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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cold War'
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Bellavia, Steven Robert. "Building Cold War Warriors: Socialization of the Final Cold War Generation." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu152293636915038.
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Hermann, Inge. "Cold War heritage (and) tourism : exploring heritage processes within Cold War sites in Britain." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/326057.
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For most of the second half of the 20th century the world's political map was divided by the Cold War, a name given to the 40-year long standoff between the superpowers - the Unites States and the USSR - and their allies. Due to its geographical location and alliance with the United States, Britain was at the 'frontline' of the Cold War. As a response to increasing tensions, the British Government made arrangements by building hundreds of military sites and structures, which were often dismantled or abandoned as the technology on which they relied became rapidly ineffective. Nowadays, there is a growing (academic) recognition of Cold War sites and their new or contemporary uses, including as heritage attractions within a tourism context. This study has brought forward a constructionist approach as to investigate how heritage works as a cultural and social practice that constructs and regulates a range of values and ideologies about what constitutes Cold War heritage (and) tourism in Britain. It has done this by, firstly, exploring the dominant and professional 'authorised heritage discourse', which aims to construct mutually, agreed and shared concepts about the phenomenon of 'Cold War heritage' within a tourism context. The study identified a network of actors, values, policies and discourses that centred on the concept of 'Cold War heritage' at selected sites through which a 'material reality' of the past is constructed. Although various opposing viewpoints were identified, the actors effectively seem to privilege and naturalise certain narratives of cultural and social meanings and values through tourism of what constitutes Cold War heritage and the ways it should be manifested through material and natural places, sites and objects within society. Differences were particularly noticeable in the values, uses and meanings of Cold iii Cold War heritage (and) tourism War heritage within the contemporary context of heritage management in Britain. For some, the sites were connected with a personal 'past', a place to commemorate, celebrate or learn from the past. For others, the sites were a source of income, a tourism asset, or contrary, a financial burden as the sites were not 'old enough' or 'aesthetically pleasing' to be regarded as a monument to be preserved as heritage. Subsequently, the study also explored the (disempowered) role of visitors to the sites as passive receivers, leaving little room for individual reflections on the wider social and cultural processes of Cold War heritage. Although, most visitors believed that the stewardship and professional view of the Cold War representations at the sites should not directly be contested, this study has illustrated the idea that what makes places valuable and gives them meaning as heritage sites is not solely based on contemporary practices by a dominant heritage discourse. Despite the visitors' support for the sole ownership by site managers, and the selective representations of the Cold War and events, they did question or negotiate the idea of 'heritage' as a physical and sole subject of management practices. Despite having little prior knowledge about the Cold War era or events, by pressing the borders of the authorised parameters of 'Cold War heritage', visitors actively constructed their experiences as being, or becoming, part of their personal and collective moments of 'heritage'. By inscribing (new) memories and meaning into their identity, and therefore also changing the nature of that identity, they reflected upon the past, present and future, (some more critically than others). To conclude, understanding these discursive meanings of Cold War heritage (and) tourism, and the ways in which ideas about Cold War heritage are constructed, negotiated and contested within and between discourses also contributes to understandings about the philosophical, historical, conceptual and political barriers that exist in identifying and engaging with different forms of heritage.
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Robertson, Margaret. "Derby, Kansas : cold war boomtown." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4120.
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Proctor, Patrick E. "The Vietnam War debate and the Cold War consensus." Diss., Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/18665.
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Doctor of Philosophy<br>Department of History<br>Donald Mrozek<br>Both Presidents Johnson and Nixon used the ideology of military containment of Communism to justify U.S. military intervention in Vietnam. Until 1968, opponents of this intervention attacked the ideology of containment or its application to Vietnam. In 1968, opponents of the war switched tactics and began to focus instead on the President’s credibility. These arguments quickly became the dominant critique of the war through its end and were ultimately successful in ending it.
The Gulf of Tonkin incident and the Tonkin Gulf Resolution were central to the change of opposition strategy in 1968. For Johnson, the Gulf of Tonkin incident had provided the political impetus to pass the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, which the administration used as an insurance policy against Congressional dissent. For Congressional dissenters in 1968, inconsistencies in Johnson’s version of the Gulf of Tonkin incident allowed them to undermine the Resolution as a weapon against Congress. For the American people, revelations about the administration’s dishonesty during the incident simply added to grave doubts that Americans already had about Johnson’s credibility; the American people lost confidence in Johnson, ending his Presidency. The dramatic success of this new strategy—attacking the administration’s credibility—encouraged other opponents to follow suit, permanently altering the framework of debate over the war.
This change in opposition strategy in 1968 had a number of important consequences. First, this change in rhetoric ultimately ended the war. To sustain his credibility against relentless attack, President Nixon repeatedly withdrew troops to prove to the American people he was ending the war. Nixon ran out of troops to withdraw and had to accept an unfavorable peace. Second, after the war, this framework for debate of military interventions established—between advocates using the ideology of containment and opponents attacking the administration’s credibility—would reemerge nearly every time an administration contemplated military intervention through the end of the Cold War. Finally, because opponents of military intervention stopped challenging containment in 1968, the American public continued to accept the precepts of containment and the Cold War consensus survived until the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War.
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Cunningham, Susan J. Grabill Joseph L. "Teaching the cold war using a comparative approach." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1991. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9219082.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1991.<br>Title from title page screen, viewed December 22, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Joseph Grabill (chair), Lawrence McBride, Edward Schapsmeier, Jamal Nassar, Gerlof Homan. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-179) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Wise, Nancy Ridgway Van Buren. "The Cold War Cultural Accord: How the East Was Won." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625902.
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Taylor, James Lee. "Shakespeare, decolonisation, and the Cold War." Thesis, Open University, 2018. http://oro.open.ac.uk/56056/.
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This study considers the role that touring Shakespeare productions played in securing British interests during the Cold War and decolonisation. Focusing on a selection of British Council supported tours during the period the relationship between Shakespeare in Britain and Shakespeare abroad is examined. The evolution of touring Shakespeare’s use in cultural diplomacy is located within the broader history of Britain’s imperial decline and Cold War entanglements. The thesis draws upon the National Archive’s Records of the British Council; the Shakespeare Birthplace Trust’s collections; and the British Library’s Newspaper, and Manuscript collections. A wide-range of performance, administrative, and anecdotal accounts are brought to light in order to reveal the political and cultural tensions characterising each tour. The shift to using Shakespeare in post-war cultural diplomacy is determined through an examination of tours supporting British colonial interests in Egypt between 1939 and 1946, a formative era of anti-colonial agitation and emerging Cold War dynamics. The late 1940s saw touring Shakespeare assist in the re-colonisation of Australia, with cultural-diplomatic initiatives dedicated to strengthening Britain’s imperial and Cold War objectives. As the military stalemate of the 1950s witnessed the compensatory rise of culture as a political resource, Shakespeare tours countered Soviet influence in Austria, Yugoslavia, and Poland. The 1960s saw Shakespeare used in support of British economic interests in West Africa in general, and UK publishing interests in Nigeria in particular. The thesis concludes that Shakespeare productions were dispatched to Cold War and colonial destinations with the purpose of supporting Britain’s commercial and political interests; that Shakespeare proved to be an effective and protean cultural weapon in service to the British nation; and that contradictory results ensued, including resistance from reluctant hosts and disagreements within Britain’s metropolitan Shakespeare culture itself over Shakespeare’s global role.
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Sever, Ayseguel. "Cold war warrior of the Middle East? : Turkey, the Cold War and the Middle East 1951 - 1958." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359390.
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Summers, Sandra. "Presidents and legitimacy in U.S. foreign policy : Cold War and Post-Cold War intervention in Latin America." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555823.
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The legitimacy of presidential actions in United States interventions in Latin America is examined. The key questions are to consider the legitimacy of the interventions in terms of the constitutional legitimacy, international legitimacy, including the United Nations and the Organization of American States, political legitimacy and public legitimacy. It discusses whether presidents considered the legitimacy of their actions, and how it affected their decision making. It considers how presidents view legitimacy and whether administrations attempted to construct an image of legitimacy for the interventions. If further considers whether there was a difference between the Cold War and Post-Cold War periods. It concludes with a discussion about how the results of the case studies can be extended to other times and place. Four case studies of interventions in Latin America are used to determine how presidents have used their power: Bay of Pigs, 1961; Dominican Republic, 1965; Panama, 1990/91; and Haiti, 1995. The study considers what the Founders intended, and how it has been interpreted over the years. Presidents have made claims about their power. Those claims are discussed against their actions. The Constitution informs the congressional legitimacy, but it is a living document and has been interpreted differently over time. The study examines how presidents can gain legitimacy in the international, political and public arenas. A main finding is that do presidents consider legitimacy but are more concerned with how their actions are perceived. The work concludes that presidents view legitimacy in a different way from that intended by the Constitution. Legitimacy is an important aspect of their decision making, but they do not follow due process. They systematically and wilfully manipulate the information to present their actions in a legitimate light. In this they have scant regard for the Constitution, or International Law. Public legitimacy is shown to be a key issue for the presidents in the study.
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Hwang, Junghyun. "Specters of the Cold War in America's century the Korean War and transnational politics of national imaginaries in the 1950s /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3336473.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed December 16, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-219).
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Singh, Sanjana P. "Framing Freedom Wars: US Rhetoric in Afghanistan During the Cold War and the War on Terror." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/541.
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The United States has maintained a heavy military presence in Afghanistan for a little more than a decade however; the US has been involved in Afghanistan on and off for over three decades. The 2001 ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan became framed around the goal of saving Afghan women. In order to understand how this framing came about and what the impact of this framing was I study US congressional documents, speeches and other public rhetoric by government officials in the 1980s and early 2000s. Analyzing rhetorical language and reoccurring themes helps us understand what major framing devices and narrative techniques were in play during these time periods. Ultimately I conclude that women’s safety was a post-facto justification for intervention; the framing techniques used during the 2001 were utilized in order to create a clear, coherent narrative that selectively ignores the impact of US involvement in Afghanistan during the Cold War.
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Ingram, Janessa. "Cold War in the Courtroom: The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the Development of the Cold War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/371.
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The International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg was the only international trial for Nazi war criminals following World War II. This study examines the development and proceedings of the IMT in the context of the development of the Cold War in order to show the trial as a turning point in American-Soviet relations.
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George, Evan. "U.S. refugee policy a comparison of Haiti and Cuba during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0004761.
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Villeneuve, Susan A. (Susan Ann) Carleton University Dissertation History. "Cold actions, cold methods, cold war: Canadian foreign policy and the Prague coup of 1948." Ottawa, 1995.
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Hirshberg, Matthew S. "Cold war cognition and culture in America /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10745.
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McLaughlin, Gregory. "Cold War news : a paradigm in crisis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2746/.
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The role of the media - East and West - in the East European revolutions in 1989 has been the subject of much discussion and research. However, the focus has been on the extent to which the media directly influenced these events. There has been very little work done on the impact of the revolutions on how the western news media reported events to their domestic audiences. Yet for over 40 years, they had reported Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union within a specific, interpretative framework: "Cold War News". Suddenly, in 1989, the whole referential structure appeared to fall apart as assumptions shattered and certainties crumbled. This study, therefore, examines the impact of political revolution and crisis on 'Cold War news'. It uses in-depth quantitative-qualitative content analysis, and pays special attention to images, language, themes, and structures of access in order to reveal the nature and extent of the paradigm crisis and point up contradictions that may arise as a result.
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Stevens, Timothy. "Chess in the Cold War 1945-1975." Thesis, Keele University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423427.
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Gladman, Matthew J. "Film Noir--Purveyor of Cold War Anxiety." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1293817877.
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Daw, Sarah Harriet. "Writing ecology in Cold War American literature." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19367.
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This thesis examines the function and presentation of “Nature” in American literature written between 1945 and 1971. It argues that the widespread presence of ecological representations of “Nature” within Cold War literature has been critically overlooked, as a result of Cold War literary criticism’s comparatively narrow concentration on the direct effects of political and ideological metanarratives on texts. It uncovers a plethora of ecological portrayals of the relationship between the human and the environment, and reveals the significance of the role played by non-Western and non-Anglocentric philosophies and spiritualties in shaping these presentations. This study is methodologically informed by the most recent developments in the field of ecocriticism, including Scott Knickerbocker’s work on ecopoetics and Timothy Morton’s explorations of the problems associated with the term “Nature”. It finds significant continuities within these ecological portrayals, which suggest that nuclear discourse had an influential effect on the presentation of “Nature” within Cold War literature. This influence is, however, heavily mediated by the role that non-Western and non-Anglocentric philosophies play in writers’ theorisations of relations of interdependence between the human and the environment. Such literary presentations challenge the understanding that the Nuclear Age represents a conquest of “Nature”. Rather, they reveal that a number of Cold War writers present human interdependence within an ecological system, capable of the annihilation of the human, and of the containment of the new nuclear threat. The thesis’s introductory chapter questions the characterisation of Silent Spring (1962) as the founding text of the modern environmental movement. It outlines this study’s intervention into the field of Cold War criticism, detailing its specific ecocritical methodology and engaging with the legacy of Transcendentalism. Chapter One looks at the work of Paul Bowles, with a primary focus on The Sheltering Sky (1949). It demonstrates the centrality of the landscape to the writer’s creative project, and reveals the substantial influence of the Sufi mysticism on Bowles’s presentation of the human’s relationship to the environment. Chapter Two focuses on the work of the New Mexican poet Peggy Pond Church. It establishes the influence of the writer’s familiarity with the Pueblo Native American worldview on her poetic portrayals of the human and the nuclear as interrelated parts within a greater ecological system. It also uncovers similar portrayals within the work of the “father of the atomic bomb”, J. Robert Oppenheimer. The third chapter analyses the effects of Chinese and Japanese literature and thought on the work of J. D. Salinger. It outlines the function of “Nature” in the work of the specific translators that Salinger names, arguing that this translated Taoism substantially informed the ecological vision present across his oeuvre. Chapter Four explores the impact of Simone Weil on the work of Mary McCarthy. It reads Birds of America (1971), demonstrating the governing influence of Weil’s concept of “force” on McCarthy’s presentation of the human as an interdependent part within a powerful ecological system.
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Ahlswede, Stefan. "Israel's European policy after the Cold War." Baden-Baden Nomos, 2008. http://d-nb.info/99561962X/04.
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Motta, Bárbara Vasconcellos de Carvalho. "War is peace : the US security discursive practices after the Cold War /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157464.
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Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares<br>Banca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo<br>Banca: Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira<br>Banca: Thiago Moreira de Souza Rodrigues<br>Banca: Stefano Guzzini<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: Como uma estrutura geral, o objetivo mais amplo desta tese é contribuir para o aprofundamento do debate em Relações Internacionais acerca da interconexão entre identidade e resultados políticos. Mais do que focar em como as articulações de uma identidade são realizadas por agentes específicos, esta tese está interessada em avançar o argumento de que a identidade "faz" alguma coisa e, portanto, tem através das práticas discursivas a capaacidade do que chamei de 'causalidadena- constituição'. Dessa forma, proponho a elaboração de um modelo para avaliar como os dispositivos de uma identidades podem ser mobilizados em contextos políticos, mais especificamente nos processos de tomada de decisão de política externa dos EUA. Neste sentido, através da avaliação dos casos empíricos da contrução das narrativas nos EUA para (des)legitimar as intervenções no Kosovo (1998/1999), a Guerra do Golfo (1999/1991), Afeganistão (2001) e Iraque (2003), apesar da intenção geral de desenvolver uma visão mais ampla do debate sobre política externa dos EUA após a Guerra Fria, esta tese também visa avaliar a força representacional da identidade como fonte de ordem para o âmbito nacional e propor um gradiente, de momentos de menor a maior insegurança ontológica, através dos quais pode-se visualizar a capacidade dos pontos de ancoragem da identidade para 'reassentar' a identidade e colocá-la de volta no lugar.<br>Abstract: As a general framework, the overall objective of this thesis is to further develop the interconnection between identity and political outcomes. More than focus on how articulations of identity are performed by specific agents, this thesis is interested in advance the argument that identity 'does' something and, therefore, has through discursive practices what I called a causality-in-constitution capacity. First, I propose a model to evaluate how identities' dispositions can be deployed in political contexts, more specifically in US foreign policy decision-making processes. In this sense, through the evaluation of the empirical cases of US narratives to legitimate the interventions in Kosovo (1998/1999), the Gulf War (1999/1991), Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), despite the general intention of this thesis to develop a bigger picture of the US foreign policy debate after the Cold War, it also aims at evaluating the representational force of identity as a source of national order and propose a gradient, from moments from less to more ontological insecurity, through which one can visualize identity's anchor points capacity to ground identity and put it back in place.<br>Resumen: Como una estructura general, el objetivo más amplio de esta tesis es contribuir a la profundización del debate en Relaciones Internacionales acerca de la interconexión entre identidad y resultados políticos. Más que enfocar en cómo las articulaciones de una identidad son realizadas por agentes específicos, esta tesis está interesada en avanzar el argumento de que la identidad "hace" algo y, por lo tanto, tiene a través de las prácticas discursivas la capa de lo que llamé de ' causalidad la constitución'. De esta forma, propongo la elaboración de un modelo para evaluar cómo los dispositivos de una identidad pueden movilizarse en contextos políticos, más específicamente en los procesos de toma de decisiones de política exterior de los Estados Unidos. En este sentido, a través de la evaluación de los casos empíricos de la construcción de las narrativas en los Estados Unidos para (des) legitimar las intervenciones en Kosovo (1998/1999), la Guerra del Golfo (1999/1991), Afganistán (2001) e Irak (2003), a pesar de la intención general de desarrollar una visión más amplia del debate sobre política exterior de los EE.UU. después de la Guerra Fría, esta tesis también pretende evaluar la fuerza representacional de la identidad como fuente de orden para el ámbito nacional y proponer un gradiente, de momentos de menor a mayor inseguridad ontológica, a través de los cuales se puede visualizar la capacidad de los puntos de anclaje de la identidad para 'reasentar' la identidad y colocarla d... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)<br>Doutor
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Hines, John G. J. G. "Soviet strategic intentions 1965-1985 : an analytical comparison of US Cold War interpretations and Soviet post-Cold War testimonial evidence." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20570.
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The end of the Cold War created an opportunity to examine, through interviews with former Soviet officials, the perceptions, motives and decision-making dynamics that lay behind Soviet Cold-War strategy and behaviour. At the same time, the U.S. declassified key Cold-War-era U.S. National Intelligence Estimates (NIE) on Soviet strategic forces, and high-level U.S. national security officials from that period shared in interviews with the author their perceptions of Soviet strategic intentions and the rationale behind U.S. counter strategies. Such post-Cold-War information from U.S. sources has helped to refine understanding of American Cold-War assessments of Soviet intentions and to permit comparison of the latter with results from the Soviet interviews. This research has revealed instances both of great insight and of serious mutual misunderstanding on the part U.S. and Soviet political leaders and military strategists; as well as areas, such as Soviet force sizing, where the quality of understanding essentially did not matter because the primary determinants were internal and systemic, not international. Areas where the author's findings may be most unexpected for Western scholars include: the Soviet's deeply held, very simple concept of deterrence; the duality of Soviet thinking on nuclear first-use characterized by a purely military preference for first-strike accompanied by profound pessimism that same could be achieved, which led, in turn, to extensive preparations for launch-on-tactical -warning and pure retaliation; and the relatively subordinate position of the Soviet General Staff vis-a-vis the military industrialists, and even the armed services, in actually determining the nature, and especially quantity, of weapons produced to support Soviet military strategy.
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Hall, Matthew J. "Cold Warriors in the Sunbelt: Southern Baptists and the Cold War, 1947-1989." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/17.
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Cold Warriors in the Sunbelt studies the ways in which the Cold War experience shaped the attitudes, values, and beliefs of white evangelicals in the South. It argues that for Southern Baptists in particular—the region’s most dominant religious majority—the Cold War provided a cohesive and unifying fabric that informed the world views Southern Baptists constructed, shaping how they interpreted everything from global communism, the black freedom movement, the Vietnam War, and controversies regarding the family and gender. This dissertation further contends that the Cold War experience, and the formative influence it had over several decades, laid the groundwork for the political realignment of the South, gradually entrenching Southern Baptists within the Republican Party.
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Aunesluoma, Juhana. "Britain, Sweden and the Cold War, 1945-54." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:00e60ac6-30f1-49ad-857c-276451937cee.
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This thesis explores the ways in which British policy contributed to Sweden's Western connection in the early cold war. It considers the extent to which an analysis of British policy is necessary to an understanding of how the cold war shaped the Nordic region and whether there was a special part for Britain in the ways in which Sweden sought to be bound to the Western powers economically, politically and militarily. A central conclusion is that British policy was instrumental in establishing the conditions whereby Sweden could reconcile the conflicting demands of its official foreign policy of neutrality with the reality of its economic, cultural and ideological Western orientation. Swedish military nonalignment did not lead to international isolation, and until US policy changed in 1952 and a more positive approach towards Sweden was officially adopted, Britain remained the primary link between Sweden and the Western alliance. This was seen in almost every aspect of Sweden's Western connection. Swedish defences were built with British high technology, material and assistance. Service level exchanges kept both parties abreast of developments in defence planning and in questions of cold war grand strategy, and tacitly facilitated coordination of plans. On the economic front, Britain was a large scale trader of strategic goods to and from Sweden, and the Labour government's policy of fostering closer institutional relations with Sweden was particularly important in the work of the OEEC and in a specific Anglo-Scandinavian forum, Uniscan. In achieving a rough power balance in the north, Swedish cooperation was essential although its neutrality policy did not have to be challenged openly. The work is based on primary material from the Foreign Office archives, the archives of the Ministry of Defence, Board of Trade, Treasury, Bank of England, Cabinet and the service departments. In Sweden the Foreign Ministry archives and archives of other civilian and military authorities have been used.
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Brown, Lucy Miranda. "Tensions and contradictions in post-cold war Cuba." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ42129.pdf.
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Mahoney, Joan. "Civil liberties in Britain during the Cold War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317806.
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Shepherd, G. M. "Britain, Germany and the cold war, 1951-1955." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358537.
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Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
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Bell, J. W. "The Cold War and American politics, 1946-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596536.
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The thesis attempts to trace the role of the state prevalent in American political discourse in shaping politics and legislation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This has involved linking developments in American foreign policy with changes in political views of the state at home. The aim of my research has been to set political developments at the centre of American studies in this period by arguing that they had a profound effect upon broader American society and its views of the wider world. This helps to explain why the political ideology of social democracy, or the involvement of government as a provider of economic and social justice, declined in America after World War II in contrast in most other industrialised nations. I argue that while traditional American hostility to government generally weakened during the depression and war, the Cold War encouraged Americans generally to associate the state with totalitarianism. Politically-promoted conceptions of life in the USSR and Great Britain in particular were used both to reorient American political priorities away from social reform and to marginalise those who attempted to take further the more progressive aspects of the New Deal. The association of the state with inimical ideologies abroad, and the notion that America was a socially cohesive nation, in which all citizens were 'free' and 'equal', formed a political orthodoxy strengthened by developments in foreign affairs. The dissertation analyses key figures in both political parties, as well as key pressure groups, in the period 1946-1952. It also traces the development of public opinion over the same period, and attempts to show how the images of others nations at the heart of the Cold War lessened the prospects for European-style social democracy in the United States in the later twentieth century.
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Brown, Paul Curtis. "Naval arms control : a post-Cold War reappraisal." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28389.
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Berard, Peter. "Managing Revolution: Cold War Counterinsurgency and Liberal Governance." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108101.
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Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs<br>Counterinsurgency doctrine, as an intellectual project, began as a response on the part of liberal world powers to the dual crises of decolonization and the Cold War. Unlike earlier means of suppressing rebellions, counterinsurgency sought not to quash, but to channel the revolutionary energies of decolonization into a liberal, developmentalist direction. Counterinsurgency would simultaneously defeat communists and build a new and better society. As early efforts at developmentalist counterinsurgency failed in Vietnam in the early 1960s, the counterinsurgent’s methods and goals changed. The CORDS Project, starting in 1967, replaced the emphasis on building a new society with altering present societies in such a way as to prioritize surveillance and the removal of subversive elements. From its inception, the political visions that counterinsurgency seeks to implement have shifted alongside – and at times prefigured – changes in liberal governance more broadly<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
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Ramuhala, Mashudu Godfrey. "Military Intervention in Africa after the Cold War." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4186.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil (Military Strategy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Military intervention remains controversial when it happens, as well as when it fails to. Since
the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was
demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without
Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty
are the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of
Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs, remain
the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the
international community’s decisive factors in choosing between action and non-intervention.
Nonetheless, since the end of the Cold War matters of sovereignty and non-interference have
been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes.
The aim of this study is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has
evolved since the end of the Cold War, in terms of theory, practice and how it unfolded upon
the African continent. This will be achieved, by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful
cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases being Somalia in 1992,
Rwanda in 1994, and Darfur in 2003; and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and
the Comoros in 2008. The objective of this study is fourfold: firstly it seeks to examine the
theoretical developments underpinning military intervention after the end of the Cold War;
secondly, to describe the evolution of military intervention from a unilateral realist to a more
multilateral idealist profile; thirdly, to demarcate the involvement in military intervention in
Africa by states as well as organisations such as the AU and the UN and finally, discerning the
contributions and the dilemmas presented by interventions in African conflicts and how Africa
can emerge and benefit from military interventions.
The intervention in Somalia produced a litmus test for post-Cold War interventions and the
departure point for their ensuing evolution. Rwanda ensued after Somalia, illustrating the
disinclination to intervene that featured during this episode. Darfur marked the keenness of the
AU to intervene in contrast with the ensuing debates at the Security Council over naming the
crime whether or not “genocide” was unfolding in Darfur. Positively though, the intervention
by Britain in Sierra Leone and the AU intervention in the Comoros are clear illustrations of
how those intervening, were articulate in what they intend to do and their subsequent success.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Militêre intervensie, of die afwesigheid daarvan wanneer nodig, bly ‘n twispunt binne
internasionale verhoudinge. Namate die impak van die Koue Oorlog begin vervaag het, het
militêre intervensie besonder prominent in die literatuur begin figureer en is soms so dringend
geag dat dit soms sonder die goedkeuring van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies
(VN) kon plaasvind. Aspekte van nasionale soewereiniteit bly nietemin ‘n grondbeginsel van
die internasionale orde soos dit sedert die Verdrag van Wesfale beslag gevind het. Territoriale
integriteit van state en die beginsel van geen-inmenging in die binnelandse aangeleenthede van
‘n staat nie bly ook ‘n grondslag van die Internasionale Reg soos deur die VN erken word en dit
rig steeds standpunte van die internasionale gemeenskap vir of teen intervensie. Sedert die
einde van die Koue Oorlog het soewereiniteit en beginsel van geen-intervensie egter
toenemende druk ervaar met groeiende klem op menseregte midde in ‘n opkomende diskoers
oor volksmoord en oorlogsmisdade.
Die klem van hierdie studie val op militêre intervensie en veral hoe dit na die Koue Oorlog
ontvou het in terme van teorie en praktyk, in die besonder op die Afrikakontinent. Die
bespreking wentel om suksesvolle en onsuksesvolle gevalle van militêre intervensie in Afrika.
Die onsuksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Somalië (1992), Rwanda (1994), en Darfur
(2003). Die meer suksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Sierra Leone (2000) en die Komoro
Eilande in (2008). Die studie omvat vier aspekte van bespreking: eerstens, die teoretiese
ontwikkelinge wat militêre intervensie na die Koue Oorlog onderlê, tweedens, die ewolusie van
militêre intervensie vanaf ‘n eensydige realisme tot ‘n meer multilaterale idealistiese
verskynsel, derdens, die betrokkenheid in militêre intervensie in Afrika deur state en
organisasies soos die VN en Afrika-Unie (AU) en laastens, die bydraes en dilemmas van
intervensies in Afrika.
Die betrokkenheid in Somalië was ‘n kritieke toets vir intervensies na die Koue Oorlog en het
baie stukrag verleen aan die daaropvolgende debat. Rwanda het die huiwerigheid ontbloot om
in te gryp waar dit werklik nodig was. Darfur vertoon weer die gewilligheid van die AU om in
te gryp in weerwil van lang debatte in die VN oor volksmoord en die gebeure in Darfur. Aan
die positiewe kant figureer die Britse optredes in Sierra Leone en optredes deur ‘n AU-mag in
die Komoro Eilande as gevalle wat toon hoe die vasberadenheid van partye om in te gryp en
bedreigings in die kiem te smoor, suksesvolle militêre intervensies kan bevorder.
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Miller, James Magnus. "South Africa in the Cold War, 1974-1976." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648746.
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Pilbeam, Bruce. "Anglo-American conservative ideology after the Cold War." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15047/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis sets out and examines the distinctive features of Anglo-American conservative ideology after the Cold War, in terms of its continuities with and differences from conservative doctrines of the past. The basic proposition explored is that despite conservatism's victory over socialism it too has been disoriented by the ending of the Cold War, and is possibly even exhausted as an ideology of contemporary relevance. Suggestions that conservatives have been left in a position of ideological hegemony are therefore questioned. A number of reasons are considered for supporting this belief: that the loss of their Cold War opponents has deprived conservatives of any distinctive purpose; that free market agendas are discredited by the critiques of ideologies such as communitarianism and environmentalism; and that traditional beliefs and values have been undermined by developments such as the spread of moral relativism. Moreover, the possibility is considered that the end of the Cold War has exacerbated tensions between varieties of conservatives - for example, free market and 'traditionalist' thinkers - because of the lack of common unifying purposes. The main body of the thesis is presented in two parts. Part I considers how the key traditional elements and themes of conservative ideology relate to the circumstances of the post-Cold War world, whilst Part 11 examines in detail its responses to a number of specific contemporary challenges. The purpose of this division is to facilitate a reflection upon the status of the ideas traditionally central to conservatism, together with an assessment of conservatives' abilities to engage with contemporary ideological developments.
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McCollister, Robert Jarrett. "Summit diplomacy : the consequences of cold war summits /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487776801319461.
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He, Zhongxiu. "The prismatic reality of Canada's Cold War novels /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2007. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/9294.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - Simon Fraser University, 2007.<br>Theses (Dept. of English) / Simon Fraser University. Senior supervisor: David Stouck -- Dept. of English. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.
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Roberts, Luke Edward. "Colonial Williamsburg, National Identity, and Cold War Patriotism." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626439.
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Donolato, Gianmarco <1994>. "EU-Russian gas relations: an un-cold war." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16179.
Full textAbstract:
Questo lavoro tratta di un argomento che ha avuto un ruolo importante nella storia delle relazioni internazionali a partire dal XIX secolo: l’energia. In questo paper, ci si concentrerà sulle relazioni nel settore dell’energia tra la Federazione Russa e gli Stati Membri dell’Unione Europea. Il motivo per cui è stata intrapresa questa ricerca sta nel fatto che le relazioni diplomatiche e commerciali tra la Russia e il mondo occidentale hanno visto una significativa involuzione negli ultimi anni.
Il focus del paper coprirà le relazioni nel settore del gas, le loro caratteristiche e ciò che ne deriva. In particolare, il caso di Nord Stream 2, un gasdotto progettato per fornire gas russo all’UE tramite la Germania, sarà impiegato come modello attraverso cui presentare le opportunità e i conseguenti attriti che le relazioni sul gas offrono.
Lo scopo del lavoro è quello di affermare che quando logiche politiche non imparziali e ragioni commerciali collidono, i risultati che ne scaturiscono offrono meno soluzioni positive di quanto potrebbero. Il paper è diviso in quattro capitoli: il primo presenta una base teorica sulla sicurezza energetica e sull’interdipendenza, il secondo illustra lo stato dell’arte sulle relazioni del gas al giorno d’oggi, il terzo analizza il caso di Nord Stream 2, il quarto contiene delle osservazioni generali sulle relazioni energetiche e politiche tra i due attori e sullo scontro ideologico che sembra deteriorare i rapporti energetici e commerciali.
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佐々木, 雄太, and Yuta Sasaki. "Colonialism, Nationalism and the Cold War : Road to the Suez War in 1956." 名古屋大学大学院法学研究科, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/5796.
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McClelland, Mark Jonathan Lamdin. "The unbridling of virtue : neoconservatism between the Cold War and the Iraq War." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3615/.
Full textAbstract:
During the years between the Cold War and the Iraq War, neoconservatism underwent an important shift from a position sympathetic to realist thought to a position much closer to a particularly conservative form of liberal internationalism. This change has largely been ignored in the literature, and when discussed, simply attributed to new, more radical neoconservative actors replacing a more cautious cadre. This thesis utilises a ‘history of ideas’ approach to examine the evolution of neoconservative thought from an emphasis on stability and normality to one of ambitious transformation abroad and wide-ranging democracy promotion. It argues that this modification can be attributed to several material and ideational drivers. In material terms, the end of the Cold War and the ensuing decline of bipolarity in the international system in combination with the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 were pivotal events in neoconservatism’s evolution. The former removed the primary constraint on the use of American power overseas, while the latter demonstrated, as far as neoconservatives were concerned, the cost to the US of inaction and restraint abroad. Ideationally, the advent of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ thesis, an embrace of liberal democratic peace theory, and a religious ‘turn’ in neoconservative thought, all contributed to the development of a neoconservative foreign policy much more sympathetic to ideas of democracy promotion and humanitarian intervention.
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Park, Hye-jung. "From World War to Cold War: Music in US-Korea Relations, 1941-1960." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1554818839582558.
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Terlizzese, Lawrence J. "The just war tradition and nuclear weapons in the post cold war era." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1994. http://www.tren.com.
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Woodruff, Jason L. "A comparative analysis of the trends in Congressional control of Defense spending." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FWoodruff.pdf.
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Thesis (Master of Business Administration)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Philip Candreva, Larry R. Jones. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-52). Also available in print.
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Clark, David B. "A bridge over troubled waters the vital role of intelligence sharing in shaping the Anglo-American "special relationship" /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FClark.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Siegel, Scott. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-74). Also available in print.
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Mosebar, Todd Lind. "The third way Finnish official and popular memory development through the cold war /." Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2008. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Fall2008/T_Mosebar_120208.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in history)--Washington State University, December 2008.<br>Title from PDF title page (viewed on Mar. 10, 2009). "Department of History." Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-116).
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Daley, Christopher. "British science fiction and the Cold War, 1945-1969." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2013. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8yz67/british-science-fiction-and-the-cold-war-1945-1969.
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This thesis examines British Science Fiction between 1945 and 1969 and considers its response to the Cold War. It investigates the generic progression of British SF in the post-war years, assessing the legacy of the pre-war style of scientific romance in selected works from the late 1940s, before exploring its re-engagement with the tradition of disaster fiction in works by John Wyndham and John Christopher in the 1950s. The thesis then moves on to contemplate the writings of the British New Wave and the experimentations with form in the fiction of J.G. Ballard and Brian Aldiss as well as the stories and articles incorporated within New Worlds magazine during Michael Moorcock’s period as editor. Following on from this is a consideration of the emergence of SF film and television in Britain, marking out its convergence with literary works as well as its own distinctive reactions to the changing contexts of the Cold War. This thesis therefore diverges from existing literary histories of post-war British writing, which have largely focused on the numerous crises affecting the literary novel. Such examinations have tended to represent the Cold War as an ancillary theme – despite Britain being the third nation to acquire nuclear weapons – and have generally overlooked Science Fiction as a suitable mode for engaging with the major transformations taking place in post-war British society. Reacting to such assumptions, this thesis argues that British SF was not only a form that responded to the vast technological changes facilitated by the Cold War, but equally, that cultural life during the Cold War presented considerable challenges to Science Fiction itself – with visions of nuclear war and authoritarianism no longer the exclusive property of the speculative imagination but part of everyday life. Additionally, by concentrating on overtly British responses to the Cold War this thesis aims to further illuminate an area of cultural history that has otherwise received limited attention.
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de, Graaf Jan-Arend. "Across the Iron Curtain : European socialism between World War and Cold War, 1943-1948." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/across-the-iron-curtain(a9ef5a05-2c38-4c75-b3ce-ab7a818cc70f).html.
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This thesis is a comparative history of the post-war European socialist parties, 1943-1948 – with a focus on the Czechoslovakian Social Democratic Party and the Polish Socialist Party in Eastern Europe as well as the French Socialist Party and the Italian Socialist Party in Western Europe. Its foremost aim is to demonstrate that the countries of East and West, far from already being divided by an Iron Curtain, faced much the same challenges during these first post-war years. Contrary to the conventional historiographical picture of an international socialist movement split along Cold War lines, therefore, it draws attention to the divergences within and parallels across the two putative ‘blocs’. To do so, the thesis moves the spotlight away from geo-politics and focuses upon that set of problems that really dominated the agendas of the post-war European socialist parties – the problems of post-war reconstruction. The thesis addresses socialist attitudes towards two of the key dimensions of post-war reconstruction. Its first part deals with socio-economic reconstruction. This part demonstrates that there was often a profound disconnect between socialist leaders in national government and the workers at their grassroots. Whereas rank-and-file (socialist) workers berated their leaders for their failure to improve the material situation, for their inability to clamp down upon the black market, and for the remaining inequalities of post-war life, national party leaders scolded workers for their unruliness and for their unwillingness to make sacrifices towards the greater political good. Its second part deals with political reconstruction – more specifically with the question of rebuilding democracy. This part demonstrates that, contrary to what many historians of post-war (Western) European socialism claim, there was no across-the-board socialist conversion to a parliamentary road to socialism. Yet, the fault lines between those parties insisting on a strict adherence to the rulebook of political democracy and those advocating a radical departure from representative democracy did not divide neatly between East and West.
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Dias, Alexandra Magnolia. "An inter-state war in the post-Cold War era : Eritrea-Ethiopia (1998-2000)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2011/.
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Inter-state wars are not one of the most salient features of current world politics. Indeed, the prevailing patterns of contemporary armed conflict show an increasing trend in intra-state wars that spill over borders. Beyond the continuities with the thirty-year civil war in Ethiopia, namely in the relations between the two former insurgent movements, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), the 1998-2000 war was waged between the armed forces of two sovereign states: Eritrea and Ethiopia. This is one of the few cases of inter-state war in Africa. The case-study provides evidence to contradict the strand of the literature which claims that we are witnessing a decisive transformation of warfare (Van Creveld, 1991); (Kaldor, 1999). The central claim of the thesis is that neighbouring states do fight over territory. Indeed, territory is central to understanding the causes, the conduct, and the outcomes of the 1998-2000 inter-state war. The case-study provides a contribution to the development of a comparative perspective on the relationship between territory and the causation, conduct and outcomes of intra-state and inter-state wars in Africa and in other regions. My contribution is to the reflection on the challenges of globalization to the territorial state and particularly to understanding the significance of territory for the survival of the modern sovereign state in Africa. The adherence to uti possidetis and the noninterference norms coupled with de facto porous borders is one of the most challenging questions facing African states. The findings of the research highlight the value-added of the case-study to the debates on the general transformation and on the more specific patterns of warfare in Africa, the dynamics of state formation in Africa and the region's security dynamics.
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Pierpaoli, Paul George. "The price of peace : the Korean War mobilization and Cold War rearmament, 1950-1953 /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1346167485.
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Eschen, Nicole Marie. "Performing the past theatrical revisions of Cold War culture /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1679292491&sid=12&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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