchange : scientists in China's cold war foreign relations." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.685012.
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Scientists were important players in China's Cold War foreign relations. This dissertation examines the international activities of a cohOlt of elite and internationally educated scientists who were involved in international organisations such as the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) and events such as the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. Focusing on the first three decades of the Cold War, this study encompasses a series of critical phases in China's development, in its relations with the outside world, and for its scientific community. Recently declassified archival material covering this period provides an opportunity for a far greater depth of analysis and nuance in understanding than would have been possible less than a decade ago. For the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), these elite scientists were singularly effective intercultural intennediaries who, embedded in overlapping transnational epistemic and activist networks, won sympathy and support for the People's Republic of China (PRC) among foreign intellectuals. Such party-approved propaganda activities also afforded these scientists valuable opportunities to maintain contact with overseas scientific communities from which they were otherwise largely cut off. These PRC-based scientists and the domestic scientific organisations with which they were affiliated all had roles to play within the Chinese foreign affairs system. This dissertation shows that scientists' individual personal and professional networks, their activities in the WFSW, at the Pugwash conferences, and at events like the Peking Science Symposium conferences, all carried a mixture of opportunity and risk for a developing state like the early PRC.
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Park, Hye-jung. "From World War to Cold War: Music in US-Korea Relations, 1941-1960." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1554818839582558.
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Hoffmann, Rachel Frances. "The United States interpretation of soviet propaganda and contribution to the Cold War : 1945-1953 /." Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh7113.pdf.
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Cunningham, Zachary A. "Project HOPE as Propaganda: A Humanitarian Nongovernmental Organization Takes Part in America's Total Cold War." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1198092879.
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Wigley, Andrew Paul. "Marketing Cold War tourism in the Belgian Congo : a study in colonial propaganda 1945-1960." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95925.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the nascent colonial tourist sector of the Belgian Congo from 1945 until independence in 1960. Empire in Africa was the last remaining vestige of might for the depleted European imperial powers following the Second World War. That might, however, was largely illusory, especially for Belgium, which had been both defeated and occupied by Germany. Post-war Belgium placed much value on its colonial role in the Belgian Congo, promoting and marketing its imperial mission to domestic and international audiences alike. Such efforts allowed Belgium to justify a system that was under fire from the new superpowers of the United States of America (USA) and the Soviet Union. This thesis makes the case that the Belgian authorities recognised the opportunity to harness the ‘new’ economic activity of tourism to help deliver pro-colonial propaganda, particularly to the USA which had a growing affluent class and where successive administrations were keen to encourage overseas travel. In building a tourism sector post the Second World War, efforts in diversifying the economy were secondary to the objective of using the marketing of tourism to actively position and promote Belgium’s long-term involvement in the Congo.
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Ungor, Cagdas. "Reaching the distant comrade Chinese communist propaganda abroad (1949-1976) /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
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Bar-Noi, Uri. "Anglo Soviet relations during Churchill's peacetime administration, 1951-1955 : Cold War politics, propaganda, trade and detente." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249400.
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Maguire, Thomas Joseph. "British and American intelligence and anti-communist propaganda in early Cold War Southeast Asia, 1948-1961." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283981.
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Sacau-Ferreira, Enrique. "Performing a political shift : avant-garde music in Cold War Spain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:df601c57-c9f0-4320-9a3a-8493ecf1101a.
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In my thesis, Performing a Political Shift: Avant-Garde Music in Cold War Spain, I argue that towards the end of the 1950s the Spanish ultra-conservative regime of Francisco Franco started to promote avant-garde music. This music contrasted with the aesthetically conservative one that had been promoted since the end of the Civil War (1936-1939). I examine the causes of this shift and reveal for the first time that they are connected to specific trends in Spanish politics and policies. In terms of national politics, the second phase of the Spanish dictatorship, from the late 1950s until Franco’s death in 1975, was dominated by young ministers who wanted to distance themselves from previous cabinets, mostly controlled by ultra-nationalist fascist politicians. These younger politicians styled themselves as part of a ‘technocratic’ regime. Thanks to its supposed ‘objectivity’ and ‘purely musical’ ideology-free concerns, avant-garde music sat well with these technocrats’ views of modern Spain, that is, a country benefitting from ‘objective’, ideology-free progress. On an international level, the defeat in the 1940s of Mussolini and Hitler, Franco’s main allies, had resulted in isolation for Spain. In order to break this isolation, the Spanish regime started to make a sustained effort at the end of the 1950s to establish diplomatic relations with other Western countries. These relations resulted in cultural, economic and military agreements with European democracies and the US. I also consider why recent Spanish musicology has failed to confront the political implications of the promotion of avant-garde music under Franco. I connect this void with the Spanish transition to democracy (1975-1978), which recent historians have called an exercise in amnesia, a discourse of forgiveness meant to promote reconciliation between Spaniards. As a result of this transition, the political implications of the activities of the composers and musicologists during the Franco years have been ignored or forgotten. The results of my thesis challenge the widely accepted view of the European avant-garde as a left-leaning movement. The main contribution of my thesis is precisely its substantial consideration of the cultural and political meanings of the avant garde and its context, using Franco’s Spain as a case in point.
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Silva, Michelly Cristina da. "Cinema, propaganda e política: Hollywood e o Estado na construção de representações da União Soviética e do Comunismo em Missão em Moscou (1943) e Eu fui um comunista para o FBI (1951)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30012015-093628/.
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A presente dissertação analisa dois filmes norte-americanos produzidos e distribuídos pelo estúdio Warner Bros., ambos baseados em histórias reais, que de distintas formas representaram, seja de forma idealista ou condenatória, a União Soviética, o Comunismo e os membros do Partido Comunista dos Estados Unidos (CPUSA). O primeiro, Missão em Moscou, dirigido pelo já renomado Michael Curtiz e lançado no contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial, apresenta evidências de ter sido feito sob a tutela tanto da agência governamental Birô do Cinema- Secretaria de Informação da Guerra quanto do presidente dos Estados Unidos à época, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Pela forma como interpretou fatos da história da Rússia e por sua campanha do país como membro dos países Aliados, o filme recebeu a denominação de pró-soviético pela literatura que o estudou. Já o segundo, Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, lançado apenas oito anos após Missão em Moscou, mas já no contexto da Guerra Fria, evidenciou, por outro lado, a tentativa da companhia cinematográfica em se alinhar à atmosfera de repúdio ao Comunismo reinante em boa parte da opinião pública norte-americana no período, bem como de tentar afastar as acusações do Comitê de Atividade Antiamericanas (HUAC) da presença dentro de Hollywood de elementos subversivos e de sua propaganda. Por sua representação, filmes como Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, recorrentes na década de 1950, foram denominados anticomunistas. O estudo aqui empreendido inicia-se com a caracterização da indústria cinematográfica em Hollywood na época de sua chamada Era Clássica (1930- 1948), primeiro capítulo; passando pelas análises fílmicas e de contexto de ambas as obras, resultando no capítulo dois e três; para encerrar-se, no último capítulo, com as considerações sobre a recepção das duas obras, levando para isso em conta as produções de significado de três agentes: os críticos cinematográficos; o seu público espectador, e os seus números de bilheteria. Por fim, nas considerações finais, colocamos em comparação a obra pró-soviética e anticomunista no tocante às suas diferenças, bem como similitudes, nas estratégias para a representação das personagens envolvidas em suas tramas.This thesis analyses two American movies produced and distributed by Warner Bros. Studios. Both are based on true stories, that used different depictions, one in an idealized way and the other condemnatory, of the Soviet Union, of the Communism and of the members of the Communist Party of the United States. The first film, Mission to Moscow, directed by Michael Curtiz and released in the context of World War II, presents evidence that it was fostered by the governmental war agency, the Bureau of Motion Pictures Office of War Information and by the president of the United States himself at that time, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Due to its interpretation of recent facts in Russian history and because of its propagandistic campaign to generate a better understanding of this country among Americans, historians and film theorists have classified the picture as pro-Soviet. The second movie, I Was a Communist for the FBI, whose premiere occurred only eight years after Mission to Moscow, showed, on the other hand, Warner Bros. attempt to realign itself to the atmosphere of anticommunism perpetrated by the majority of American public opinion and also to deny any accusation that the motion picture industry was full of subversive elements and their propaganda. When considered for its representation and depiction of Communism, movies like I Was a Communist for the FBI, very common in the 1950s, was denominated anticommunist. We divided this work into four parts. We start in the first chapter by exploring the motion picture industry in Hollywood during what was called the Golden Age (1930 1948). Then, we move to the film analyses of both pictures, the content of chapters two and three; in chapter four we study the reception of the two feature films, using as elements of measure the productions of meaning of three different agents: the critics, the spectator and the box-office numbers. Finally, in Conclusions, we compare Mission to Moscow and I Was a Communist for the FBI, aiming to observe them in the light of their differences but also of their similarities in the strategies used for the representation of the characters in the stories.
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Sykes, Ian. "HOW TO TRY TO MASK COLONIALISM AND FAIL ANYWAY: AMERICAN PROPAGANDA IN NON-COMMUNIST ASIA DURING THE EARLY COLD WAR." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/566222.
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HistoryM.A.
This paper examines Free World articles covering anticommunism, modernization, decolonization, intra-regionalism, US foreign affairs, US foreign aid, and neocolonialism because the task of popularizing specific iterations of these ideas illustrated the implementation of the ideas formulated in NSC 48/5. Moreover, NSC 48/5 called non-communist Asia the location of “the most immediate threats to American National Security.” My paper seeks to answer the question of how American propaganda in Asia, seen through a case study of Free World, tried to accomplish this popularization objective. I argue that the United States Information Agency (USIA) masked America’s neocolonialist intentions and activities in East and Southeast Asia through a rhetoric of anticommunism, intra-regionalism, and modernization.
Temple University--Theses
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Olga, Lopatynska. "CNN vs. RT: Comparative Analysis of Media Coverage of a Malaysian Airlines Aircraft MH17 Shooting Down within the Framework of Propaganda." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, JMK, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-120364.
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To explore strategic narratives of the U.S. and Russia is a motivation for this research. The study investigates whether there is a return to the Cold War rhetoric between the West and Russia, or if the discourse has taken a new form. A primary goal is to examine if media originating from the two countries spread propaganda, but mainly to detect what kind of propaganda it is. The research compares types of propaganda techniques that are most commonly applied by RT and CNN, and discusses results in a context of the Cold War propaganda prominent themes. This has been done by comparing how the two media outlets were reporting on a crash of a Malaysian Airlines aircraft in eastern Ukraine on July 17th 2014. A method of a framing analysis has been applied for a material from both channels for a period of four months. The results indicate that a number of propaganda techniques are used by both RT and CNN. Moreover, channels’ discourse is antagonistic, while strategic narratives of the U.S. and Russia nowadays have similarities and differences comparing to the Cold War times. Further research should look at other genres, events and topics reported by the two media.
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Sheppard, Natalie R. "Invincible: Legacy and Propaganda in Superhero Comics." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1943.
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Captain America and Iron Man are both iconic American heroes, representing different American values. Captain America was created during the Golden Age of comics and represents a longing for the past, while Iron Man was created at the height of the Cold War and looks forward to a new America. This paper will first establish the historical and cultural relationship between comic books and propaganda, beginning with the first appearance of Superman. It will pay special attention to the similarities and differences of Captain America and Iron Man, focusing on their representation of American values over time, and discuss how that aspect of the characters affects their ongoing titles today.
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Matoušková, Martina. "Budování pověsti státu v období studené války." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75100.
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The thesis compares Western and Soviet approaches to creating the image of state in the Cold War period. Terms public diplomacy, propaganda and agitation are explained and the Cold War period is covered in the first section. Second chapter depicts American and British approach to the public diplomacy after WW2 and deals with Western methods and tools used to create the image of state abroad. Third section describes Soviet propaganda and its machine of the stated period and the fourth section compares and judges Western and Eastern approaches. It seems that although the differences of democratic and totalitarian form of state are relevant, the structure and institutions used to creating the image of state during the Cold War were similar on both sides of the iron curtain.
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Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.
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In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
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Graatrud, David Maximilian. "Da Discoverer II styrtet på Svalbard : Stormaktsspillet om den første satellitten som returnerte fra bane i verdensrommet." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for historie og klassiske fag, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-21465.
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Cattai, Júlio Barnez Pignata. "O estandarte silencioso: a United States Information Agency na mídia impressa do Brasil - Correio da Manhã e Tribuna da Imprensa, 1953-1964." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-13012012-122334/.
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Em 1.º de junho de 1953, a administração do presidente norte-americano Dwight D. Eisenhower fundou a United States Information Agency (USIA), reunindo sob a coordenação da nova agência os programas de informação dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) no exterior. O intuito era o de aproximar as audiências internacionais dos valores do sistema democrático e de livre empresa encenado pelo país, granjeando governos às posições norte-americanas na Guerra Fria. A atuação da agência se deu no âmbito das disputas entre os governos dos Estados Unidos e da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) em programas de propaganda cultural naquilo que a historiografia tem chamado de Guerra Fria Cultural (Cultural Cold War). Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo investigar a atuação da USIA no Brasil, entre os anos de 1953, data de fundação da agência, e 1964, quando as questões de que se ocupava foram reorientadas em função, no plano internacional, da Guerra no Vietnam e, no Brasil, do golpe civil-militar. Para tanto, analisamos o material da agência matérias, artigos, notícias, notas e fotografias veiculado nos jornais cariocas Correio da Manhã e Tribuna da Imprensa, duas das mais importantes publicações da mídia impressa brasileira do período. Verificamos que a agência passou, paulatinamente, a empregar atividades secretas, além das atividades não secretas, driblando as resistências que a opinião pública brasileira mostrava à presença oficial norte-americana no debate de questões políticas nacionais. Embora as estratégias utilizadas pela USIA fossem realizadas em nome das liberdades democráticas, a agência não vacilou em lançar mão de operações secretas para a consecução de seus objetivos políticos na Guerra Fria.On June, 1st, 1953, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhowers administration founded the United States Information Agency (USIA) for gathering U.S. information programs overseas under its umbrella. The aim of the new agency was to broadcast democratic system and free enterprise values portrayed by the country to international audiences in order to garner nations to U.S. positions during the Cold War. The Agency proceedings took place in the context of disputes between the heads of government of the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in programs of cultural propaganda called the Cultural Cold War by historiography. The present study aimed at investigating USIAs performance in Brazil between the years 1953, founding date of the Agency, and 1964, when the Agencys previous issues were redesigned on account of Vietnam War, at an international level, and of the civil-military coup, in Brazil. Therefore, we analyzed the Agency material newspaper reports, articles, news, notes and photos released in Correio da Manhã and Tribuna da Imprensa newspapers, two of the most important publications of the Brazilian Press for the period edited in Rio de Janeiro. We found that the Agency has, gradually, carried out covert activities, besides the overt ones, dodging Brazilian public opinion resistance against official U.S. presence in the debate on national political issues. Although the strategies used by the USIA were held in the name of democratic freedoms, the Agency did not hesitate about resorting covert operations to achieve its political objectives in the Cold War.
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Tsagkarakis, Ioannis. "The politics of culture : historical moments in Greek musical modernism." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/275daedd-e867-48d5-8981-ff49b1da4d5c/1/.
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This thesis spotlights eleven formative moments or ‘events' in the history of twentieth-century art music in Greece. They date from 1908 to 1979 and are ordered by two master narratives, the ‘Great Idea' and the ‘European Idea', concepts with multifarious implications for the making of contemporary Greece. The nature of the musical works presented during these events, the particular kind of reception they received, the debates they generated, and the role their composers hoped they would play in the construction of a contemporary Greek musical identity are some of the indicative issues that will be discussed, and always in relation to the prevailing political and social context. More specifically, I will try to show by way of these events how politics and culture were inextricably tied together. In some cases the events directly mirrored the political divisions and social tensions of their time, while in others they formed an easy (‘innocent') prey to political agendas – indigenous and foreign – that were at some remove from matters aesthetic. The discussion of these historical moments in the concert life of Greece is partly based on secondary sources, but it is also supported by extensive archival research. It is hoped that both the general approach and the new findings will enrich and update the existing literature in English, and that they may even serve to stimulate further research in the music history of other countries located in the so-called margins of Europe.
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Nelson, Craig D. "Nuclear Society: Atoms for Peace and the Origins of Nuclear Power in Japan, 1952-1958." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1409013318.
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Kadlecová, Gabriela. "Mediální prezentace mezinárodních vztahů v Československu v době studené války prostřednictvím Československé televize." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-142286.
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The diploma thesis with the title "Media Presentation of International Relations in Czechoslovakia during the Cold War in the Czechoslovak Television" uses selected events in the defined period to show how much foreign policy of the Soviet Union influenced the Czechoslovak Television news. First, both Czechoslovak and Soviet foreign policies as well as media policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia are described, followed by a brief history of the Czechoslovak Television. The core part of this diploma thesis lies in the third chapter, where specific reports from the news of the Czechoslovak television are analyzed.
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Zalkalns, Lilita. "Back to the Motherland : Repatriation and Latvian Émigrés 1955-1958." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för baltiska språk, finska och tyska, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-107674.
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This thesis is about a remarkable experience lived through by Latvian émigrés in the mid-1950s. They were the targets of a Soviet repatriation campaign, operated by the KGB, which not only envisioned their repatriation to the Soviet Latvian homeland, but also anticipated the destruction of their émigré society as they knew it. The purpose of this thesis is to portray and analyze this repatriation campaign and the émigré Latvian reactions to it. By looking at the activities of the Committee For Return to the Motherland in East Berlin, the contents of the Latvian language repatriation newspaper Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland), and the reactions to the campaign in contemporary émigré press, this study shows how highly developed strategies and tactics were implemented in order to elicit certain behaviors from émigrés, and how émigrés advanced their own counter-strategies to offset the effects of the campaign. More specifically, this study examines the standardized narratives in Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē that were meant for émigré self-identification and emulation. This thesis proposes that the repatriation campaign was a highly complex Soviet propaganda effort. The publicly announced goal of repatriation included several parallel goals, aims, and purposes and encompassed many types of activities. Above all, deception was used to cover the actions undertaken against émigrés and to mislead host country governments and agencies. This thesis concludes that notwithstanding the Soviet superiority in organization and resources, a small, unprotected, and internally divided community could withstand the concerted efforts of Soviet propaganda if the group’s sense of mission was sufficiently strong and firm.Denna avhandling behandlar de lettiska flyktingarna från andra världskriget och deras erfarenheter av ofrivilliga kontakter med Sovjetlettland vid mitten av 1950-talet, då flyktingarna blev måltavla för en sovjetisk repatrieringskampanj. Målet för denna kampanj var repatriering, dvs att få flyktingarna att återvända till hemlandet, det av Sovjet ockuperade Lettland. Ett annat mål var att splittra flyktingarnas sammanhållning. Avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen och de lettiska flyktingarnas reaktioner. Studien bygger på källmaterial från kampanjverkamheten Committee For Return to the Motherland, som hade sin bas i Östberlin, samt från artiklar i den lettiskspråkiga tidskriften Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland) som riktade sig till de lettiska flyktingarna. Flyktingarnas reaktioner studeras genom en rad lettiska tidningar som utgavs i Väst. Min avhandling visar hur väl utvecklade strategier användes i syfte att framkalla önskade reaktioner från flyktingarna, samt vilka motåtgärder flyktingar själva utvecklade mot repatrieringskampanjen. Mer specifikt analyseras standardberättelser i Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē som var avsedda för flyktingarnas självidentifiering och igenkännande. Avhandlingen pekar på att den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen var en mycket komplex propagandaverksamhet. Utöver det offentligt tillkännagivna kampanjmålet fanns flera parallella målsättningar och avsikter som omfattade en stor mängd skiftande aktiviteter. En strategi som användes aktivt var vilseledning, bl a för att dölja verksamheter riktade mot flyktingarna, och för att förvilla statsledningar och myndigheter i de nationer där flyktingarna vistades. Avhandlingens slutsats är att trots den sovjetiska överlägsenheten i organisation och resurser kunde en liten oförsvarad och inom sig splittrad lettisk gemenskap motstå de samordnade ansträngningar från den sovjetiska propagandan.
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Barbat, Victor. "Roman Karmen, la vulgate soviétique de l'histoire : stratégies et modes opératoires d'un documentariste au XXème siècle." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H047.
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A travers l’étude de l’œuvre du cinéaste Roman Karmen, nous souhaitons reconstituer un patrimoine et tenter d’en définir les enjeux autour de questions historiographiques. En effet, les images de l’opérateur soviétique n’ont pas seulement marqué l’histoire du XXème, elles ont en partie contribué à la construire en un objet unique. Les propriétés métonymiques de l’image (photographies et prises de vues) ont bouleversé notre perception en même temps qu’elles ont participé à la construction d’un récit historique général d’un nouvel ordre. Il s’agit d’un récit visuel complexe où se mêlent prises de vues sur le vif et mises en scène, motifs et emblèmes, personnages principaux, personnages secondaires et masses anonymes. Disséminées, ces prises de vues constituent le principal réservoir d’images dites d’archives dont se servent régulièrement les documentaristes contemporains pour faire « témoigner l’Histoire ». Retracer le parcours de Karmen permet de revenir aux sources de ces images, de comprendre leurs enjeux, leurs contextes de production et leurs rapports au sein d’une œuvre dont le récit se confond avec l’Histoire. Nous faisons ici l’hypothèse que ce récit constitué de prises de vues, d’actualités et de films documentaires est à l’origine « d’une vulgate soviétique de l’Histoire »With the study of Roman Karmen’s cinematographic work, we want to retrace a heritage and to identify its implications through an historiographical approach. Not only did the Soviet filmmaker’s images go down in history but they also contributed to shape the twentieth century into a single object. Indeed, the metonymic properties of Karmen’s shootings (cinematographic photography and live action) upset our perception and contributed to build an historical account that sustains a new order. It is a complex visual narrative bringing together live action and staging, subjects and emblems, main characters, secondary characters and anonymous masses. Disseminated, Roman Karmen’s work is the main reservoir of “archival images” often used by contemporary documentary filmmakers as a mean to present “first-hand History”. Following Roman Karmen’s artistic itinerary allows us to gain a better understanding of these images: their initial purposes, their making process, and their relationships in a work within which story merges with History. We assume that this narrative consisting of pictures, cinematic newsreels, and documentary films shaped the “Soviet vulgate of history”
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Laroche, Loïc. "Le Monde et les États-Unis de 1944 à nos jours." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H023/document.
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Le journal «Le Monde est un témoin voire un acteur de la vie de la République et de ses relations avec ses partenaires étrangers, à commencer par le plus important et le plus influent d’entre eux : les États-Unis d’Amérique. Cette thèse analyse d’une part l’image de ce pays dans les articles du «Monde». Elle s’intéresse à la place consacrée aux États-Unis, à leur relation avec le reste du monde, à leur image économique et à leur niveau de développement, à la description de leur société et de leur peuple, à l’image de leur système démocratique et enfin à l’image de leur puissance. Cette thèse étudie d’autre part la relation entre les États-Unis et la rédaction du «Monde» au sens large, c’est-à-dire journalistes et direction, durant les soixante-dix années écoulées depuis sa création, au fil des administrations présidentielles américaines. Elle montre comment les directeurs successifs et les principaux rédacteurs concernés connaissent et apprécient ce pays, comment est réalisée la couverture de l’Amérique par le journal. Elle étudie les rapports entre la rédaction du «Monde» et les autorités américaines, comment celles-ci accueillent, informent, essaient d’influencer ouvertement ou non le journal et ses équipes. Au delà, elle montre comment la direction du «Monde» s’inspire des États-Unis et de leur presse. Elle étudie enfin la ligne éditoriale du journal sur les États-Unis. Trois grandes périodes se dessinent, la première correspond à la direction d’Hubert Beuve-Méry qui marque durablement le journal de son souci d’indépendance matérielle et éditoriale. Ses successeurs essaient de maintenir son héritage tandis que l’Amérique divise la rédaction. Après la chute du mur de Berlin, une nouvelle génération, moderne, transforme le regard du journal sur l’Amérique, alors que le numérique révolutionne les médiasThe newspaper «Le Monde» gives testimony, and is almost an actor, of the French Republic and its relations to foreign partners, the most important and influential of which is the United States of America. On one hand we will look into the image given by this country throughout « Le Monde »’s articles. We will consider how the United States are being covered, the way they relate to the rest of the world, the way their economy is valued, their level of development, the description of their society and their people, the image given by their democracy and their power. On the other hand we will watch the acquaintances between the United States and « Le Monde »’s editorial staff in a broad way, that is journalists and directors, from its foundation along the seventy following years and the various US administrations, which will show how the successive directors of the newspaper and the main journalists have had a genuine knowledge and esteem for this country. We will also learn the way America is covered through the designing of the newspaper. We will see how the editorial staff and the american authorities intermate, the way the latter greet and convey informations in an attempt to influence, openly or not, «Le Monde»’s protagonists ans beyond this, how the directors of the newspaper are inspired by the United States and the american press. Last but not least, we will look into the editorial line «Le Monde» choses to refer to the United States. Three major periods will emerge, the first one of which corresponds to Hubert Beuve-Méry’s management with a longlasting concern ever since for financial and editorial independance. His successors will try to keep on with his heritage while America is dividing the editorial staff. After the fall of the Berlin wall the new generation will modify the vision « Le Monde » had of America whereas the digital technologies start revolutionizing the media
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Bammann, Kellen. "Por tr?s de uma tampinha de Coca-Cola, um mundo de coisas boas : o American way of life nas p?ginas de O Cruzeiro e Manchete (1950-1959)." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2016. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/6757.
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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES
As it has already been recognized in the Brazilian historiography, during the World War II there was an important American influence in Brazil, especially through the Cooperation Bureaus. The main goal behind those Bureaus was advancing the notion of ?American Way of Life? to Brazilians as a soft power tool to Latin America. However, during the 1950s, the American advertising agencies that arrived in Brazil in the 1930s, were now engaged in selling this notion of an ?American Dream? through their advertisements in the most popular Brazilian publications as a new tool for the Cold War. Once they fully understood and dominated the Brazilian ad market, where they masterly used a single discourse that perfectly fit the mold of the stories produced in those Brazilian magazines, which allowed those agencies to dictate the style of ad making in Brazil. In that sense, the main goal of this thesis is to analyze how the penetration of the American ad style in Brazil helped to foster the notion of ?American Way of Life? in the Brazilian ad market in the postwar period. Therefore, the focus of the analysis was centered in the Coca Cola advertisement pieces that were created by the American agency McCann-Ericsson, that were publicized in the two most popular weekly Brazilian magazines from that time: O Cruzeiro and Manchete.
Como j? ? reconhecido pela historiografia brasileira, nos anos da Segunda Guerra Mundial, a influ?ncia americana sobre o Brasil, e sobretudo a divulga??o do American way of life, eram patrocinadas pelos Bir?s de coopera??o (OCIAA). Entretanto, durante a d?cada de 1950, as ag?ncias de propaganda americanas ? que desembarcaram no Brasil, a partir dos anos 1930, com a inten??o de vender os produtos estadunidenses ? foram respons?veis por divulgar valores do sonho americano nas p?ginas dos grandes seman?rios brasileiros. Ao dominarem esse cen?rio publicit?rio, ancoradas por um discurso em un?ssono com as reportagens divulgadas nesses magazines, as ag?ncias ditaram o estilo de cria??o da propaganda no pa?s. Nesse sentido, o que se procura verificar ? a importa??o do Americam way of life pela propaganda brasileira nos anos p?s-1945. Para isso, buscaram-se, como fonte de pesquisa, os an?ncios de Coca-Cola, produzidos pela ag?ncia norte-americana McCann-Erickson, e veiculados nos peri?dicos de maior circula??o da ?poca: O Cruzeiro e Manchete.
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Todd, Maurice L. "Rhetoric or reality : US counterinsurgency policy reconsidered." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6431.
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This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy. This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.
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Peacock, Margaret Elizabeth. "Contested innocence : images of the child in the Cold War." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18087.
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This dissertation examines the image of the child as it appeared in the propaganda and public rhetoric of the Cold War from approximately 1950 to 1968. It focuses on how American and Soviet politicians, propagandists, and critics depicted children in film, television, radio, and print. It argues that these groups constructed a new lexicon of childhood images to meet the unique challenges of the Cold War. They portrayed the young as facing new threats both inside and outside their borders, while simultaneously envisioning their children as mobilized in novel ways to defend themselves and their countries from infiltration and attack. These new images of the next generation performed a number of important functions in conceptualizing what was at stake in the Cold War and what needed to be done to win it. Politicians, propagandists, and individuals in the Soviet Union and the United States used images of endangered and mobilized children in order to construct a particular vision of the Cold War that could support their political and ideological agendas, including the enforcement of order in the private sphere, the construction of domestic and international legitimacy, and the mobilization of populations at home and abroad. At the same time, these images were open to contestation by dissenting groups on both sides of the Iron Curtain who refashioned the child's image in order to contest their governments’ policies and the Cold War consensus. What these images looked like in Soviet and American domestic and international discourse, why propagandists and dissent movements used these images to promote their policies at home and abroad, and what visions of the Cold War they created are the subjects of this dissertation. This project argues that the domestic demands of the Cold War altered American and Soviet visions of childhood. It is common wisdom that the 1950s and 60s was a period when child rearing practices and ideas about children were changing. This dissertation supports current arguments that American and Soviet parents sought more permissive approaches in raising children who they perceived as innocent and in need of protection. Yet it also finds substantial documentation showing that American and Soviet citizens embraced a new vision of idealized youth that was not innocent, but instead was mobilized for a war that had no foreseeable end. In the United States, children became participants in defending the home and the country from communist infiltration. In the Soviet Union, the state created a new vision of idealized youth that could be seen actively working towards a Soviet-led peace around the world. By using the child’s image as a category for analysis, this project also provides a window into how the Cold War was conceptualized by politicians, propagandists, and private citizens in the Soviet Union and the United States. In contrast to current scholarship, this dissertation argues that the Soviet state worked hard to create a popular vision of the Cold War that was significantly different from the “Great Fear” that dominated American culture in the 1950s and 60s. While in the United States, the conflict was portrayed as a defensive struggle against outside invasion, in official Soviet rhetoric it was presented as an active, international crusade for peace. As the 1960s progressed, and as the official rhetoric of the state came under increasing criticism, the rigid sets of categories surrounding the figuration of the Cold War child that had been established in the 1950s began to break down. While Soviet filmmakers during the Thaw created images of youth that appeared abandoned and traumatized by the world around them, anti-nuclear activists took to the streets with their children in tow in order to contest the state’s professed ability to protect their young. In the late 1960s, both the Soviet Union and the United States struggled to contain rising domestic unrest, and took the first steps in moving towards détente. As a consequence, the struggle between East and West moved to the post-colonial world, where again, the image of the child played a vital role in articulating and justifying policy. Visual and rhetorical images like that of the child served as cultural currency for creating and undermining conceptual boundaries in the Cold War. The current prevalence of childhood images in the daily construction and contestation of public opinion are the legacies of this era.text
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Yao, Ke-Ming, and 姚科名. "The Organization and Strategy of CCP’s External Propaganda System after Cold War: A Soft Power Approach." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/92h8mc.
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碩士國立政治大學
東亞研究所
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Abstract Recently, the external propaganda system of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) used various personnel and media to spread its charm offensive worldwide. The CCP exerted its soft power and public diplomacy influence by increasing the coverage of its media. The CCP wants to create a positive international public opinion environment to earn the power of discourse and international status while "passively" counterattacking the “rumors” and “slander” which either targeted China or came from the western world. However, the significant factor which changes the guidelines of external propaganda work mainly comes from CCP’s regime inside. Its external propaganda system is more complicated than the surface. The CCP’s commercialization, localization, and customization strategies also transformed its external propaganda system into the Leviathan by wandering worldwide and trying to control public opinion. Moreover, the conception of CCP’s soft power and public diplomacy does not match Joseph S. Nye’s theory of attraction and two-way communication. The CCP’s external propaganda system uses propaganda, confrontation and competition to brainwash foreigners and spread CCP’s ideology. This dissertation analyzed the external propaganda resources of CCP, and pointed out the defects of their charm offensive. In the recent years, CCP’s external propaganda work did not receive positive feedback from Europe, America, Northeast and Southeast Asia. At the same time, the China Threat is still growing in these regions. Even though the efforts of CCP’s external propaganda system and the difficulties it faces are still enlightening the world, which reflects the advantages of other countries’ soft power, its external propaganda strategies can also provide many lessons for our international propaganda work.
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Hlucháň, Martin. "Propaganda v československém tisku při olympijských hrách v letech 1980 a 1984." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-325045.
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This work offers analysis of propaganda used in Czechoslovak daily journal Rude Pravo, that focused on the topic of the Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 Olympic Games. Both Games were notably affected by Cold War related boycott. Therefore, theoretical part of this work describes major circumstances of the conflict along with socio-historical and media context of Czechoslovakia in its period of normalization. The emphasis is focused mainly on description of censorship mechanisms. The research part of this work analyses the main theme units, found in Rude Pravo and searches for their connection with available documents of censoring authorities ÚV KSČ, ČÚTI and FÚTI.
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Logan, Matthew J. ""We say all the real things. And we believe them": the establishment of the United States Information Agency, 1953." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4361.
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As the world became at once more interconnected and more polarized during the twentieth century, the need for the major powers to effectively communicate their perspective to the rest of the world through propaganda grew stronger. However, although the United States was undeniably gaining prestige and influence by the late 1930s, the upstart global power struggled to implement a lasting and successful propaganda program. In the years immediately preceding the Second World War, when the United States was targeted by both Axis and Soviet propaganda, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt proved reluctant to implement a peacetime state-sponsored propaganda program. Roosevelt’s successor Harry Truman, on the other hand, did not share this reluctance and throughout the first years of the Cold War sanctioned the establishment of several peacetime programs. However, because of Truman’s lack of understanding of and personal commitment to the use of propaganda, U.S. efforts in this field were uncoordinated, expensive, and largely ineffective. As a result, the highly centralized Soviet propaganda machine constantly tried to divide the United States and its allies and draw more countries into the communist camp.
It was not until Dwight Eisenhower, arguably the first true psychological warrior to become president, took office in 1953 that U.S. Cold War propagandists began to match the efforts of their Soviet counterparts. Eisenhower used his organizational talents and military experiences with psychological warfare to restructure U.S. foreign information services into highly coordinated, cost-effective, and efficient Cold War weapons. With the establishment of the United States Information Agency in October 1953, the United States gained more control of its image abroad, casting both U.S. domestic and foreign policies in as favourable a light as possible while simultaneously condemning communists as disingenuous, autocratic imperialists.
While U.S. officials struggled to implement effective psychological warfare programs, they were inevitably forced to confront difficult questions concerning the role of propaganda in a democratic society. Whereas a majority of Americans in the interwar period regarded propaganda as anathema, and a tool to which only fascists and communists resorted, by the time Eisenhower took office a growing number of officials had concluded that the stakes in the Cold War were simply too high to leave anything to chance. As a result, these officials argued, it was imperative that the U.S. government target not only international, but also domestic audiences with state-sponsored propaganda in order to ‘educate’ the public on U.S. Cold War objectives and the perils of communism.Graduate
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Chrenčík, Roman. "Mediální pokrytí Korejské války deníkem Rudé právo." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398026.
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This Diploma thesis deals with the media coverage of the Korean war in the Rudé právo daily, in that period the official newspaper of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Its main goal is to ascertain the rate of influence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, of rigorous censorship of the regime and Soviet Union dictatorship upon informing about events of the Korean war, which was the first conflict ever where the United Nations army, consisting of several states, was fighting together. For this purpose, by studying secondary resources I am first of all describing conditions leading to the war and determining the most important events of the war, including for instance landing of the United Nations forces in Incheon, China involvement or distinct phases of armistice negotiations. The crucial part of this thesis is the portrayal of these events in the newspaper, including monitoring of tens of issues between late May 1950 and early October 1950. Regarding the facts ascertained by that time I am switching to five days cycles of newspaper monitoring, which has by the end proven to be absolutely sufficient for creating a comprehensive image.
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Alikina, Valeriia. "Vztahy USA-Rusko a masmédia: reprezentace Vladimira Putina v amerických médiích." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-384924.
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Russian-American Relations and the Mass Media Securitization of Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump in the American Press by Valeriia Alikina This thesis is focused on two issues relevant to Security Studies and Political Science: relations between the Russian Federation and the United States of America, which are currently experiencing yet another decline, and problematics of political journalism. It reviews the process of securitization of Russia through speech acts in the mass media of its historical opponent, the United States. First, the thesis provides a theoretical framework, securitization theory, introducing its main principles. To prove that the process of securitization indeed occurs, the method of discourse analysis is employed. The third chapter provides background information on the relations between the Soviet Union/Russia and the United States since the end of the World War II; this information is completed by the role mass media had in their affairs. The next chapter frames the issue of propaganda, elaborating on the meaning behind this concept, the "fake news" narrative, and the idealistic idea of media objectivity. In the fifth chapter, the case study, two processes of securitization are reviewed. The first one is the American mainstream media, namely The New York Times and The...
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Hornová, Karolína. "James Bond - tajný agent propagandy." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-340263.
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This Master's thesis focuses on elements and manifestations of propaganda in selected films from the James Bond film series. The first part defines the scope of term "propaganda" from the point of view of communication and media studies. It also describes various authors' perspectives on different types and ways of propagandist persuasive message spread and how it can be revealed using discourse analysis. The thesis reflects especially the pragmatic approach of authors Jowett and O'Donnell and is compared to other cardinal approaches. The theoretical part also puts propaganda into context of time, i. e. the Cold War, and it mentions specific cases of its impact. The thesis deals with James Bond films as such, in particular with their narrative and its mythological and stereotypization constituent. James Bond films are examined, in the practical part, using content analysis. The aim is to detect described pro-eastern propaganda elements, analyse their manifestation and answer the research questions.
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Šimová, Kateřina. "Odrodilci, zrádci, vrazi v bílých pláštích. Obraz "Žida" jako "nepřítele" v propagandě pozdního stalinismu." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311183.
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The period of late Stalinism (1948-1953) witnessed sharp rise of anti-Jewish animosity and discrimination from the part of the Soviet regime. These tensions were caused by both domestic factors (ideological diversification of Soviet intellectual elite, escalation of Jewish nationalism, struggle for power among highest nomenclature) as well as international factors (transformation of the Soviet-Israeli relations, rise of the Cold War). The thesis analyzes, how these circumstances were reflected at that time. Therefore it tries to identify, how the image of "The Jude" was formed by the Soviet propaganda and how it changed in the given time period. As a general framework for this analysis the concept of "The Enemy" will serve which is considered to be one of the basic elements of totalitarian ideologies. The thesis examines by means of semiotic method two significant propaganda campaigns of that period, namely campaign against the "cosmopolitism" in January - March 1949 and campaign accompanying "The Doctors' Plot" during January - March 1953. It would try to identify, how the image of "The Enemy" was connected at that time with the notion of "The Jew".
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Herdeiro, Vitor Manuel Malta Madail. "A Guerra-Fria combatida a partir da charneca ribatejana: o caso da RARET 1951-1963." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/19138.
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A historiografia da Guerra Fria incorporou nas últimas décadas novas áreas de estudo, tais como: diplomacia pública, estudos de propaganda e o uso dos meios de comunicação social colocados ao serviço dos Estados no contexto geral do conflito Leste/Oeste.
Em 19 de dezembro de 1950, o embaixador dos EUA em Portugal foi recebido em audiência pelo Presidente do Conselho de Ministros Oliveira Salazar. A audiência tinha dois objetivos; por um lado, revelar às autoridades portuguesas os esforços realizados pelos EUA no combate à expansão do comunismo na Europa e, ao mesmo tempo, convidá-lo a participar dessa luta, autorizando a construção de um centro de retransmissão Radio Free Europe (RFE) em Portugal. Nenhuma documentação é conhecida sobre as conclusões daquela audiência, exceto um "Aide Memoire" elaborado na época. No entanto, desde a reunião inicial em São Bento, até a constituição da Sociedade Anônima de Rádio Retransmissão - (RARET), em 10 abril de 1951, cinco meses se passaram. A primeira retransmissão da RARET ocorreu em 4 de julho de 1951, dirigida à Checoslováquia.
A RARET tinha como objetivo retransmitir, a partir do Centro de Emissor da Glória do Ribatejo, as emissões da RFE, organização patrocinada pelo National Committee Free Europe (NCFE), fundado nos EUA em 1949, financiada pela CIA e pelos fundos angariados pela Cruzada pela Liberdade (Crusade for Freedom). A adesão das autoridades portuguesas à iniciativa americana colocou Portugal no epicentro de um combate hertziano, que envolveu os dois blocos ideológicos da Guerra Fria ao longo de quarenta e cinco anos.
Pretende-se contribuir para o estudo das relações entre, Portugal-EUA, durante a Guerra Fria, revelando o papel desempenhado pelas autoridades portuguesas no contexto da luta ideológica travada então e que definiu a segunda metade do século. XX. Desta forma, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo investigar, entender e revelar a relação, entre as autoridades portuguesas e o NCFE/RFE, entre 1951 e 1963, ou seja, desde a concessão inicial da licença de radiodifusão, até sua primeira renovação. A escolha do tema justifica-se como mais um elemento para a compreensão daquilo que foram as relações, entre Portugal e os EUA, nos primórdios da Guerra-Fria e o modo como as autoridades portuguesas capitalizaram a luta anticomunista e antissoviética travada pelos EUA, como mais um elemento de afirmação e inserção na esfera de influência da nova potência ocidental.The Cold War historiography has incorporated new areas of study in recent decades, such as: public diplomacy; propaganda studies; and the use of state-run mass media in the general context of the East / West conflict. On December 19, 1950, the US Ambassador to Portugal was received in audience by the President of the Council of Ministers Oliveira Salazar. The audience had two goals; on the one hand, to disclose to the Portuguese authorities the efforts made by the US to combat the spread of communism in Europe and, at the same time, to invite him to participate in this struggle by authorizing the construction of a Radio Free Europe relay center in Portugal. No documentation is known about the conclusions of that hearing except an "Aide Memoire" made at the time. However, from the initial meeting in Sao Bento until the formation of the Anonymous Radio Relay Society (RARET) in April 10, 1951, five months have passed. The first relay of the RARET took place on July 4, 1951, addressed to Czechoslovakia. RARET aimed to relay, from the Gloria do Ribatejo Broadcasting Center, RFE emissions, an organization sponsored by the National Committee for a Free Europe (NCFE), founded in the US in 1949, financed by the CIA and funds raised by the Crusade for Freedom. The adhesion of the Portuguese authorities to the American initiative put Portugal at the epicenter of a hertzian combat, which involved the two ideological blocs of the Cold War, over forty-five years. It is intended to contribute to the study of relations between, Portugal-USA, during the Cold War, revealing the role played by the Portuguese authorities in the context of the ideological struggle waged then and that defined the second half of the century. XX. Thus, this dissertation aims to investigate, understand and reveal the relationship, between the Portuguese authorities and the NCFE / RFE, from 1951 to 1963, that is, from the initial grant of the broadcasting license, until its first renewal. The choice of the theme is justified as another element for understanding what were the relations between, Portugal and the US, in the early Cold War and the way the Portuguese authorities capitalized on the anti-communist and anti-Soviet struggle waged by the US, as yet another element of affirmation and insertion into the sphere of influence of the new western power.
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Villemaire, Alexandre. "La musique à l'ère de McCarthy : diplomatie, propagande et résistance musicale de 1950 à 1960." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25688.
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Ce mémoire aborde la récupération de la musique à des fins politiques en interrogeant le rapport ambigu entre propagande et diplomatie musicale pendant la Guerre froide. Centrée principalement sur la production musicale aux États-Unis dans les années 1950, l’étude s’attarde aux stratégies adoptées, autant par des musiciens jazz que classique, pour critiquer et dénoncer les politiques discriminatoires d’une chasse aux sorcières communistes lancée par le sénateur républicain Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957). Elle montre également comment les dirigeants des États-Unis ont cherché à encenser les valeurs américaines en promouvant internationalement le jazz comme symbole démocratique, en particulier contre l’Union soviétique.
Les deux premiers chapitres servent à camper le décor : le premier chapitre brosse par une mise en contexte un portrait politique et historique de la Guerre froide – en partant du postulat que celle-ci trouve ses racines dans la Révolution d’octobre 1917 –, et introduit le contexte sociopolitique des années 1950 en mettant l’emphase sur l’importante influence qu’a eue le maccarthysme, conception politique anticommuniste du sénateur McCarthy, sur la vie américaine. Le deuxième chapitre, également de mise en contexte, établit les différences entre les politiques culturelles américaines et soviétiques. Ce chapitre présente le Cultural Presentations program, le programme d’échanges culturels subventionné par le département d’État, de même que les relations culturelles officielles entre les États-Unis et l’URSS de 1958 à 1985.
Les deux derniers chapitres présentent des études de cas afin d’illustrer l’impact sociopolitique sur la vie et la production musicales des années 1950. Le troisième chapitre analyse la présence du jazz au sein du Cultural Presentations program et retrace le parcours de quatre grands musiciens jazz ayant pris part au programme pour faire rayonner le jazz à l’international, tout en soulignant l’ironie d’utiliser des Afro-Américains comme représentants de la démocratie d’une Amérique ségrégée. Le quatrième chapitre traite spécifiquement du genre lyrique américain et des critiques du maccarthysme inscrites dans certaines œuvres de ce répertoire. Une attention particulière est portée à l’opérette Candide de Leonard Bernstein (1918-1990), en raison de l’engagement politique notoire du compositeur et du propos explicitement politique de l’œuvre. Cette recherche vise, en somme, à faire un état des lieux de la récupération politique de la musique en mettant en relation deux visions différentes de son utilisation aux États-UnisThis thesis addresses the subject of the political employment of music by questioning the ambiguous relationship between propaganda and musical diplomacy during the Cold War. Focusing mainly on the musical production in the United States in the 1950s, this study examines the strategies adopted by both jazz and classical musicians to criticize and denounce the discriminatory policies of this communist witch-hunt embodied by Republican Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (1908-1957). It also shows how U.S. leaders have sought to promote American values by internationally promoting jazz as a democratic symbol, particularly against the Soviet Union. The first two chapters serve to set the stage: the first chapter provides a contextualized political and historical portrait of the Cold War – starting from the premise that it is rooted in the October 1917 Revolution –, and introduces the socio-political context of the 1950s by emphasizing the important influence that McCarthyism, the anti-communist political conception of Senator McCarthy had on American life. The second chapter, also contextualizing, establishes the differences between American and Soviet cultural policies. This chapter introduces the Cultural Presentations program, the cultural exchange program funded by the Department of State, as well as the official cultural relations between the United States and the USSR from 1958 to 1985. The last two chapters focus on case studies to illustrate the socio-political impact on music life and productions in the 1950s. The third chapter discusses the presence of jazz in the Cultural Presentations program and traces the journey of four great jazz musicians who took part in the program to promote jazz internationally, while highlighting the irony of using African Americans as representatives of democracy in a segregated America. The fourth chapter deals specifically with the American operatic genre and the criticisms of McCarthyism in some works of this repertoire. Particular attention is paid to Leonard Bernstein’s (1918-1990) operetta Candide, due to the composer’s notorious political commitment and the explicitly political purpose of the work. This research aims to take stock of the political usage of music by linking two different visions of its use in the United States.
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Švamberk, Erik. "Reflexe tvůrců a děl světové výstavy 1958 v Bruselu v československém odborném, kulturním a oborovém tisku." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404650.
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The subject of this diploma thesis is the analysis of statements about the authors and works of the Brussels World Exhibition in 1958 in the Czechoslovak specialized, cultural and professional press. As the first world exhibition after World War II, EXPO 58 was also the first cultural confrontation of the newly organized world. But in the turbulent year of 1958, standing at the very top of the "atomic age", it wasn't a superpower, but Czechoslovakia who was unexpectedly awarded the highest competition award and recognition. This success was one of the greatest breakthroughs of domestic cultural history, and fundamentally influenced the lifestyle and aesthetics of the following decades. The thesis focuses on magazines whose specialized focus informed the professional public about the events of the exhibition, while the selection of fields of these magazines copies the award-winning parts of the pavilion and program. The thesis also includes a historical excursion focusing on cultural and political events between the years 1948-1958 and setting the analyzed event in the context of world exhibitions with an emphasis on the 20th century. The detailed research of the articles follows the method of qualitative content analysis in the texts firstly reflecting on the success of Czechoslovak participation. It also...
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Geaney, Kathleen Brenda. "Anglicky mluvící komunisté, komunističtí sympatizanti a podporovatelé a Českoslovesko v počátcích studené války." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-374464.
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Doctoral Dissertation PhDr. Kathleen Brenda Geaney English-Speaking Communists, Communist Sympathizers and Fellow- Travellers and Czechoslovakia in the Early Cold War (Anglicky mluvící komunisté, komunističtí sympatizanti a podporovatelé a Československo v počátcích studené války) Abstract The dissertation is a study of some of those people with Communist Party affiliations and fellow-travellers, who journeyed behind the Iron Curtain to see for themselves what life was like in the new people's democracy. The research focuses on Czechoslovakia as a tourist destination for a surprising number of anglophones in the early years of the Cold War. It argues that Soviet experience served as a best practices model for officialdom in Prague. This was modified where necessary to take into account the lessons learnt, national particulars, and the new geopolitical context. In both situations, foreigners were evaluated in terms of importance and potential as far as the communist cause was concerned. Key words: Czechoslovakia, communism, Cold War, English-speaking foreigners, hospitality techniques
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Beauchamp, David. "Une fenêtre ouverte sur l’URSS : le Spoutnik Digest durant la Guerre froide (1968-1988)." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25457.
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La chute de l’URSS en 1991 a permis un renouvellement de l’historiographie occidentale sur l’histoire de ce pays durant la Guerre froide : avec l’accès à de nouvelles archives, les dimensions sociales et culturelles sont désormais prisées et la production culturelle soviétique est examinée avec un regard plus apaisé. À partir de 1967, un magazine à grand tirage soviétique fait son apparition dans plusieurs villes occidentales : le Spoutnik Digest. Son titre évoque à la fois le satellite soviétique, qui a fasciné la planète dix ans plus tôt, et le Reader’s Digest, le magazine américain agrégateur de contenu le plus vendu et le plus lu dans le monde à l’époque. La revue mensuelle, quoique similaire à son homologue américain au premier regard, contient des textes exclusivement issus d’Union soviétique et de ses journaux officiels. Comme le Reader’s Digest, le Spoutnik Digest est un objet de propagande, mais la revue offre un regard différent sur l’URSS durant la Guerre froide et sur les tensions mondiales de l’époque : dans le Spoutnik Digest, l’URSS est un pays pacifique, culturellement riche et où il fait bon vivre, la revue priorisant la valorisation du monde communiste plutôt que la critique du capitalisme et des États-Unis en particulier. En ce sens, le Spoutnik Digest se distingue clairement du Reader’s Digest, dont l’anticommunisme est agressif et omniprésent.
Ce mémoire étudie le Spoutnik Digest en tant qu’objet historique et culturel entre les années 1968 et 1988. L’analyse de sa forme et de son contenu porte sur les origines de cette revue, son lectorat cible et les thèmes les plus couverts, révélant au final le message soviétique de paix et de bonne volonté politique que le magazine tentait de transmettre dans le monde durant la Guerre froide.The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 allowed the Cold War historiography to renew itself: social and cultural dimensions are acknowledged and the outlook on the cultural material emanating from USSR can be analyzed with more scientific objectivity and an appeased perspective. In 1967, a new magazine appeared in many Western cities: the Sputnik Digest. Its name referred both to the Soviet satellite that fascinated the world ten years earlier and the Reader’s Digest, the famous American magazine specialized in content aggregating, the most read and sold internationally at the time. The Sputnik Digest, published on a monthly basis, even though looking similar to its American counterpart at first sight, contained texts directly extracted from official Soviet newspapers in USSR. Without doubt a propaganda tool, like its American counterpart, the magazine however offered a fresh insight of the USSR during the Cold War: from the Sputnik Digest point of view, the Soviet Union was a peaceful country, culturally rich and a great place to live in. The magazine prioritized the valorisation of the USSR as opposed to criticizing the capitalist Western powers and the United States. From that standpoint it radically diverged from the aggressive ideological tone of the Reader’s Digest. This master’s thesis, through this new perspective, will study the Sputnik Digest as a historical and cultural object between the years 1968 and 1988. By looking both at its format and content, it will examine the origins of this monthly journal, its targeted readership and the most covered themes, revealing the message of Soviet peace and goodwill that the magazine tried to spread worldwide during the Cold War.
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Schneiderová, Tereza. "Mediální obraz stavby Berlínské zdi - Rudé právo, The New York Times, The Times." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304208.
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The diploma thesis Media picture of building the Berlin wall - Rudé právo, The New York Times, The Times addresses the events associated with the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 and primarily presents the analysis of newspaper articles connected to the Berlin Wall topic. The issue of the Berlin Wall is portrayed before its construction, during the construction and immediately after it. In the "Teoretická východiska" chapter, the concepts used as a basis of the subsequent analysis of selected newspapers are explained. The first part of the thesis presents the historical and political circumstances of the Berlin Wall construction, especially the development of the Cold War between the representatives of East and West. The analysis of the three selected newspaper titles is preceded by a narrative interview with a foreign correspondent from Rudé právo. His statements serve as an illustration of the former Berlin atmosphere. In the analysis of the newspapers Rudé právo, The New York Times and The Times, emphasis is placed on the article contents, presentation style, theme diversity, trends and information value of the presented news. The output of the analysis is a comparison of all three selected titles and is based on the given theoretical grounds. This thesis is meant to serve as an example...
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Vejvodová, Iva. "Vyobrazení rasových a etnických stereotypů v amerických kreslených filmech." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-329110.
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This thesis deals with the depiction of racial and ethnic stereotypes in American animated cartoons particularly from the first half of the twentieth century. It studies the relationship between animation and American culture and examines how animation reflects and shapes American identity in terms of race and how it critiques and promotes American values and attitudes regarding race and ethnicity in particular. Considering the historical, political, legal and cultural background of the contemporary eras of American animation, the thesis analyses the portrayal of racial and ethnic features in animated cartoons from the 1920s to the 1960s. Such stereotypes represent, in my opinion, significant aspects of societal and cultural changes in American society of the examined eras of animation. The beginnings of the entertainment industry affected the booming era of animation by implementing commonly recognised literary stereotypes of the African-Americans into animated cartoons. This thesis strives to study the development of animated features of the racial stereotypes throughout the contemporary eras. It provides a brief systematic overview of the main eras that have significantly highlighted the start of animation as markers of race and ethnicity. Simultaneously, it discusses the problematic...
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Tomek, Prokop. "Československá redakce Radio Free Europe: historie a vliv na československé dějiny." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-326941.
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The disertation is focused on development and importance of the Czechoslovak desk of the Radio Free Europe in period between 1950 and 1994. This broadcasting have gained in time of strong censorship significant and till now unresearched importance. In February 1948 the Communist party took power in the Czechoslovakia. After that Czech and Slovak democratic politicians had left country to the West. They wanted to break the isolation of people living behind the Iron Curtain and promote restoration of democracy in their homeland. In 1949 was in the USA established the National Committee for Free Europe as fomally independent citizens association. As its most known activity had became the Radio Free Europe (RFE). This radio station had became an important tool for political strugle between two blocks in time of the Cold War. The basic qestion is what real position RFE broadcasting have reached in this struggle. The estabilishing of foreign broadcasting to the Czechoslovakia was very difficult task. RFE started its activity as exiles platform for purpose of liberation the Czechoslovakia from rule of the Communistic Party regime. The programming position of the RFE was in reality influented by american politicians and was depending on changing global political conditions as well. The unique position of...