Journal articles on the topic 'Collectio Britannica'

In this study, we investigated the effects of Inula Britannica on the production of antibodies against ovalbumin, and the differentiation of T cells, in C57BL/6 mice. The oral administration of Inula Britannica suppressed IL-4 and IL-6 production in lymphocytes collected from an inguinal lymph node in the immunized leg. On the other hand, the intraperitoneal administration of Inula Britannica suppressed IgG1 production, the ratio of IFN-γ+IL-4-/IFN- γ-IL-4+ cells and cytokine production of IL-6. It was presumed that the effects of Inula Britannica on the production of antibodies were induced by regulation of the balance of Th1 and Th2. Further, IL-4 and IL-6 production by lymphocytes collected from an inguinal lymph node in the immunized leg were suppressed, and therefore production of antibodies was suppressed.

Seeds of Achillea aspleniifolia, Artemisia santonicum, Aster tripolium subsp. pannonicum, Inula britannica, Limonium gmellinii subsp. hungaricum and Podospermum canum were collected from five different sodic habitats in Hungary: Apajpuszta, Cegléd, Dinnyés, Farmos and Fülöpszállás. We compared the germination percentage and rate among the populations and determined the optimal sowing depth and substrate preference. We observed big differences among the species and even the habitats. Outstanding dynamics was measured for Achillea aspleniifolia and Artemisia santonicum species. Highest germination percentage was reached by Podospermum canum. Germination stress-tolerance index was the highest for Podospermum canum, while the lowest was determined for Inula britannica. The germination rate of the species did not reach the volumes reported in the publications. The majority of species germinated in light, optimal substrate was seedling growing medium. Podospermum canum proved to be a highly stress-tolerant species.

Abstract The Lithophylacii Britannicii ichnographia [British figured stones] (1699) by Edward Lhwyd, the second keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, was the first illustrated field guide to English fossils. We analyse this book’s physical creation – the collection of specimens, their engravings and their use and reuse in eighteenth-century editions and collections that were in the transition to binomial taxonomy. With particular concentration on the Lithophylacii’s illustrations of fossils, this paper will first analyse how the specimens were collected. We will then examine the use of these specimens and subsequent editions of Lhwyd’s book, with a focus upon how the relationship between them was drawn on by collectors such as Sir Hans Sloane and Daniel Solander from 1680 to 1760. Finally, we will demonstrate how Ashmolean Keeper William Huddesford repurposed the illustrations for Lhwyd’s book for his eighteenth-century edition of the field guide, incorporating new classificatory schemes. Our analysis will give insight into how a late seventeenth-century book of natural philosophy was used and repurposed by natural historians and collectors before and during the development of Linnaean taxonomy.

The work was undertaken to investigate the mycoflora ot the lowland river Biebrza. Samples of water collected once a month over spring and autumn (1984) for hydrochemical analysis and studies of the fungus content. Twenty five species of fungi were found most of them in the river Biebrza. The following fungi unknown from Poland were found in the river Biebrza: <i>Karlingia rosea, Blastocladiella britannica, Cladolegnia eccenirica, Centrospora filiformis</i> and <i>Flagellospora cunmla</i>.

Representing aboutness is a challenge for humanities documents, given the linguistic indeterminacy of the text. The challenge is even greater when applying automatic indexing to historical documents for a multidisciplinary collection, such as encyclopedias. The research presented in this paper explores this challenge with an automatic indexing comparative study examining topic relevance. The setting is the NEH-funded 19th-Century Knowledge Project, where researchers in the Digital Scholarship Center, Temple University, and the Metadata Research Center, Drexel University, are investigating the best way to index entries across four historical editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica (3rd, 7th, 9th, and 11th editions). Individual encyclopedia entry entries were processed using the Helping Interdisciplinary Vocabulary Engineering (HIVE) system, a linked-data, automatic indexing terminology application that uses controlled vocabularies. Comparative topic relevance evaluation was performed for three separate keyword extraction algorithms: RAKE, Maui, and Kea++. Results show that RAKE performed the best, with an average of 67% precision for RAKE, and 28% precision for both Maui and Kea++. Additionally, the highest-ranked HIVE results with both RAKE and Kea++ demonstrated relevance across all sample entries, while Maui’s highest-ranked results returned zero relevant terms. This paper reports on background information, research objectives and methods, results, and future research prospects for further optimization of RAKE’s algorithm parameters to accommodate for encyclopedia entries of different lengths, and evaluating the indexing impact of correcting the historical Long S.

Between 1755 and 1772 the fortunes of the ailing Ashmolean Museum at Oxford were turned round through the efforts of a youthful and industrious keeper, William Huddesford. His modest demeanour, combined with a willingness to seek advice from naturalists more experienced than himself, led Huddesford into lengthy correspondence with a number of influential contemporaries, notably William Borlase, much of which survives to shed light on curatorial preoccupations of the day; so too do the inventories which he compiled, from which information on the network of contributors to the collection can be reconstructed. Huddesford also had an impressive publication record, particularly in bringing into print new editions of works based on specimens that had come to form part of the Ashmolean's collections, including Martin Lister's Historia conchyliorum and Edward Lhwyd's Lithophylacii britannici ichnographia. Documentation survives for all of these exercises, and combines to provide important insights into eighteenth-century museum practice.

Illustrates—even if it does not resolve—some of the problems in providing subject access to the extensive, international, multi-media collections of the Imperial War Museum. Chief among these is the variety of ways in which items in Museum collections can be relevant to a particular line of enquiry.

Mrs Margaret Gatty took up beachcombing, especially collecting and identifying seaweeds, in middle age and improved her expertise through correspondence with some of the most prominent scientists of the day. In particular, she formed an important relationship with William Henry Harvey, which was of benefit to them both. Mrs Gatty's major publication, British sea-weeds, demonstrates her powers of observation and interpretation. A new study of her correspondence has clarified a link between British sea-weeds and two works by Harvey, Phycologia britannica and The atlas of British seaweeds, as well as the status of an unpublished work Mrs Gatty called her “Horn-book of phycology”.

An Impartial Collection of the Great Affairs of State was published in London, in two volumes, between 1682 and 1683. Its author John Nalson was a fervent believer in the twin pillars of the monarchy and the Anglican Church. In An Impartial Collection he holds up the internecine conflict of the 1640s as an example not to be followed during the 1680s, a period of further religious and political upheaval. Nalson’s text is anything but neutral, and its perspective is neatly summarised in the engraved frontispiece which prefaces the first volume. This article examines how this illustration, depicting a weeping Britannia accosted by a two-faced clergyman and a devil, adapts and revises an established visual vocabulary of ‘otherness’, implying disruption to English lives and liberties with origins both foreign and domestic. Such polemical imagery relies on shock value and provocation, but also contributes to a sophisticated conversation between a range of pictorial sources, reshaping old material to new concerns, and raising important questions regarding the visual literacy and acuity of its viewers.

The death of the encyclopaedia is increasingly reported in connection with the abandonment of hard copy reference publishing, the dispersal of library reference collections and the preference for end-users to seek information from search engines and social media. Yet this particular form of the book evolved in a very specific way to meet the needs of knowledge-seekers, needs which persist and perhaps flourish in an age of information curiosity. This article uncovers what is meant by ‘encyclopaedia’ by those who produce and use them. Based on survey and interview research carried out with publishers, librarians and higher education students, it demonstrates that certain physical features and qualities are associated with the encyclopaedia and continue to be valued by them. Having identified these qualities, the article then explores whether they apply to three incidences of electronic encyclopaedias, Britannica Online, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy and Wikipedia. Could it be that rather than falling into obsolescence, their valued qualities are being adopted by online forms of knowledge provision?

Five new species of the highly successful reef-building coral genus Acropora are described from Eocene locations in England and France (Acropora britannica, A. alvarezi, A. wilsonae, A. bartonensis, and A. proteacea) and additional records are given for six fossil species (A. deformis, A. anglica, A. solanderi, A. roemeri, A. lavandulina, and A. ornata), based on re-examination of material in the collections of the Natural History Museum, London. Specimens came from the Lutetian (49.0 to 41.3 Ma) of France, Bartonian (41.4 to 37.0 Ma) of England and France and Priabonian (36.0-34.2 Ma) of England. Included are the earliest record of a species with tabular or plate-like colonies similar to those in the modern “hyacinthus” species group (A. proteacea n. sp.) and the earliest records of simple hispidose forms (A. bartonensis n. sp. and A. roemeri), similar to those in the modern “florida” species group. The Priabonian material from southern England (A. brittanica n. sp. and A. anglica) shows the earliest occurrence of two sturdy species groups, the “humilis II” and “robusta” groups respectively, which now occur together on reef fronts throughout the modern Indo-Pacific. The new descriptions and records contribute to evidence that the genus diversified rapidly after its appearance in the fossil record. This diversification may have contributed to the rapid speciation and dispersal, observed in this genus during the Neogene, culminating in its extraordinary dominance of modern Indo-Pacific reefs.

Fourteen species of Ichneumonidae are here recorded from the Maltese Islands. Of these, all were reared from Lepidoptera hosts with the exception of Netelia (Paropheltes) inedita (Kokujev) which was collected from a malaise trap. Of these, the following species (or genera) are here reported for the first time from the Maltese Islands: Chirotica meridionalis Horstmann, Gelis carbonarius (de Stefani), G. exareolatus (Fӧrster), G. seyrigi Ceballos, Glypta sp., Meloboris sp., Netelia (Paropheltes) inedita (Kokujev), Ophion obscuratus Fabricius and Orthizema sp. Twenty-five species of Braconidae are also here reported from Lepidoptera hosts with the exception of Homolobus (Phylacter) meridionalis van Achterberg which was collected from a malaise trap. Of these, the following species (or genera) represent new records for the Maltese Islands: Apanteles metacarpalis (Thomson), Ascogaster sp., Clinocentrus excubitor (Haliday) [previously misidentified as C. exsertor (Nees) by Papp (2015)], Cotesia vestalis (Haliday) [previously misidentified as C. ruficrus (Haliday) by Papp (2015)], Dolichogenidea britannica (Wilkinson), Homolobus (Phylacter) meridionalis van Achterberg, Iconella ? meruloides (Nixon), Lysitermus tritoma (Bouček), Lysitermus suecius (Hedqvist), Microgaster messoria Haliday, Meteorus pulchricornis (Wesmael), Pholetesor circumscriptus (Nees) [previously misidentified as P. bicolor (Nees) by Papp (2015)] and Spathius pedestris Wesmael. Thus previous records of Clinocentrus exsertor and Pholetesor bicolor from Malta were found to be based on misidentifications and are here excluded from the braconid fauna of Malta. Maltese records of Cotesia abjecta (Marshall) and Cotesia jucunda (Marshall) by Papp (2015) were found to be misidentifications and should both refer to C. glomerata (Linnaeus). Thus, both Cotesia abjecta and Cotesia jucunda are also here removed from the braconid fauna of Malta. The record of Cotesia tibialis (Curtis) by Papp (2015) was also based on a misidentification and should be attributed to C. ruficrus (Haliday). Thus, C. tibialis is also removed from the braconid fauna of Malta.

Written by the acclaimed Australian poet Kenneth Slessor, “Post-roads” is the second poem of his sequence The Atlas and of his collection Cuckooz Contrey (1932), in which it debuted. Like the other four Atlas poems, “Post-roads” begins with a quote from a prominent seventeenth-century map-maker; in this case, John Ogilby (1600–1676)—the celebrated British publisher, surveyor, and cartographer. Slessor not only transformed Ogilby’s work (and portrait) into poetic images, but made Ogilby’s “tireless ghost” the central character of his poem. This article, part of the first full-scale examination of Slessor’s ambitious but poorly understood sequence, begins by reproducing the poem and tracing the poem’s development in Slessor’s poetry notebook. To reconstruct his creative process, it details the poet’s debt to the ephemeral catalogue of atlases and maps in which he discovered his title, epigraph, central character, and a possible source for the colorfully named coaches and carriages that conveyed passengers not only throughout London and Britain beginning in the early seventeenth century, but also throughout Australia from around 1800 to 1920. After comparing poet and cartographer, we consider the poem’s relationship to two of Ogilby’s atlases: the monumental Britannia (1675) and the posthumous, if far more accessible Traveller’s Guide (1699, 1712). Both reveal how Ogilby—even from the grave—helped passengers like the poem’s “yawning Fares” trace their routes. Finally, after offering reasons for Slessor’s choice of “Guildford” out of all the place-names along the roads through England and Wales, and proposing literary inspirations for “Post-roads,” the paper returns to Slessor’s hero/artist.

Abstract. Water, sediments and gill and digestive gland tissues of adult common shore crab (Carcinus maenas), collected at Noss Marina, Sandquay (Britannia Royal Naval College), the Dartmouth Pier, Warfleet Cove and Sugary Cove in the Dart estuary, Devon, UK, were analysed for major, minor and trace elements in spring 2004. Total acid-available measurements analysed included the truly dissolved component and acid-available sediments. Trace metal concentrations are associated largely with particulate and micro-particulate/colloidal phases, the latter being able to pass through standard filter papers. Wide ranges of chemical concentrations were found in the water, sediments and tissues at all the locations. In the water column, 48% of the variance is linked to the sea-salt component (Cl, Na, K, Ca, Mg, B, Li and Sr) and the sediment-associated acid-available fractions are linked to Fe-rich lithogenous materials (Ba, Co, Cu, Fe, Mn, V and Zn). In the sediments, trace elements of Cd, Co, Cr, Fe, Pb, Mn, Ni and V are correlated with the sea salts and associated with the fraction of fine sediments within the total sediment. In the gills and the digestive gland tissues of crabs, high concentrations of Al, Cu and Fe are found and there are correlations between acid-available trace metals of Cu, Cr, Fe, Mn, Ni, Sr and Zn. The relationships between trace metal contaminants, their site-specific concentrations, their temporal and spatial variability and the effects of human activities, such as moorland/agriculture with historic mining and recreational activities in the lower Dart estuary, are discussed.

The present work aims at investigating the ability of diatoms to re-establish their community after a severe environmental stress such desiccation. Diatoms were subjected to extreme environmental stress to observe their survival capability. Samples of sediment were collected from three sites, Maqal, Abu Flos and Al-Faw along the course of Shatt Al-Arab river. Different temperature regimes were implemented for testing the ability of diatoms to recover desiccation. Experiments were performed at various temperatures, 10, 15, 20, 25, 30, 35 and 40 ℃. A total of 67 diatom species were identified and included freshwater forms (25%), brackish water forms (25%) and marine species (26%), as well as 24% of taxa with undefined ecological preferences. The recovery rate of diatom species at all sites appeared to be rather similar. 40%, 38% and 37% of all taxa encountered were able to recover desiccation at sites 1, 2 and 3, respectively. Recovering ability of those species varies with variable temperature. Favourable temperature for most species to regrow ranged between 15 and 25 oC. Nitzschia palea exhibited the maximum growth rate at all temperatures (10-35 oC). 32% of all epiphytic species encountered were able to recover at 20 oC. Five species: Craspedostauros britannicus, Nitzschia invisitata, Pinnularia quadratarea, Simonsenia sp. and Tryblionella plana were not previously reported in Iraq and considered as new to the region. A new species, Synedropsis abuflosensis, was found. The outcome of the present work clearly indicates that some species of diatoms can recover after exposure to sever environmental stress.

Purpose The aim of this paper is to know the cost of per use, to analyze the cost per use in different subjects, to analyze the most economical as well as expensive electronic database being subscribed by the University of Delhi, to identify the database(s) for cancellation and to highlight issues related to usage statistics. Design/methodology/approach Usage statistics have been collected from the publishers for the period under study of full-text databases in the counting online usage of networked electronic resource (COUNTER) JR1 excluding downloads from an archive and Indian databases not providing COUNTER compliance usage. Usages of foreign databases have been analyzed through different parameters like yearly average cost per down load, subject-wise average cost per down, most economical databases and most expensive databases have been identified. A total approximation cost has also been worked by adopting standards practice to know the saving of University of Delhi by subscribing these databases. Findings The study concludes that in case of foreign databases, the cost per use has increased by 41.77 per cent in the past 10 years and the cumulative average cost per use has been Rs.55.07 less than $1 if converted into US$. In case of subject, the cheapest cost per use has been from the databases providing statistical data (Rs.26.50) and the costliest cost per use has been from discipline social science (99–196.61), followed by management (Rs.37.33), general databases (Rs.40.58), science (Rs.41.66), humanities (Rs.48.73), technology (Rs.93.22) and computer science (Rs.102.09) per use. It has also been found that the Britannica Online has been the most economical database costing Rs.2.33 and World Intellectual Property Search as most expensive costing Rs.14,902.19 per use. The study concludes that University of Delhi have saved substantial amount by subscribing these databases instead of purchasing these article from open market. The study concluded that though the usage statistics is an important parameter for renewal or cancellation, it should not be the only criteria. Research limitations/implications This study could not able to work out the cost per use of Indian databases, as they were not able to provide COUNTER statistics. Practical implications On the basis of the study, University of Delhi and institute may decide on renewal of these databases. The institute may take necessary action to promote these databases through information literacy program. On the basis of the study, University of Delhi and institute may decide on renewal of these databases. The institute may take necessary action to promote these databases through information literacy program. Originality/value This study is an empirical research based on original usage statistics provided by the publishers in COUNTER format. Earlier literature has also been studied and used. Proper citation and reference have been acknowledged. The study has been checked through plagiarism detecting software.

Introduction: Long-term data from the HAVEN 1-4 clinical trials reaffirmed the safety and efficacy of emicizumab (HEMLIBRA®) prophylaxis in persons with hemophilia A (PwHA; Callaghan M et al. ISTH 2019 presentation). However, early data from the first Phase III trial, HAVEN 1, identified a risk for thrombotic microangiopathy (TMA) or thrombotic events (TEs) when emicizumab was used alongside activated prothrombin complex concentrate (aPCC [FEIBA]; dosed on average a cumulative amount of >100 U/kg/24 hours for ≥24 hours) leading to a warning in the label and ongoing safety monitoring. European Haemophilia Safety Surveillance (EUHASS) is a large pharmacovigilance program that monitors the safety of treatments for inherited bleeding disorders. The EUHASS registry includes real-world data on the use of emicizumab in a broad, representative population of PwHA. The objective of this analysis was to summarize thrombotic, TMA, and anaphylaxis events reported to EUHASS in association with emicizumab prophylaxis. Methods: EUHASS is an investigator-led program with 86 participating centers in 27 countries, with centers reporting information on all the individuals they treat, thus minimizing selection bias. Adverse event data were collected from all PwHA in EUHASS who received emicizumab prophylaxis during 2018. EUHASS adverse event data are not collected according to Medical Dictionary for Regulatory Affairs (MedDRA) classification; however, for this exploratory analysis, events were coded at MedDRA preferred term level as far as possible; endpoints are provided as descriptive statistics. Results: Data from 148 PwHA treated with emicizumab in 2018 were included in this analysis. Concurrent treatments included recombinant activated factor VII (rFVIIa; NovoSeven®; n=23 PwHA), factor VIII, (FVIII products other than Obizur®; n=9 PwHA) and aPCC (n=1 PwHA). Two adverse events were reported in 2018 (Table 1). One event was an acute reaction (rash), reported 48 hours after dosing of a PwHA treated with emicizumab only. He recovered from the rash; the frequency was 0.7% (1/148; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.02-3.71%). The second event was a TE-a myocardial infarction that occurred 10 hours after emicizumab dosing in a PwHA age >65 years receiving emicizumab and aPCC. The frequency of TE events was calculated as 0.7% (1/148; 95% CI 0.02-3.71%). No TMA or anaphylaxis events were reported. Conclusions: Among PwHA treated with emicizumab at centers participating in EUHASS during 2018, only two adverse events were reported and there were no cases of TMA or anaphylaxis. While a full assessment is reserved for the final analysis, these interim real-world data are not inconsistent with the adverse event profile of emicizumab observed in clinical trials. No new or emerging safety signals for emicizumab were identified. However, this analysis was limited by the low number of emicizumab treated PwHA-especially in those without FVIII inhibitors, and relatively short exposure time to emicizumab. Disclosures Shang: F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company, Other: All authors received support for third party writing assistance, furnished by Scott Battle, PhD, provided by F. Hoffmann-La Roche, Basel, Switzerland.. Selak Bienz:F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd: Current Employment. Gadiraju:I am 50% shareholder in my own private limited company (Ravi Gadiraju Pharma Ltd): Current equity holder in private company; F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd, Safety Scientist (Mar 19 to current): Current Employment; Britannia Pharmaceuticals, Senior PV officer (Feb 17 to Mar 19): Ended employment in the past 24 months. Chang:Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Kuebler:Genentech, Inc.: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company.

Two newly-discovered specimens of the fish locomotion trace Undichna (U. britannica and Undichna isp.), are described from the Middle Devonian Achanarras Limestone Member (Caithness Flagstone Group, NE Scotland). Fish trace fossils have not previously been reported from the Achanarras Limestone Member, despite decades of study of the unit as a key locality for fish body fossils. The traces comprise discontinuous sinusoidal grooves; one showing multiple parallel incisions, created by the fins of an acanthodian fish swimming close to the substrate. The apparent absence of trace fossils attributable to infaunal or epifaunal benthic organisms suggests that the sediment at the bottom of the lake was relatively inhospitable. The low ichnodiversity of the Achanarras Limestone Member is likely due to low oxygen levels in the depositional environment.Thematic collection: This article is part of the Early Career Research collection available at: https://www.lyellcollection.org/cc/SJG-early-career-research


 
 
 Cyberspace is much celebrated because it is viewed as a disembodied realm of social interaction. The identity adopted in a chat room or a message board need not bear any resemblance to the physical, corporeal and material body that is so important in face-to-face interactions. This is seen to confer a transgressive potential to the individual to explore aspects of the self, particularly with regards to sexualities and gender identities which may otherwise be liable to stigma. However, to conceptualise cyberspace as disembodied actually involves a ‘very narrow construction of how we should conceive of this space and the activity that occurs within it’ (Whitty 344). In fact, a central tenet of online interaction rituals is the transmission of the body. The popularity of chat programmes (such as Microsoft Messenger), chat rooms and online dating sites necessitates individuals to construct and transmit the self to others through text. However, drawing on the work of Goffman, this article notes that such transmissions are frequently problematic. In particular, the content of transmission is often subject to ‘framing troubles’, can be purposefully falsified and, as such, may be regarded with suspicion.
 
 A close examination of ‘virtual’ interaction reveals that bodies are, in fact, everywhere. Online interaction is far better understood as the inability to escape from bodies, as opposed to some utopian conception of bodily transcendence. If online interaction is concerned with transmitting the self to others (and receiving the transmissions of others) then this self is always embodied (as is the other). These bodies tend to be constructed through textual descriptions and signifiers (although the increasing popularity of digital cameras and web cams may place an increasing reliance on the visibility of the physical body) and play a vital role in the online encounter. The body may not be visible to the eye, but its gender, ‘race’, (dis)abilities, age, and measurements are just as liable to judgement and classification online as they are offline.
 
 However, does the online body necessarily have to correspond to its offline counterpart? If the body is transmitted to others through text, then the body that this text acts to materialise may differ dramatically from its supposed corporeal blueprint. This discrepancy can be for two reasons. Firstly, texts are polysemic in nature. The ‘body’ decoded from the text by the audience may be different from that which the ‘author’ attempted to encode. Secondly, online interaction is also vulnerable to, what Goffman terms, fabrication. The following is an extract of an online interview conducted by John Campbell in his research into gay men’s use of Internet chat ‘channels’. The respondent (Younghung) had falsely informed another user (Britannic) on the channel of his body size and muscularity (stats):
 
 John: When Britannic first messaged you, he asked for stats?
 Younghung: yes, so he’d know what I looked like
 John: Where [were] your “stats” how you saw yourself offline?
 Younghung: no, they weren’t
 John: How did Britannic react when he received your “stats”?
 Younghung: he was very excited from what I could tell
 John: How did you feel when he responded that way?
 Younghung: it was fun, exciting …a sexual release 
 John: Why was it a sexual release?
 Younghung: it was a sexual release…sexual role playing…living out a fantasy for each of us.
 Younghung: just Britannic didn’t know it was a fantasy. (Campbell 154)
 
 
 The text-centred nature of online interaction allowed Younghung to construct and transmit a body that differed wildly from his corporeal ‘reality’ (which he himself described as ‘considerably obese and physically unattractive’; Campbell 153). In Goffman’s terms, this would be an instance of ‘framing trouble’ or ‘the matter of false assumptions and incorrect interpretations’ (Burns 287). Whilst Britannic had framed the encounters, and their content, as ‘reality’, Younghung had framed them as ‘play’. Thus, the body, transmitted online through text based interaction, is vulnerable to both fabrication and misinterpretation because of the ease with which framing troubles can occur. 
 
 However, it is important to resist the idea that online scenarios allow us to transmit any image of the self that we so desire. For many people, the liberatory capacity of the Internet is, and has always been, grounded in its potential to transform their real life ‘situations’. Thus, as Shilling argues, it is imperative to conceptualise the ways in which ‘cyberspace’ and ‘physical space’ interact and co-extend and the implications that this has on our transmissions. One example of this is with regards to Internet dating sites. As Hardey notes in his research, although these sites facilitate forms of online ‘chat’ between individuals, the explicit aim is to transfer such interaction offline through ‘real life’ meets and dates. As such, it is beneficial for the ‘presentation of self’ transmitted by an individual to correspond to their material and corporeal reality. 
 
 Furthermore, it is important to recognise how the limits of transmission are policed. In her research on Internet chat rooms, Bassett argues that hyper-gendered performances often led to feelings of suspicion in those who were audience to them. Similarly, in his ethnography on the trading of sexualised representations (‘sexpics’) in Internet chat rooms, Slater notes that the authenticity of the relationships and identities performed are constantly questioned. For example, ‘how can I trust or believe anyone or anything? How can I accept the other, or be myself accepted, as an ethical subject?’ (Slater 105). In both instances, evidence (such as photographs) may be sought to confer the ‘reality’ of the content of transmission.
 
 However, seeking out evidence to confirm or deny the content of the transmissions can actually have the effect of increasing our vulnerability to deception. For example, a male who wishes to explore a female identity online may transmit a female body to others through textual means, such as the use of a woman’s name and/or through the description of a body which is intended to be ‘read’ as female. To facilitate this, a hyper-feminine body may be constructed and transmitted. This, as already noted, may stir suspicion and lead the audience of this performance to seek proof of ‘sex’. In such instances, false evidence may be provided (such as a series of photographs of a particular woman who corresponds to the body already transmitted). The presence of this ‘evidence’ may be enough to relieve suspicion in the audience and to reassure them that they have framed the interaction and transmission correctly, even if this is not the case.
 
 Individuals bestow trust in evidence and its capacity to reveal the ‘truth’ of any situation which increases one’s vulnerability to fake evidence. Thus, the taking of pictures, or the accumulation of a collection of false/falsified representations, may be considered a mechanism for supporting the ‘presentation of self’ offered. As Goffman (466) notes, ‘he [sic] who would contain another may be advised to work his design on the moments before the scheduled activity, since then the dupe will be least wary’. This has dramatic effects on the content of online transmissions and how they are framed by those who receive them.
 
 As has been argued, bodies are central to the dynamics of online interaction. However, the transmission (and receiving) of these bodies can be particularly precarious. It is advantageous for many people to offer a presentation of the self that corresponds to their material, offline, reality. However, the anonymity that the Internet confers also provides an opportunity to explore new identities and new bodies and to actively transmit these to others. This, however, is limited by the suspicion that some performances, and online spaces in general, can arouse. It is thus vital to understand how people frame and understand online transmissions and how the ‘reality’ of online being/doing is confirmed. It will be interesting to witness the implications of further technological developments in the area of online communication. In particular, how will the proliferation of visual technologies limit or expand the possibilities of transmission?
 
 References
 
 Bassett, C. “Virtually Gendered in an On-Line World.” The Subcultures Reader. Ed. K. Gelder and S. Thornton. London: Routledge, 1997. Burns, T. Erving Goffman. London: Routledge, 1992. Campbell, J.E. Getting It On Online: Cyberspace, Gay Male Sexuality and Embodied Identity. New York: Harrington Park Press, 2004. Goffman, E. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1974. Hardey, M. “Life beyond the Screen: Embodiment and Identity through the Internet.” Sociological Review 50.4 (2002): 570-585. Shilling, C. The Body in Culture, Technology and Society. London: Sage, 2005. Slater, D.R. “Trading Sexpics on IRC: Embodiment and Authenticity on the Internet.” Body and Society 4.4 (1998): 91-117. Turkle, S. Life on the Screen. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995. Whitty, M.C. “Cyber-Flirting: Playing at Love on the Internet,” Theory and Psychology 13.3 (2003): 339-357.
 
 
 
 
 Citation reference for this article
 
 MLA Style
 Beusch, Danny. "Transmitting the Body in Online Interaction." M/C Journal 9.1 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0603/04-beusch.php>. APA Style
 Beusch, D. (Mar. 2006) "Transmitting the Body in Online Interaction," M/C Journal, 9(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0603/04-beusch.php>. 

The circumscription and composition of the Hyaloscyphaceae are controversial and based on poorly sampled or unsupported phylogenies. The generic limits within the hyaloscyphoid fungi are also very poorly understood. To address this issue, a robust five-gene Bayesian phylogeny (LSU, RPB1, RPB2, TEF-1α, mtSSU; 5521 bp) with a focus on the core group of Hyaloscyphaceae and Arachnopezizaceae is presented here, with comparative morphological and histochemical characters. A wide representative sampling of Hyaloscypha supports it as monophyletic and shows H. aureliella (subgenus Eupezizella) to be a strongly supported sister taxon. Reinforced by distinguishing morphological features, Eupezizella is here recognised as a separate genus, comprising E. aureliella, E. britannica, E. roseoguttata and E. nipponica (previously treated in Hyaloscypha). In a sister group to the Hyaloscypha-Eupezizella clade a new genus, Mimicoscypha, is created for three seldom collected and poorly understood species, M. lacrimiformis, M. mimica (nom. nov.) and M. paludosa, previously treated in Phialina, Hyalo­scypha and Eriopezia, respectively. The Arachnopezizaceae is polyphyletic, because Arachnoscypha forms a monophyletic group with Polydesmia pruinosa, distant to Arachnopeziza and Eriopezia; in addition, Arachnopeziza variepilosa represents an early diverging lineage in Hyaloscyphaceae s.str. The hyphae originating from the base of the apothecia in Arachnoscypha are considered anchoring hyphae (vs a subiculum) and Arachnoscypha is excluded from Arachnopezizaceae. A new genus, Resinoscypha, is established to accommodate Arachnopeziza variepilosa and A. monoseptata, originally described in Protounguicularia. Mimicoscypha and Resinoscypha are distinguished among hyaloscyphoid fungi by long tapering multiseptate hairs that are not dextrinoid or glassy, in combination with ectal excipulum cells with deep amyloid nodules. Unique to Resinoscypha is cyanophilous resinous content in the hairs concentrated at the apex and septa. Small intensely amyloid nodules in the hairs are furthermore characteristic for Resinoscypha and Eupezizella. To elucidate species limits and diversity in Arachnopeziza, mainly from Northern Europe, we applied genealogical concordance phylogenetic species recognition (GCPSR) using analyses of individual datasets (ITS, LSU, RPB1, RPB2, TEF-1α) and comparative morphology. Eight species were identified as highly supported and reciprocally monophyletic. Four of these are newly discovered species, with two formally described here, viz. A. estonica and A. ptilidiophila. In addition, Belonium sphagnisedum, which completely lacks prominent hairs, is here combined in Arachnopeziza, widening the concept of the genus. Numerous publicly available sequences named A. aurata represent A. delicatula and the confusion between these two species is clarified. An additional four singletons are considered to be distinct species, because they were genetically divergent from their sisters. A highly supported five-gene phylogeny of Arachnopezizaceae identified four major clades in Arachnopeziza, with Eriopezia as a sister group. Two of the clades include species with a strong connection to bryophytes; the third clade includes species growing on bulky woody substrates and with pigmented exudates on the hairs; and the fourth clade species with hyaline exudates growing on both bryophytes and hardwood. A morphological account is given of the composition of Hyaloscyphaceae and Arachnopezizaceae, including new observations on vital and histochemical characters.

In my article, "A New Sound; a New Sensation: A Cultural and Literary Reconsideration of the Motorcar in Modernity" (Ryder), I propose that "a range of semiotic engines" may be mobilised "to argue that, in the first quarter of the twentieth century, the motorcar is received as relatum profundis of freedom". In that 2019 article I further argue that, as Roland Barthes has indirectly proposed, the automobile fits into a "highway code" and into a broader "car system" in which its attributes—including its architectural details—are received as signs of liberation (Barthes Elements, 10, 29). While extending that argument, with near exclusive focus on F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (1925) and with special reference to the hero’s Rolls Royce, I argue here that the automobile is offered as a sign of both conquest and destruction; as both dream machine and vehicle of nightmare. This is not to suggest that the motorcar was, prior to 1925, seen in absolutely idealistic terms. Nor is it to suggest that by the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century the automobile had been unequivocally condemned. As observed in my 2019 article for the Southern Semiotic Review, while The Wind in the Willows (1908) is the first novel written in English to deal with the deleterious effects of the motorcar, "it is [nonetheless] impossible to find a literary text from the early part of the twentieth century that flatly condemns the machine". So, from Gatsby’s emblematic "circus wagon" to narrator Nick Carraway’s equally symbolic "Dodge", I argue that the motorcar is represented by Fitzgerald as an emblem of both dreams and wreckage.The first motorcar noted in The Great Gatsby is the "old Dodge" belonging to Nick Carraway—the novel’s narrator and greatest dodger (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 17). Dreaming of success, and having declared himself restless, Nick claims to have come East to try his luck in the bond business (16). But, reflecting a propensity to dishonesty, the unreliable narrator (Abrams, 168) eventually reveals that at least one of the reasons for his migration East is to escape his emotional responsibilities to a girl "out West" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 30); a girl to whom he continues to write letters signed "Love, Nick" (61). While these notions of being dodgy and dodging—and their connection to Carraway’s car—seem to have escaped the attention of commentators, several have nonetheless observed that the make suits its owner for another reason: a work-a-day mass-produced machine, the vehicle is surely a sign of the narrator’s conservatism. Tad Burness, for instance, notes that in the early twentieth century the Dodge was a make that particularly appealed to conservative and careful drivers (91). Certainly, the Dodge brothers’ advertising of the nineteen-twenties, which steadfastly emphasised staunchness and stability, reinforces this conclusion. The make, therefore, is entirely appropriate to Nick: a man who evades the vicissitudes of romance; who shuns excitement, who aligns himself with mainstream Midwestern values, who identifies more with the mechanical than with the human, and who, until the very end, fails to commit to the extraordinary. Apropos, in reviewing the manuscript of Gatsby, Keath Fraser records an exchange between Jordan Baker and Nick Carraway that was finally, and perhaps unfortunately, excised: "You appeal to me,” she said suddenly as we strolled away.“You’re sort of slow and steady ... you’ve got everything adjusted just right.” (Qtd. in Bloom, 67)To have been included at the end of the third chapter, Jordan’s assessment of Nick suggests that the narrator has over-tuned the cognitive machinery necessary to navigation through a social milieu to which he does not belong. While Fitzgerald may have felt this to be too blunt a narrative tool, the ‘slow and steady’ approach to life attributed to Nick in the finished novel clearly suggests that the narrator lives life by the manual.It may be argued, then, that while ostensibly facilitating a new start and an associated desire for upward social mobility, Nick’s old Dodge symbolises a perfunctory approach to the business of living, a shabby escape from a "tangle back home", and an escape from self (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 61). Certainly, it represents no "on the road" conquest. Indeed, Nick’s clinical and mechanical approach to life comes close to ruining him. Short of his identification with Gatsby at the end—and the subsequent telling of a tragic tale—Nick is an archetypal loser. While claiming to identify with the "racy, adventurous" feel of New York (59), his instinct is to fall back on "interior rules that act as brakes on [his] desires" (61). He therefore fails to connect with Jordan Baker—his racy and attractive would-be lover, herself named after the Jordan Playboy automobile: the "first car to be marketed on emotional appeal alone" (Heimann and Patton, 14). So, it turns out that Nick is one of life’s "rotten drivers" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 60)—an accusation he ironically levels at Jordan Baker who eventually tackles him on this point:"You said a bad driver was only safe until she met another bad driver? Well, I met another bad driver, didn’t I? I mean it was careless of me to make such a wrong guess. I thought you were rather an honest, straightforward person." (154)As Fraser has pointed out, the mechanical and shifty Nick is far from honest (Bloom, 68). Rather than achieving any sort of emotional consummation, his already muted desires idle, misfire, or stall. Declaring himself to be "one of the few honest people that [he has] ever known" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 154), Nick’s self-deception is, from the outset, complete. Left without the stimulus of the hero, one wonders if perhaps Nick might become a George B. Wilson.Despite his dream of pecuniary success (something shared with Nick Carraway), garage proprietor George B. Wilson is impoverished by the automobile. A dissolute dealer in second-hand machines, this once-handsome but "spiritless man" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 33) has worked for years on scant margins. James Flink notes that dealers in used automobiles had a particularly hard time in the mid to late 1920s when profits on sales were very slight (144). The fact that Wilson is a second-hand car dealer also reinforces that everything else in his life is second-hand: built on the enterprise of others, his dream is second hand; his premises are second-hand; even his wife is second-hand. And, of course, he himself is used. Fitzgerald, then, is at pains to highlight the cultural meaning of the common or inferior car. Indeed, in the dark recesses of Wilson’s garage—which itself rests precariously on the edge of a wasteland under the faded and failed eyes of Doctor T. J. Eckleburg—sits a "dust-covered wreck of a Ford" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 33). Emblematic of the garage proprietor’s broken dreams, Wilson’s psychic paralysis is variously foregrounded—principally by the broken car. Here we have nothing less than Heidegger’s das Gestell: the mechanised consciousness as discussed in his essay "The Question Concerning Technology" (in Krell, 227). Significantly, only automobiles elicit a spark of interest from Wilson—but the irony, as suggested above, is that these are signs of the technical spirit to which he has so utterly acquiesced.It is often, if not always, the case in Gatsby that automobiles signpost derailed agency and, therefore, broken dreams. After all, Gatsby’s own death and funeral are foreshadowed through the automobile. In the first chapter, for example, Nick tells his cousin Daisy that "all the cars in Chicago have the left rear wheel painted black as a mourning wreath" for her (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 22). More portentously, during Nick and Gatsby’s drive to Astoria, "a dead man" passes the hero’s Rolls-Royce "in a hearse heaped with blooms" (68). While Myrtle’s death and Gatsby’s murder are contemporaneously suggested, in this emblematic tableau Gatsby’s Rolls-Royce is also overtaken by a limousine—and so the final chapter’s depressing "procession of three cars" is subtly anticipated (153). A "horribly black and wet" motor hearse bears Gatsby’s corpse to the cemetery while the narrator arrives with Gatsby’s father and the minister in a limousine. Then come the servants and the postman in Gatsby’s yellow station wagon. That the yellow and black cars are so incongruously and so tragically juxtaposed is a structurally and semantically significant feature of the text. The yellow car that once bore cheerful guests to Gatsby’s parties now follows the black hearse—the novel’s ultimate and, arguably, most awful death car. Thus, Fitzgerald presents us with one last reminder that, corrupted by our materialistic drives, our dreams wither and die; that there is, in the end, no magic.As Robert Long points out, however, the manuscript of Gatsby confirms that Fitzgerald had originally intended such foreshadowing to be much more obvious. For instance, in the manuscript, when Gatsby drives Nick to New York he declares his car to be "the handsomest in New York" and that he "wouldn’t want to ride around in a big hearse like some of those fellas do" (Long, 193). Further confirmation of Fitzgerald’s determination to mute the novel’s funereal symbolism is provided in chapter two when, along with the word "sepulchrally", the phrase "reeks of death" is crossed out (Long, 194). As published, then, the automobile travels much more subtly in The Great Gatsby. While a ghostly machine turns up to the hero’s house shortly after the funeral, the end of the road for Nick is suggested when he sells his plain old Dodge to a plain old grocer (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 157-158).The counterpoint to Nick’s old Dodge is, of course, Gatsby’s magnificent Rolls Royce: literature’s ultimate dream car. C.S. Rolls knew very well that his automobile was the new haute couture of the privileged. In his famous article on motorcars in the 1911 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, he declares the upmarket machine to be "the private carriage of the wealthier classes to be used on all occasions" (223). To set it apart from competitors, the Rolls Royce not only offered an extraordinarily robust and responsive chassis, but boasted bodywork hand-crafted by a range of highly skilled artisans. W.A. Robotham writes that "one of the more fascinating aspects of Rolls-Royce car production in the twenties was the manufacture of the body at the many coachbuilding establishments that existed in London, the provinces, and Paris" (14). Once an order for a chassis was placed, an appointed carrossier would prescribe and detail coachwork and agonise over every internal appointment. With its "interior of glittering plate glass and rich morocco", the unnamed machine that so hopelessly besots the Toad in the third chapter of The Wind in the Willows is undoubtedly the result of such a special order—and seems likely to have goaded Fitzgerald into a fit of imitation (Grahame, 30). Apposite to a novel that contrasts dream and reality and pertinent to the near nonchalant agency of its wraithlike, almost ethereal, hero, Gatsby’s car is a cream-yellow Rolls Royce: a Silver Ghost. When C.S. Rolls conceived the model, he wrote: "the motion of the car must be absolutely silent. The car must be free from the objectionable rattling and buzzing and inconvenience of chains. ... The engine must be smokeless and odourless" (Robson, 27). Reflecting its whisper-quiet locomotion and its extensive use of silver, nickel, and aluminium plating, Rolls’s partner Claude Johnson gave the model its perfect name. Manufactured between 1906 and 1925, the Silver Ghost was the automobile of choice for F. Scott Fitzgerald himself. In 1922, the year in which Gatsby is set, Scott and his wife Zelda owned a second-hand Silver Ghost which they drove, with much joy, between Great Neck and New York. Here, then, lies one of those rare and fortuitous connections between one’s personal drives and one’s work; really, the hero of Fitzgerald’s third novel could have no other motorcar.Like the machine he drives, and in keeping with Roland Barthes’ idea that automobiles are somehow "magical" (Mythologies, 88), Gatsby would appear to have arrived from the heavens. Ghost-like, he glides in and out of the narrative and is, moreover, ineluctably associated with silver. He has pursued silver for much of his life and is, on numerous occasions, specifically identified with this powerful symbol of privilege and betrayal. While Nick finds him "regarding the silver pepper of the stars" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 31), later the "pale", wraithlike hero wears a "silver shirt" (80). So much the object of Gatsby’s yearnings, along with Jordan Baker, Daisy Buchanan is likened to a "silver idol" (105), has a "voice full of money", and wears a hat of "metallic cloth" (109). A trophy held in hopeless memory, Daisy may be said to be one of an extensive collection of enchanted objects beheld and worshipped by an all-too-flawed hero—but while Fitzgerald’s numerous references to silver undoubtedly highlight a double-edged significance, it is nonetheless suggestions of glamour that first strike us. Early in the novel, then, aside from the portentous foreshadowing of disasters to come, Gatsby’s car emerges as a powerful archetype: an image coupled with enormous emotive significance (Jung, 87); a sign of uncompromised and near-miraculous opulence. Terraced with windshields and sporting a green leather interior, his magnificent cream-yellow Rolls Royce is "bright with nickel" (a very expensive plating used for Rolls Royce radiators) and is "swollen here and there in its monstrous length with triumphant hat-boxes and supper boxes and tool boxes" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 64). Fitzgerald’s parataxis here seems to encourage breathless awe at the near obscene luxury of the vehicle, yet the depiction is historically accurate.In an Autocar article of 1921 there appears a closely-annotated plan of a two-seater Rolls Royce. Numerous fittings are noted: food lockers, tool cupboards, hot-and-cold water-locker, wash-basin compartment, spares cupboard, kodak photography compartment, cooking utensil compartment, suit and dressing cases, spare accumulator compartment, and recess for spare petroleum tins (Garnier and Allport, 50). Like Toad’s, Gatsby’s chimerical car is undoubtedly the creation of a carrossier. Its standard of appointment, moreover, suggests royal status. Since the Rolls-Royce is an English car, its presence in America, where it was manufactured under licence for a time, also points to a desire to recapture something left behind. This, as all readers of Fitzgerald will know, is a major thematic thread in Gatsby. To be explored in a forthcoming article, the relationship between this theme of "backing up" (that is, recapturing the past) and representations of the motorcar in the novel is profound, but for the moment I focus on the Silver Ghost as a sign of Gatsby’s outrageous aristocratic pretensions. Perhaps an expression of Fitzgerald’s own fantasy that he wasn’t the son of his parents at all, but the child of a world-ruling king, Gatsby claims to have lived "like a young rajah in all the capitals of Europe" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 65). If not actually a Rolls-Royce-loving rajah, Gatsby certainly lives like a king and even signs himself "in a majestic hand" (47). Indeed, in these senses and more, the hero is "circus master" and performer par excellence.As a letter from Fitzgerald to Maxwell Perkins tells us, Petronius’s Satyrica furnished one of several alternative titles for Gatsby (Fitzgerald Letters, 169). Pointing to a delight in comedic hedonism, "Trimalchio in West Egg" was one of several titular options entertained by Fitzgerald (Gatsby is actually referred to as Trimalchio at the start of the novel’s seventh chapter) and so it is fitting that Brian Way declares Gatsby’s Rolls Royce to be "not so much a means of transport as a theatrical gesture"—one commensurate with the hero’s "non-stop theatrical performance" (Way in Bloom, 102). Similarly, in their 2019 article "Comfortably Cocooned: Onboard Media and Sydney’s Ongoing Gridlock", Richardson and Ryder argue that the automobile is far greater than the sum of its collective parts. In a similar vein, Leo Marx writes that Gatsby has about him a "gratifying sense of a dream about to be consummated" and argues that the hero’s dream car is one of many objects in the novel that speak to Gatsby’s attempt to locate, in the real world, the stuff of unutterable visions (Marx, 77). As "circus wagon" (Fitzgerald Great Gatsby, 109), the machine also makes a substantial contribution to Fitzgerald’s comedy of the excess: cars driven by clowns at circuses stereotypically seem to operate according to a set of physical laws distinct from those governing the real world. However, with its "fenders spread like wings" (67), the hero’s car seems destined to fly. But, like Daisy’s white roadster, a machine that ironically bespeaks innocence and purity while sitting portentously "under … dripping bare lilac-trees" (81), Gatsby’s machine—one of the most heavenly automobiles in literature—is also literature’s most famous death car. While, in the end, the make of the killing machine is not spelled out for us, we may nonetheless be sure that it is Gatsby’s ever-so-aptly owned Silver Ghost. After the dreadful accident in the seventh chapter, the fender of the hero’s carefully hidden open car is in need of repair. That the death car is an open one is highlighted for us before the accident, when Gatsby feels the pleated leather seats of the machine that will mow Myrtle down. The point is reinforced in chapter eight, after the accident, when Gatsby orders that his open car not be taken out. Moreover, while automobile upholstery specification varied in the nineteen-twenties, open cars generally had pleated leather seat cushions while mohair or broadcloth featured in closed tourers. This, too, narrows down the options confronting readers. Finally, the focus on the Rolls Royce’s great fenders (these are referred to at least three times before Myrtle is killed) also establishes a clear connection between the calamity and Gatsby’s "winged" Rolls. And, finally, there is the crucial matter of the ambiguous paintwork.Nick tells us that Gatsby’s Rolls-Royce is a "rich cream colour" (64) while Mavro Michaelis claims that the death car is "light green" (123). Another witness to the accident claims that the vehicle involved is "a yellow car"; "a big yellow car" (125). In fact, they are all right. Like Gatsby himself, his motorcar suggests one thing at one time and another at another. From about the mid-nineteen-tens, Rolls-Royce painted a good many Silver Ghosts a rather uncertain cream-yellow and, in fading light, the lacquer betrays a greenish hue. We remember that the party drives "towards death through the cooling twilight" (122); that Myrtle runs out "into the dusk"; and that the death car comes "out of gathering darkness" (123). While an earlier 1914 model, there is an excellent example of this ambiguous colour used on a Silver Ghost in Turin’s Museo dell’automobile. Finally, of course, the many references to ‘ghosts’ and to ‘silver’ connected with both the hero and Daisy Buchanan cannot be considered accidental. In one of modern literature’s greatest novels, then, behind the dream of the automobile falls the depressingly foul dust of betrayal and death.ReferencesAbrams, Meyer H. A Glossary of Literary Terms. Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1957/1993.Barthes, Roland. Elements of Semiology. Trans. A. Lavers. NY: Hill and Wang, 1964/1977.———. Mythologies. Trans. A. Lavers. NY: Hill & Wang, 1957/1974.Bloom, Harold, ed. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby: Modern Critical Interpretations. NY: Chelsea House, 1986.Burness, Tad. Cars of the Early Twenties. NY: Galahad, 1968.Fitzgerald, F. Scott. The Great Gatsby. London: The Folio Society, 1926/1968.———. The Letters of F. Scott Fitzgerald. Ed. A. Turnbull. London: The Bodley Head, 1964.Flink, James. The Car Culture. Mass.: MIT Press, 1975.Garnier, Peter, and Warren Allport. Rolls Royce: From the Archives of Autocar. London: Hamlyn, 1978.Grahame, Kenneth. The Wind in the Willows. NY: Methuen, 1908/1980.Heimann, Jim, and Phil Patton. 20th Century Classic Cars. Köln: Taschen, 2009/2015.Jung, Carl G. Man and His Symbols. NY: Dell, 1964/1984.Krell, David, ed. Heidegger: Basic Writings. London: Routledge, 2011.Long, Robert E. The Achieving of The Great Gatsby. London: Bucknell UP., 1979.Marx, Leo. "The Puzzle of Anti-Urbanism in Classic American Literature." Literature & Urban Experience: Essays on the City and Literature. Eds. M.C. Jaye and A.C. Watts. New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 1981.Richardson, Nicholas, and Paul Ryder. "Comfortably Cocooned: Onboard Media and Sydney’s Ongoing Gridlock." Global Media Journal (Australian Edition) 13.1 (2019). 1 Mar. 2020 <https://www.hca.westernsydney.edu.au/gmjau/?p=3302>.Robotham, W. Arthur. Silver Ghosts & Silver Dawn. London: Constable & Co., 1970.Robson, Graham. Man and the Automobile. Maidenhead: McGraw Hill, 1979.Rolls, Charles S. In Encyclopaedia Britannica. Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1911.Ryder, Paul. "A New Sound; A New Sensation: A Cultural and Literary Reconsideration of the Motorcar in Modernity." Southern Semiotic Review 11 (2019). 1 Mar. 2020 <http://www.southernsemioticreview.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Ryder_Issue-11_1_-2019-SSR.pdf>.

The release of the Urban issue of M/C a journal of media and culture is particularly timely. This same month, the United Nations General Assembly is hosting the World Urban Forum [http://www.unhabitat.org], designated as an advisory body to support implementation of the Habitat Agenda and to meet the Millennium Development goal of improving living conditions of slum dwellers throughout the globe. Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka, Executive Director of UN-Habitat, promotes the forum by asking us to imagine a world without slums, replaced with productive and inclusive cities that meet the needs of all their citizens, rich and poor alike (Guardian Weekly, 11 April). The focus of the World Urban Forum might serve to remind us that what characterises a particular use of space as urban is not its status as a built environment but the degree to which its habitudes facilitate a lived environment. It is the experience rather than the artefact which constitutes the urban. To put the same point in a rather more banal way, it is not the street but the motion of the pedestrians, commuters upon the street that marks out the trajectories and shapes of urban life. Yet there is also in Tibaijuka's sales pitch for the World Urban Forum a fundamental contradiction that cannot be ignored here. The vision of cities meeting the needs of all citizens seems to invert the ancient logic of civitas, the city appropriate to the needs of its inhabitants, because this vision is blinkered against the economies of scale (and the scale of economics) from which urbanisation proceeds. Rich and poor alike: there is a suggestion here that class or wealth precedes the formulation of needs that a city may be developed to accommodate, as if class structures are not bound up in the lines of demarcation and divisions of space separating the good side of the tracks from the bad. Being able to imagine a world without slums, without resorting to utopian idealisations, requires a realistic acceptance that citizenship and the city emerge togetherthe latter is not built from scratch to meet the needs of a pre-existing citizenry. The urban might indeed be usefully thought of as the site of emergence for both the city and its citizenry, the mode of becoming-civic. Thus, it is important to keep in mind the specificity of the urban experience and to account for this experience, in some sense, on its own terms. Once upon a time, it was fashionable to define the city in opposition to the country. Of course, there is something to be said for this kind of differentiation. A quick drive from Brisbane out through the western suburbs and onwards toward the Darling Downs may remind the traveller of how different from each other the city and the country really are: they look different, they smell different, they seem to function at different rates and on different timescales. Yet we may wonder if the inhabitant of an apartment block in New York ever conceives of her life in terms of its difference from that of the farmer whose agrarian lifestyle she has never encountered. Life in the city is not experienced in terms of something other than city life. Life in the city simply is life in the city. Just as the emphasis on practised and lived space directs our attention to the everyday and the mundane, sites of banality that Benjamin once insisted were crucial sites of political and cultural importance, the attempts of urban theorists to capture the quotidian result in a series of impasses including high/low and theory/practice antinomies. If we are still caught in residual thinking in which, as Lefebvre remarked, a city of nightmares is only countered by a city of dreams, then we are still a far cry away from appreciating the complexities and contradictions of lived and practised urban space. We are even further away from--perhaps too far above--addressing the plight of the slum dweller that the World Urban Forum urges we must. Caught within a theory-practice fold, a desire to plan the utopian quest must always be tempered by a cautious approach. Looking back to modernity's plans and some of the disasters of urban planning, we recognise a continual catapaulting of the urban into the realm of danger and chaos. Importantly, these realms unfold in such a way that they encompass both the level of individual experience and global processes. Indeed, as these words were being written, an explosion in a tower in New York sent shudders through the population: was this another terrorist attack? The types of experiences defining urban life have undergone a major transformation in the last six months, a paradigm shift of sorts, collapsing the range of possible urban experiences into the discourse of terror and the political (and economic) ends it serves. The World Urban Forum represents another way in which the paradigm of the urban is being redefined on a global scale, although the mechanisms of change it institutes will no doubt be more gradual, and we might wonder whether they will be anywhere near as effective. The urban issue Fresh on the heels of the 'fear' issue of M/C, this 'urban' issue again raises the politics of fear. The city is perhaps the prime scene and space of fear. Vocabularies of fear produce and generate the meanings in which the city is lived. It might be politically motivated then to claim the city's deemed disorder as liveable. Indeed, many of the contributions to this issue seem to address issues of representing the urban: how do we mark out this terrain for ourselves. As our feature article by Gerard Goggin suggests, the boundaries of the city are a slippery signifier upon which to place any demarcation of urban experience. Divisions such as city and country, urban and suburban, collapse under the weight of the sprawl of human movements and settlements that might more accurately be represented by the concept of the con-urban. While the boundaries of the city are indeed slippery, one of its common limits has been placed at the sub-urban. In Re-writing Suburbia, Emily Bullock brings that often rejected space to bear on considerations of the urban. Tying the suburban to dreams of home ownership and to dreams of nationness, Bullock finds in Suneeta Peres da Costa's recent novel Homework a textual space that subverts the suburban Australian dream without re-invigorating the urban-suburban binary. The limits of how we define urban life are also tested by the question of scale, between the level of individual experience and global paradigm shifts, for example. One way of working through this issue is suggested by David Prater and Sarah Miller, who focus on the paradox of considering the privatised, physically disengaged human behaviour of internet use undertaken within the public space of the internet cafe. Their analysis of this practice points us towards implications for thinking about notions of the public and private in the contemporary city. Chris McConville also examines the limits of the urban via the relationship between what we might conventionally consider to be urban and that which is urbane. Using a reading of some of the classic private detective figures, McConville demonstrates that in the imaginative realm of popular fiction, a figure such as the detective type provides us with many of the images we use to construct representations of our own cityscapes. The link between imagined and real experiences through the medium of popular fiction also crosses over into class and gender constructions, just as the built environment feeds back into the detective fiction genre as one of its conventional parameters. Perhaps it is only inevitable that the politics of fear and the shaping of what Mike Davis calls defensible space characterises so much of urban living and scheming. Coming from an urban planning background, Simon Bennett theorises Brisbane urban planners' inculcation of safety principles and locates this practice in longstanding imaginative and discursive productions of the urban from a number of quarters. The desire to make safe, Bennett argues, banishes from the city the imaginative spur it might otherwise contain and depletes community networks. The city becomes merely a place to which we commute: unliveable but economically functional. Liveability is also at issue in John Scannell's contribution. In his tracing of the graffiti artist's tracing of the American city, Scannell reveals a reappropriation of urban space by those relegated to the urban squalor and left behind in the great American post-war suburban exodus. But, for the graffiti artist, like the underground dweller, urban decay becomes a site of potential and promise: the city as a liveable and intimately habitable space that the graffiti artist inscribes and practices as her own. Life underground, or below the radar of conventional analysis, also interests our next two contributions. Jason Wilson looks to the often overlooked space of the arcade, likening it to modernity's cinematic and spectator spaces. Finding in the game player another urban fringe dweller, Wilson tracks the liminal spatiality of arcades and its practitioners who, he shows, resist the pastoral longings and projections of the game player to a backstreet urban scene. From a more literal perspective, Marise Williams puts the ethics of de Certeau's down below wandersmänner to work to consider the potential offered for those city dwellers who chose to live, quite literally, underground. In her reading of Colum McCann's This Side of Brightness, Williams suggests that a world without slums might potentially amount to a flattened world without difference. But the difficulty resides in the way these spaces are demarcated and bound up in increasingly calcified class lines that the poststructuralist move towards down below and proclamation of the street--to use an explicitly urban metaphor--might be said to efface in imagining the choice to slum (something one does for kicks) as an option available to all. Aaron Darrell is not interested so much in down below as he is with underneath. As he documents the pivotal cultural and colonising role the museum had maintained in ordering urban space and policies of heritage and history, he questions whose history find its way into Sydney's Hyde Park Barracks Musuem. He then invites us to consider what happens when an unexpected, surfaced over history appears and is reclaimed within the discursive and framing apparatus of the institution. Writing the city as he traverses it, Felix Cheong discusses the imaginative spur the city has long provided poets. In a Poet's Sense of the City, Cheong writes about a city in which life in the city can be nothing but. Lacking the props and boundaries of country and suburban, Singapore as city-state fascinates Cheong's poetic insider, yet distanced, perspective. Using the poet's eye, Linda Neil's Sunflowers complicates postmodern pleasurable choices on offer for the mobile flaneuse in a fictive piece that sweeps our readers along its own Mrs. Dallowayesque promenade of Sydney, art, depression and sunflowers. The role of creativity in shaping the production of urban spaces is central to Nityanand Deckha's article on the Cool Britannia phenomenon. Deckha's analysis of BritSpaceTM demonstrates the ephemeral nature of such productions, yet also suggests that creativity lends to such productions their capacity for re-production. The disparate components of the creative quartercopy, print, art supply and film developing stores, hip cafes and restaurants, galleries, studios, loft conversions and street furniture--combine to form a recognizable and potentially iterative matrix, overlaid on existing spaces. The urban is thus a potentially limitless site for expression, even as the confines of the prevailing discourses attempt to limit its scale. City life has been heralded and promoted recently as the space of sex and freedom, despite the dominance of fear in constructions of the urban. Emma Felton takes this dilemma on board in a review of feminist urban theorists and frames her reading of the safe (but risqué) city locally and personally and wonders what delights the city holds for women in the past and for future generations. Felton's reflection on the changing face of the city for women is crucial especially when the city is still related to female sexuality, a metaphorical tendency Felton reveals in a collection of urban commentators and theorists. Links http://www.unhabitat.org/ Citation reference for this article MLA Style Johnson, Laurie and Kulperger, Shelley. "Editorial" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/editorial.php>. Chicago Style Johnson, Laurie and Kulperger, Shelley, "Editorial" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/editorial.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Johnson, Laurie and Kulperger, Shelley. (2002) Editorial. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/editorial.php> ([your date of access]).

India has one of the world’s highest proportions of plant-based consumers relative to its total population (Sawe). However, the view that India is a predominantly vegetarian nation is likely inaccurate, as recent findings from the 2014 Indian Census indicate that only three in ten Indians self-identity as vegetarian (Census of India). Other studies similarly estimate the prevalence of vegetarianism to range from about 25% (Mintel Global) to about 40% (Euromonitor International; Statista, “Share”), and many Indians are shifting from strict plant-based diets to more flexible versions of plant-based eating (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations). When it comes to meat eating, poultry is the most widely consumed (USDA Foreign Agricultural Service; Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). Some claim that the changing consumer landscape is also eroding traditional taboos associated with beef and buffalo meat consumption (Kala; Bansal), with many tending to underreport their meat consumption due to religious and cultural stigmas (Bansal).This change in food choices is driven by several factors, such as increasing urbanisation (Devi et al.), rising disposable incomes (Devi et al.; Rukhmini), globalisation, and cross-cultural influences (Majumdar; Sinha). Today, the urban middle-class is one of India’s fastest growing consumer segments (Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania), and the rise in the consumption of animal products is primarily occurring in urban India (National Sample Survey Office), making this an important market to investigate.From a global perspective, while many Western nations are increasingly adopting plant-based diets (Eswaran), the growth in meat consumption is predicted to mainly come from emerging markets (OECD/FAO) like India. With these points in mind, the purpose of this study was to explore contemporary eating practices in urban India and to understand how social structures, cultures, and traditions influence these practices. The findings indicate that the key reasons why many are transitioning away from plant-based diets are the rise of new and diverse meat-based foods in urban India, emerging tastes for meat-based cuisines, and meat becoming to be viewed as a status symbol. These factors are further elaborated upon in this article.MethodA key question of this research was “What are eating practices like in urban India today?” The question itself is a challenge, given India’s varied cultures and traditions, along with its myriad eating practices. Given this diversity, the study used an exploratory qualitative approach, where the main mode of data gathering was twenty-five unstructured individual face-to-face interviews, each approximately sixty minutes in duration. The discussions were left largely open to allow participants to share their unique eating practices and reflect on how their practices are shaped by other socio-cultural practices. The research used an iterative study design, which entailed cycles of simultaneous data collection, analysis, and subsequent adaptations made to some questions to refine the emerging theory. Within the defined parameters of the research objectives, saturation was adequately reached upon completion of twenty-five interviews.The sample comprised Mumbai residents aged 23 to 45 years, which is fairly representative given about a third of India’s population is aged under 40 (Central Intelligence Agency). Mumbai was selected as it is one of India’s largest cities (Central Intelligence Agency) and is considered the country’s commercial capital (Raghavan) and multicultural hub (Gulliver). The interviews were conducted at a popular restaurant in downtown Mumbai. The interviews were conducted predominantly in English, as it is India’s subsidiary official language (Central Intelligence Agency) and the participants were comfortable conversing in English. The sample included participants from two of India’s largest religions—Hindus (80%) and Muslims (13%) (Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India), and comprised an even split of males and females.The Market Research Society of India has developed a socio-economic classification (SEC) grid that segments urban households into twelve groups (Market Research Society of India). This segmentation is based on two questions: level of education—from illiteracy to a postgraduate degree—and the ownership of eleven items that range from fairly basic (e.g., electricity connection, gas stove) to relatively sophisticated (e.g., refrigerator, personal computer). As previous qualitative work has found that education levels and disposable incomes can significantly impact one’s ability to make informed and deliberate food choices (Khara), and given meat is a relatively expensive commodity in India (Puskar-Pasewicz), the study focused on the most affluent segments—i.e., SEC A1 and some of SEC A2.It is said that researcher values and predispositions are to some extent inseparable from the research process, and therefore that potential researcher bias must be managed by being self-aware, looking for contradictory data, and being open to different interpretations of the data (Ogden). As the interviewer is a vegan of Indian ethnicity, she attempted to manage researcher bias in several ways. Triangulation of data sources (e.g., interviews, observations, product analysis) helped provide a multi-faceted understanding of the topic (Patton). The discussion guide and findings were also discussed with researchers from different cultural and dietary backgrounds. It is also argued that when a researcher shares the same background as the participants—as was the case in this study—participants may remain silent on certain issues, as they may assume the researcher knows the context and nuances in relation to these issues (McGinn). This arose in some instances as some participants said, “it’s standard stuff you know?” The interviewer hence took an “outsider” role, stating “I’ll need to know what standard stuff is”, so as to reduce any expectation that she ought to understand the social norms, conventions, and cultural practices related to the issue (Leckie). This helped yield more elaborate discussions and greater insight into the topic from the participant’s own unique perspective.The Rise of New and Diverse Meat-based Foods in Urban India Since the early 1990s, which marked the beginning of globalisation in India, urban Indian food culture has undergone a significant change as food imports have been liberalised and international food brands have made their way into the domestic market (Vepa). As a result, India’s major urban centres appear to be witnessing a food revolution:Bombay has become so metropolitan, I mean it always was but it’s so much more in terms of food now … and it’s so tempting. (Female, age 32)The changing food culture has also seen an increase in new dishes, such as a lamb burger stuffed with blue cheese, and the desire to try out exotic meats such as octopus, camel, rabbit, and emu. Many participants described themselves as “food obsessed” and living in a “present and continuous state of food”, where “we finish a meal and we’ve already started discussing our next meal”.In comparison, traditional plant-based foods were seen to have not undergone the same transformation and were described as “boring” and “standard” in comparison to the more interesting and diverse meat-based dishes:a standard restaurant menu, you don’t have all the different leafy vegetables…It’s mostly a few paneer and this or that—and upon that they don’t do much justice to the vegetable itself. It’s the same masala which they mix in it so everything tastes the same to me. So that’s a big difference when you consider meats. If I eat chicken in different preparations it has a different taste, if I have fish each has a different taste. (Male, age 29)If I’m going out and I’m spending, then I’m not going to eat the same thing which I eat at home every day which is veg food ... I will always pick the non-vegetarian option. (Male, age 32)Liberalisation and the transformation of the local media landscape also appears to have encouraged a new form of consumerism (Sinha). One participant described how an array of new TV channels and programmes have opened up new horizons for food:The whole visual attraction of food, getting it into your living room or into your bedroom and showing you all this great stuff … [There are now] kiddie birthdays which are MasterChef birthdays. There are MasterChef team building activities … So food is very big and I think media has had a very, very large role to play in that. (Female, age 40+)In a similar vein, digital media has also helped shape the food revolution. India has the world’s second largest number of Internet users (Statista, Internet) and new technology seems to have changed the way urban Indians interact with food:We are using social sites. We see all the cooking tips and all the recipes. I have a wife and she’s like, “Oh, let’s cook it!” (Male, age 25)I see everything on YouTube and food channels and all that. I really like the presentation, how they just a little they cook the chicken breast. (Female, age 42)Smartphones and apps have also made access to new cuisines easier, and some participants have become accustomed to instant gratification, givendelivery boys who can satisfy your craving by delivering it to you … You order food from “Zomato” at twelve o’clock, one o’clock also. And order from “Sigree” in the morning also nowadays … more delivery options are there in India. (Male, age 30)This may also partially explain the growing popularity of fusion foods, which include meat-based variations of traditional plant-based dishes, such as meat-filled dosas and parathas.Emerging Tastes for Meat-based Cuisines Many highlighted the sensory pleasure derived from meat eating itself, focusing on a broad range of sensory qualities:There’s the texture, there’s the smell, there’s aroma, there’s the taste itself … Now imagine if chicken or beef was as soft as paneer, we probably wouldn’t enjoy it as much. There’s a bit of that pull. (Female, age 32)Some discussed adopting a plant-based diet for health-related reasons but also highlighted that the experience, overall, was short of satisfactory:I was doing one week of GM Diet … one day it was full of fruits, then one day it was full of vegetables. And then in the third day, when it was actually the chicken part, frankly speaking even I enjoyed … you just cannot have veggies everyday. (Female, age 35)Only eating veg, I think my whole mouth was, I think gone bad. Because I really wanted to have something … keema [minced meat]. (Female, age 38)Plant-based foods, in comparison to meat-based dishes, were described as “bland”, “boring”, and lacking in the “umami zing”. Even if cooked in the same spices, plant-based foods were still seen to be wanting:you have chicken curry and soya bean curry made from the same masala … but if you replace meat with some other substitutes, you’re gonna be able to tell the difference ... the taste of meat, I feel, is better than the taste of a vegetable. (Male, age 32)The thing is, vegetarian dishes are bland … They don’t get the feeling of the spices in the vegetarian dish ... So when you are eating something juicy, having a bite, it’s a mouthful thing. Vegetarian dishes are not mouthful. (Male, age 25)At the end of a vegetarian meal … I think that maybe [it is] a lack of fullness … I’m eating less because you get bored after a while. (Female, age 32)Tasting the Forbidden FruitIn India, chicken is considered to be widely acceptable, as pork is forbidden to Muslims and beef is prohibited for Hindus (Devi et al.; Jishnu). However, the desire for new flavours seems to be pushing the boundaries of what is deemed acceptable, as highlighted in the discussion below with a 25-year-old male Muslim participant:Participant: When I go out with my friends then I try new things like bacon.Moderator: Bacon?Participant: Yeah... when I went with my colleagues to this restaurant in Bandra—it’s called Saltwater Cafe. And they had this chicken burger with bacon wrapped on it.Moderator: Okay.Participant: And I didn’t know at the time that it’s bacon … They didn’t tell me what we are having … When I had it, I told them that it’s tasting like different, totally different, like I haven’t had this in my life.Moderator: Yeah.Participant: And when they told me that it’s bacon then, I thought, okay fine. Something new I can have. Now I’m old enough to make my own choices.Similarly, several Hindu participants expressed similar sentiments about beef consumption:One of our friends, he used to have beef. He said this tastes better than chicken so I tried it. (Male, age 30)I ended up ordering beef which I actually would never eat ... But then everyone was like, it’s a must try ... So I start off with eating the gravy and then it entices me. That’s when I go and try the meat. (Female, aged 23)Although studies on meat eating in India are limited, it seems that many prefer to consume meats outside the home (Suresh; Devi et al.), away from the watchful eyes of parents, partners and, in some instances, the neighbours:My dad would say if you want to eat beef or anything have it outside but don’t bring it home. (Male, age 29)One of my friends … he keeps secret from his girlfriend … he come with us and eat [meat] and tell us not to tell her. (Male, age 26)People around have a little bit of a different view towards people eating non-veg in that area—so we wouldn’t openly talk about eating non-veg when somebody from the locality is around. (Female, age 32)Further to this point, some discussed a certain thrill that arose from pushing social boundaries by eating these forbidden meats:feel excited ... it gave me confidence also. I didn’t know ... my own decision. Something that is riskier in my life, which I hadn’t done before. (Male, age 25)Meat as a Status SymbolIn urban India, meat is increasingly considered a status symbol (Roy; Esselborn; Goswami). Similarly, several participants highlighted that meat-based dishes tend to be cooked for special occasions:non-vegetarian meals [at home] were perceived as being more elaborate and more lavish probably as compared to vegetarian meals. (Male, age 34)Dal [a lentil dish] is one of the basic things which we don’t make in the house when you have guests, or when you have an occasion … We usually make biryani…gravies of chicken or mutton. (Female, age 38)Success in urban India tends to be measured through one’s engagement with commodities that hold status-enhancing appeal (Mathur), and this also appears to apply to eating practices. Among meat-eating communities, it was found that serving only plant-based foods on special occasions was potentially seen as “low grade” and not quite socially acceptable:It’s just considered not something special. In fact, you would be judged…they would be like, “Oh my God, they only served us vegetables.” (Female, age 32)If you are basically from a Gujarati family, you are helpless. You have to serve that thing [vegetarian food] ... But if you are a non-vegetarian … if you serve them veg, it looks too low grade. (Female, age 38)In fact, among some families, serving “simple vegetarian food” tended to be associated with sombre occasions such as funerals, where one tends to avoid eating certain foods that give rise to desires, such as meat. This is elaborated upon in the below discussion with a Hindu participant (female, aged 40+):Participant: So an aunt of mine passed away a little over a year ago … traditionally we have this 13 day thing where you eat—We call it “Oshoge”… the khaana [food] is supposed to be neutral.Moderator: The khaana is supposed to be vegetarian?Participant: Yeah, it’s not just vegetarian … You’re supposed to have very simple vegetarian food like boiled food or you know dahi [plain yoghurt] and puffed rice … after a day of that, we were all looking at each other and then my cousin said, “Let me teach you how to fillet fish.” Similarly, a Muslim participant mentioned how serving certain dishes—such as dal, a common vegetarian dish—tends to be reserved for funeral occasions and is therefore considered socially unacceptable for other occasions:I’m calling a guest and I make dal chawal [lentils and rice] okay? They will think, arrey yeh kya yeh mayat ka khaana hai kya? [oh what is this, is the food for a corpse or what]? ... I can make it on that particular day when somebody has died in the family ... but then whenever guest is at home, or there is an occasion, we cannot make dal. (Female, age 38)ConclusionUrban India is experiencing a shift in norms around food choices, as meat-based dishes appear to have become symbolic of the broader changing landscape. Meat is not only eaten for its sensory properties but also because of its sociocultural associations. In comparison, many plant-based foods are perceived as relatively bland and uninteresting. This raises the question of how to make plant-based eating more appealing, both in terms of social significance and sensory enjoyment. In view of the attachment to familiar customs against the backdrop of a rapidly changing urban culture (Sinha; Venkatesh), perhaps plant-based foods could be re-introduced to the urban Indian as a blend of Western novelty and traditional familiarity (Majumdar), thereby representing the “the new along with the old” (Sinha 18), and hence enhancing their status. 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