Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'College students - China - Political activity'

Guided by Uses and Gratifications Theory, this study investigated the relationship between Chinese college students' use of social media and their social activism. Data collected from a goup-administered survey of 309 undergraduate students at a large university in eastern China was used to answer four research questions. The results indicated that Chinese college students who used social media for information seeking were likely to participate in individual social activism. Besides, students who used social media for self-status seeking and information seeking were likely to participate in collective social activism. No significant correlation between entertainment motivation and social activism were found. Neither can socializing motivation predict Chinese college students' social activism. In addition, gender had an impact on individual social activism and frequency of social media use could affect both individual and collective social activism.

Typescript. "Case study ... comparing two groups of highly politically involved 18-24 year old college students at a large, public, urban university"--P. iv. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-120). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

The Best PhD Thesis in the Faculties of Architecture, Arts, Business & Economics, Education, Law and Social Sciences (University of Hong Kong), Li Ka Shing Prize, 2001-2003.
published_or_final_version
abstract
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Curriculum and Educational Studies
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy

Background: Evidence has indicated a high prevalence of physical inactivity and insufficient consumption of fruit and vegetables among Chinese college students. As college students are in a crucial transition stage from adolescent to adulthood, such unhealthy lifestyle behaviors at this stage can result in nemerous negative consequences for both individuals and society. Therefore, it is urgently necessary to promote health-enhancing physical activity (HEPA) and fruit-vegetable consumption (FVC) among Chinese college students. Interventions focused on multiple health behavior change (MHBC) have shown advantages over those targeting only a single health behavior, and have therefore gained popularity over the last decade. Despite the increasing use of Internet technology and apparent promise of web-based MHBC interventions, there have been few such interventions for HEPA and FVC among Chinese college students. In addition, within the overarching scope of web-based MHBC interventions, there are several remaining questions that need to be addressed, including the timing of MHBC intervention delivery, the high dropout rate of participants, and the psychological mechanisms behind MHBC. Purpose: The main purposes of the thesis were to (1) examine the comparative effectiveness of sequentially delivered web-based MHBC interventions for HEPA and FVC in Chinese college students from both quantitative and qualitative perspectives; (2) investigate characteristics of dropouts (using quantitative method) and the underlying reasons (using qualitative method); and (3) identify the active ingredients ("key mediators") of successful health interventions for changing single health behavior (HEPA or FVC), and examine the psychological mechanisms of MHBC (HEPA and FVC) in Chinese college students based on an integrated social-cognitive model. Method: In Study 1, two web-based MHBC interventions were developed based on the health action process approach (HAPA) model. In a randomized controlled trial (RCT), 552 eligible college students (M = 19.99 years, SD = 1.04, 58.3% female) were randomly assigned to one of three groups: HEPA-first (4 weeks of HEPA followed by 4 weeks of FVC intervention), FVC-first (4 weeks of FVC followed by 4 weeks of HEPA intervention), and a control group (8 weeks of placebo treatment unrelated to HEPA or FVC). All of the participants were asked to complete online questionnaires at four time-points: at baseline (T1, the beginning of the intervention), after 4 weeks (T2, after the first behavior intervention), after 8 weeks (T3, after the second behavior intervention), and after 12 weeks (T4, 1-month post-intervention follow-up). The questionnairs addressed health behaviors (HEPA and FVC), social- cognitive determinants of behavior change (intention, self-efficacy, planning, and social support for each behavior) and health outcomes (BMI, depression and perceived quality of life). All of the data were analyzed using IBM SPSS 25.0, applying a series of generalized linear mixed models (GLMMs) to evaluate the intervention effectiveness. The mediation analysis was performed using IBM SPSS Process, with residualized change scores and the bias-corrected bootstrap approach (5000 resamples). Following the quantitative intervention study, to further evaluate the effects of aforementioned web-based MHBC interventions and to address dropout issues from a qualitative perspective, 30 students (M = 19.53 years, SD = 0.92, 56.7% female) who had participanted in Study 1 (18 completers and 12 dropouts), were invited to attend one-to-one and face-to-face semi-structured interviews (Study 2). The interviews covered three topics: 1) students' perceptions about their changes after participating in the web-based health program, 2) students' user experience and suggestions related to the design of the intervention content and the website layout and functionality, and 3) the reasons for dropping out. The audio-recorded interview data was transcribed orthographically and organized using QSR NVivo 11. Thematic analysis was adopted to analyze the qualitative data. In addition, a two-layer integrated social-cognitive model was hypothesized in Study 3 based on the HAPA model and Carry-over and Compensatory Action Model (CCAM). With a prospective design, 322 college students (M = 19.47 years, SD = 0.99, 55.6% female) were invited to report their past HEPA and FVC behavior, HEPA and FVC intentions, and demographics at baseline. After two months, an online questionnaire survey was used to collect data on their compensatory cognitions, combined volitional predictors of behavior change (self-efficacy + planning), and current HEPA and FVC behavior. All of the data were analyzed using Mplus 8.0. The proposed model was examined using structural equation modeling (SEM) with path analysis approach. Results: (1) Both the quantitative and the qualitative data fully supported the effectiveness of the web-based MHBC interventions for HEPA and FVC behavior. In addition, the effects on social-cognitive determinants of behavior change were partially supported by the quantitative data, and fully supported by the qualitative data. For health outcomes, the quantitative data supported the intervention effects on body mass index (BMI), and the qualitative data supported the effffects on both BMI and perceived quality of life. Moreover, the two delivery sequences did not show significantly different effects on HEPA after either 8 weeks or 12 weeks, whereas the FVC-first sequence showed superior effects over the HEPA-first sequence for FVC behavior after 12 weeks. (2) In terms of dropout, more male than female students withdrew from the interventions, and the dropouts showed lower HEPA self-efficacies, lower FVC planning, and inferior BMI status than completers. The interview results indicated two themes of dropout reasons: internal reasons (e.g., participants perceiving the health interventions as less necessary and less important) and external reasons (e.g., unfavorable living surroundings and problems with the program's delivery mode, intervention content, and technology). (3) In terms of the mediators of successful interventions for changing each single health behavior, the RCT results indicated that self-efficacy and intention mediated the effectiveness of the intervention on immediate changes (after 8 weeks) in HEPA and FVC, and that intention had a mediating effect on sustained change (after 12 weeks) in both HEPA and FVC. In addition, the prospective study found that the two- layer integrated social-cognitive model proposed in this thesis successfully explained the psychological mechanisms of MHBC in Chinese college students. In particular, the first layer identified the mediating effects of the volitional predictors on the intention-behavior relation for each type of health behavior. The second layer identified a positive association between volitional predictors of HEPA and volitional predictors of FVC, as well as a mediating effect of compensatory cognition between FVC intention and HEPA behavior. Discussion and Conclusions: To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the comparative effectiveness of sequentially delivered web-based MHBC interventions on HEPA and FVC in Chinese college students, and the first to identify the psychological mechanisms of MHBC in a Chinese context. The findings provide both theoretical and practical implications for future research and the application of MHBC. Future studies should more comprehensively compare simultaneous vs. sequential designs, more systematically examine dropout and its determinants, and further explore the psychological mechanisms of MHBC, especially the transfer mechanisms between the volitional predictors of one health behavior on another

This study examined which channels, messages, and sources were most effective in increasing political involvement among college students. Political participation among college students has decreased in every election since eighteen year- olds were given the right to vote. Numerous campaigns targeted to increase political participation among college students have been implemented but there is no evidence that these campaigns have been effective. This study developed a grounded theory for increasing political participation among college students l;!ased on several focus group interactions. Students were asked to report on which channels, messages and sources they currently received political information from and were then asked to collaborate on which channels, messages, and sources they predicted would increase political participation among college students. The grounded theory indicated that simplicity and convenience in information acquisition and reform in political dialogue regarding message formation, credibility, trustworthiness, and honesty from message sources were necessary in increasing political participation among college students. Previous research has stopped short of making predications based on prior research and qualitative analysis of what is truly effective in increasing political involvement among college students. This study sheds important insights toward increasing political involvement among college students from a comprehensive communication perspective.

This study examines the relative influence of value priorities, ethnicity and 'worries' in the determination of political party affiliation amongst Ugandan university students. Schwartz's values questionnaire was administered to 309 male and 176 female first year students from the faculties of engineering, medicine, law, commerce, social sciences, sciences, education and mass communication at Makerere University Uganda. The sample included respondents from all of the six sub-ethnic groups in Uganda. Respondents also covered the major religious groups in the country and were also representative of the major political parties. Results from the statistical analysis on the data show that ethnicity and certain values playa role in the determination of these students' affiliation to a political party. Chi-square results show that achievement, benevolence, universalism, security, tradition and conformity values are given differing importance across political parties. And, Anova results show that the tradition value has a significant mean difference across parties. Other factors such as religion and course of study are also found to have significant influence on these student's affiliation to political parties. Although 'worries' are found not to have a significant influence on student's political party affiliation, findings show that students from different political parties differ in their ratings of the different types of ' worries'. Therefore results show that ethnicity and value priorities do infl4ence these students' affiliation to a political party but ' worries' do not. The discussion section explores these findings in the context of contemporary Ugandan politics.

This dissertation explores student environmentalism in Beijing, China. It traces students' political norms and values, explains their activism and experience of pollution, and investigates the role of environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGOs) in forming youth environmentalism. To serve these objectives, the work takes forward theories on youth activism and agency and recent debates on environmental health, environmentalism and ENGOs. This study was designed as a qualitative research project based primarily on interviews and complemented by ethnographic methods, content analysis, pictorial evidence and survey results provided by the Jane Goodall Institute China. Research findings and methodology are presented in four papers and a framing document. My work challenges labels of agency and activism as either protest and resistance or 'quiescence' and questions the influence of globalisation on activists' norms and values. I put forward 'fragmented activism' as a new concept to capture the nature of youth environmental activism in Beijing. I contribute to environmental health literature by tracing how young people develop discursive mechanisms to mitigate the fear of air pollution and argue that their response offers invaluable insights into the interplay between space and the body in polluted environments. This thesis further shows that the repertoire of student environmental associations in Beijing represents a type of 'place based environmentalism' (Smith, 2001) but argues that, whilst this may be a contradictory response to contemporary environmental issues, it is not usefully assessed against abstract and normative notions of what environmentalism should be. I also challenge scholarly assessments of ENGO action. By exploring ENGO strategies in China that rely on extant societal and governmental narratives about good citizenship and moral values - instead of radical alternatives to mainstream development models or political processes - I argue for new research paradigms guiding the study of environmental movements.

The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime.
The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.

Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.

In 2004 Rhodes University celebrated its centenary. At a Critical Tradition Colloquium opportunity was given to explore the university’s past. In particular, its liberal image was questioned and its role during apartheid brought under scrutiny. This thesis investigates the questions raised at the Colloquium. It aims to cover the whole apartheid era in one coherent narrative by addressing the history of Rhodes during that era and how it handled issues of race and politics. It begins in 1933, when the first black student applied to Rhodes, and ends in 1990, when apartheid was drawing to a close.

莫麗明.
打字複印本.
Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學硏究院新聞與傳播學部.
Da zi fu yin ben.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-102).
Mo Liming.
Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yan jiu yuan xin wen yu chuan bao xue bu.
Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1
Chapter 一、一 --- 前言 --- p.2
Chapter 一、二 --- 研究目的及範圍 --- p.3
Chapter 一、三 --- 基本概念 --- p.4
Chapter 一、四 --- 研究之問題 --- p.6
Chapter 一、五 --- 研究的特點及限制 --- p.6
Chapter 一、六 --- 囘顧「一九九七」 --- p.7
Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻同顧一處境理論 --- p.12
Chapter 二、一 --- 處境理論簡介 --- p.13
Chapter 二、二 --- 處境變項和認知處境的類型 --- p.14
Chapter 二、二、一 --- 問題的認知 --- p.14
Chapter 二、二、二 --- 問題限制的認知 --- p.15
Chapter 二、二、三 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.17
Chapter 二、二、四 --- 参考準則 --- p.18
Chapter 二、三 --- 傳播行為 --- p.19
Chapter 二、四 --- 認知類型的傳播行為 --- p.22
Chapter 二、四、一 --- 認知處境的類型 --- p.22
Chapter 二、四、二 --- 樂觀型的傳播行為 --- p.24
Chapter 二、四、三 --- 拘束型的傳播行為 --- p.24
Chapter 二、四、四 --- 常規型的傳播行為 --- p.25
Chapter 二、四、五 --- 悲觀型的傳播行為 --- p.25
Chapter 二、四、六 --- 問題關切性對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.25
Chapter 二、四、七 --- 参考架構對認知類型的傳播行為之影响 --- p.26
Chapter 第三章 --- 研究方法 --- p.27
Chapter 三、一 --- 基本概念的運作定義 --- p.28
Chapter 三、二 --- 研究假設 --- p.29
Chapter 三、二、一 --- 認知類型與傳播行為 --- p.30
Chapter 三、二、二 --- 問題的關切性與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31
Chapter 三、二、三 --- 内在参考架構與類型的傳播行為 --- p.31
Chapter 三、三 --- 測量方法一問卷設計 --- p.32
Chapter 三、四 --- 抽樣 --- p.34
Chapter 三、五 --- 資料搜集 --- p.35
Chapter 三、六 --- 分析方法 --- p.36
Chapter 笫四章 --- 研究結果 --- p.38
Chapter 四、一 --- 選樣學生的基本特徵 --- p.39
Chapter 四、一、一 --- 學生的背景資料 --- p.39
Chapter 四、一、二 --- 學生對四個處境變項的認知程度 --- p.41
Chapter 四、一、三 --- 學生的傳播行為 --- p.47
Chapter 四、二 --- 四種類型的學生分佈及特徵 --- p.52
Chapter 四、二、一 --- 四種類型的學生分佈情況 --- p.52
Chapter 四、二、二 --- 不同類型學生的背景資料 --- p.53
Chapter 四、二、三 --- .不同類型學生對處境變項之認知程度 --- p.56
Chapter 四、三 --- 不同類型學生的傳播行為 --- p.59
Chapter 四、三、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.59
Chapter 四、三、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞内容的詳細程度 --- p.62
Chapter 四、三、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.63
Chapter 四、三、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.65
Chapter 四、三、五 --- 小結 --- p.66
Chapter 四、四 --- 問題關切性、政治態度、政治興趣對於樂觀型、拘束型兩類學生傳播行為之影响 --- p.67
Chapter 四、四、一 --- 類型與問題的關切性 --- p.67
Chapter 四、四、二 --- 類型與政治態度 --- p.68
Chapter 四、四、三 --- 類型與政治興趣 --- p.69
Chapter 四、四、四 --- 小結 --- p.70
Chapter 第五章 --- 研究結果摘要及討論 --- p.72
Chapter 五、一 --- 樂觀、拘束二型的分佈 --- p.73
Chapter 五、二 --- 樂觀、拘束二型學生的傳播行為 --- p.74
Chapter 五、二、一 --- 接觸新聞的頻密程度 --- p.74
Chapter 五、二、二 --- 留意「九七」新聞及《聯合聲明》内容的詳細程度 --- p.77
Chapter 五、二、三 --- 使用傳媒的頻密程度 --- p.79
Chapter 五、二、四 --- 傳媒的有效程度 --- p.81
Chapter 五、三 --- 干涉變項對樂觀，拘束二型學生的傳播行為之影响 --- p.83
Chapter 五、三、一 --- 問題的關切性 --- p.83
Chapter 五、三、二 --- 對中共的政治態度 --- p.84
Chapter 五、三、三 --- 對政治的興趣 --- p.84
Chapter 笫六章 --- 總結及建議 --- p.92
Chapter 六、一 --- 總結 --- p.93
Chapter 六、二 --- 建議 --- p.94
參考書目 --- p.96
Chapter 附錄I --- 圖表 --- p.103
Chapter 附錄II --- 問卷 --- p.136

Woo, Chun Kit.
Thesis (M. Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-86).
Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction page --- p.1
Chapter Chapter 2 --- Political Socialization: Concept and its Application --- p.4
Chapter 2.1 --- Political Culture --- p.5
Chapter 2.2 --- Political Socialization --- p.9
Chapter 2.3 --- Application --- p.14
Chapter Chapter 3 --- Education and Modernization: Review on the Development of Chinese Higher Education since1949
Chapter 3.1 --- Prologue --- p.18
Chapter 3.2 --- Higher Education Policy since1978 --- p.21
Chapter 3.3 --- Educational Reform: 1985 Reform Document --- p.28
Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Search for Harmony ( I ): Understanding University Students
Chapter 4.1 --- Prologue: The Rise of Survey Research in Post-Mao China --- p.33
Chapter 4.2 --- Value Change among University Students: The Evidence from Survey Research --- p.40
Chapter Chapter 5 --- The Search for Harmony (II): Reforming the Ideological-Political Education --- p.60
Chapter 5.1 --- Criticism on the Current Ideological-Political Education --- p.61
Chapter 5.2 --- Reform of the Political Education --- p.68
Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.75
Bibliography --- p.79

現代信息技術，以其多元、快速的優勢使人們對中國的民主抱以樂觀的態度。公民參與是一個健康的民主制度的核心要素，如何促進公民的政治參與一直是政治參與研究領域的焦點問題。在互聯網時代，尤其是社交媒體的出現，其廉價、方便、互動性的技術優勢大大增加了政治參與的可行性。大學學生是“互聯網一代“和中國知識分子的代表。因此，了解他們的社會媒體使用行為如何影響其政治知識、政治感知和政治行為、對於認識未來中國的政治變革是重要的。本研究提出“社交媒體使用“及“在線新聞使用“兩個概念，並以此視作政治參與和民主實踐研究範疇下的新討論焦點。
本研究主要探討以下問題：（1）大學生通過何種渠道在線獲取新聞;（2）大學生使用不同的媒體平台獲取新聞的情況如何；（3）在線新聞使用同傳統新聞媒體使用之間的關係如何;（4）計算機能力，互聯網自我效能感，在線和離線新聞使用，社交媒體使用，政治知識，政治效能，政治信任和政治參與等核心變量之間的關係； 以及（5）計算機能力，互聯網自我效能感，在線和離線新聞使用，社交媒體使用之於政治知識、政治感知和政治參與的相對重要性。
本研究採用定量的研究方法。研究的主體是對中國大陸在校大學本科及研究生進行問卷調查；調查前，焦點小組輔助研究結構建立與問卷設計。問卷調查採用多階層整群抽樣的方法，在北京抽取了兩所“elite工程“大學，在長春及杭州各抽取一所非“elite工程“大學的學生參與，樣本數量為624人。研究結果顯示，當中97.4% 的受訪者均使用互聯網獲取新聞。因子分析結果顯示，中國內地大學生主要經由三種信息渠道在線獲取新聞，分別是海外新聞渠道、社交媒體渠道，以及官方新聞渠道。不同信息渠道的使用者其政治常識、政治效能和政治信任亦有所區別。同時，本研究還發現傳統新聞同網絡新聞的使用之間存在互補的關係。
研究結果顯示，人口學變量超越社交媒體和在線新聞使用兩個變量對中國內地大學生的政治認知及政治知識的形成發揮最重要的作用。研究還發現社交媒體和在線新聞在促進線上和線下政治參與方面具有很大潛力。結論部分將詳述本研究的貢獻與實踐意義。
Citizen participation is a core element of a healthy democracy, and what facilitates citizens’ political activities has long been a central interest in political participation research. In the age of the Internet, especially with the appearance of social media, political participation is greatly facilitated by technology that makes information inexpensive, accessible, and interactive. Modern information technology, with its pluralism and fast speed, has made people optimistic about democracy. University students represent the Net generation and intellectuals in China; therefore, understanding how their social media use affects political knowledge, perception, and participation is valuable, to bring political change to China in the future.
Expanding the line of previous research, this study aims to address the question of the democratic implications of social media use and online news seeking from the vantage point of how individuals seek news online and how such use may be related to several key indications of individuals’ engagement in political life as citizens. Specifically, this study examines (a) the sources through which university students seek news online; (b) to what degree university students in China use different media platforms to seek news; (c) how online news seeking is related to its offline counterpart; (d) the relationships among computer competence, Internet efficacy, online and offline news seeking, social media use, political knowledge, political efficacy, political trust, and political participation; and (e) the relative influence of technological attributes, social media use, and online and offline news seeking on political attributes and political participation.
In this study, we used quantitative questionnaire surveys among university students. The questionnaire surveys were based on a stratified cluster sampling of two elite universities in Beijing and two ordinary universities in Changchun and Hangzhou. The final sample consisted of 624 university students, of whom 97.2% had used online news. Factor analysis identified three major sources of online news seeking among university students: official sources, overseas sources, and social media sources. Adopting these sources seems to affect students’ political knowledge, perception, and participation differently. Also, the supplement effect was found between online and offline news seeking.
Results also showed that demographics, rather than social media use and online news seeking, have the most power to predict political perception and knowledge among Chinese university students, and online news seeking and social media use have great potential in facilitating political engagement online and offline. How the social media use and online news seeking change the mode of state-society interactions and expands forms of political engagement are also discussed.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Zheng, Pei.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references.
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Abstract --- p.i
摘要 --- p.iii
致謝 --- p.iv
List of Tables and Figures --- p.4
Chapter Chapter 1 --- : Introduction --- p.1
Research Methods --- p.9
Main Contents of Each Chapter --- p.10
Chapter Chapter 2 --- : Literature Review --- p.12
Internet as a Public Sphere --- p.13
Technology between State and Society --- p.15
History of Technology Empowerment Since Modern China --- p.15
Political Control over the Internet --- p.16
Internet Empowerment of Society --- p.20
Political Participation --- p.23
Offline Political Participation --- p.24
Online Political Participation --- p.25
Social Media Use, and Offline and Online News Seeking --- p.27
Social Media Use and Political Participation --- p.27
Online News Seeking --- p.29
Offline News Seeking vs. Online News Seeking --- p.32
Computer Competence and Internet Efficacy --- p.33
Computer Competence --- p.33
Internet Efficacy --- p.35
Political Knowledge --- p.37
Political Efficacy --- p.38
Political Trust --- p.42
Chapter Chapter 3 --- : Research Methods --- p.57
Questionnaire Survey --- p.57
Sampling procedure and survey participants --- p.57
Final sample profiles --- p.62
Pilot tests --- p.64
Measures --- p.64
Internet efficacy. --- p.64
Computer competence. --- p.65
Social media use. --- p.65
Online news seeking. --- p.66
Offline news seeking. --- p.67
Political efficacy. --- p.68
Political knowledge. --- p.69
Political trust. --- p.70
Political participation. --- p.70
Demographics. --- p.71
Analytical Procedure --- p.72
Chapter Chapter 4 --- : News Seeking Behaviors --- p.73
Online News Seeking --- p.73
News Consumption Online vs. Offline --- p.76
Relationship Between Online and Offline News Seeking --- p.76
Chapter Chapter 5 --- : Assessing Factors Influencing Political Participation --- p.79
Linking Social Media Use and Online News Seeking to Political Attributes. --- p.79
Linking Computer Competence, and Internet Efficacy to Social Media Use 1.1 and Online News Seeking --- p.84
Computer competence --- p.84
Internet efficacy --- p.85
Linking Online News Seeking, Political Knowledge, Political Efficacy, 1.1 Political Trust and Political Participation --- p.87
Political knowledge --- p.87
Political efficacy --- p.88
Political trust --- p.89
Research questions --- p.90
Predicting Political Knowledge, Efficacy and Trust --- p.91
Predicting Political Participation --- p.97
Chapter Chapter 6 --- : Discussion and Conclusion --- p.102
Contributions of This Study --- p.102
Complementary effect of offline and online news --- p.102
Three sources of online news seeking --- p.104
Potential of social media use and online news seeking to promote 1.1.1 online political participation --- p.107
Political attributes: Demographic determined. --- p.108
Offline political participation: After the Internet, before democracy --- p.110
Limitation and Suggestions for Future Research --- p.114
Reference --- p.117
Glossary --- p.135

當下對於中國政治轉型的討論甚囂塵上。民主憲政固然是現代國家良政善治的基石，但對於當下的中國來說，實現轉型的可能性無疑是更現實的問題。而轉型的動力有多大，在很大程度上就意味著轉型成功的可能性有多大。然而轉型的動力究竟在哪，各家眾說紛紜。本研究著眼於中國當代重點大學的大學生，認為他們是形塑中國社會面貌的重要有生力量，而他們的對中共的認知與參與，無疑對於以後中國的民主、憲政進程是有不可小覷的影響的。本研究採用定性訪談的方法，旨在瞭解以廣州中山大學為代表的當代中國重點大學大學生的政黨認同的情況以及相應的政治參與，順帶分析政黨認同的影響因素以及他們的政治參與行為對中國當下政治環境的影響，並討論了當下精英大學生與中國傳統知識人對政治的認知與參與的差異。通過對20名大四及以上年級的學生訪談，筆者初步瞭解到受訪者對於共產黨的執政績效與執政價值普遍持一種低度的認同，或者就是冷漠與無知。而與認知上的消極與冷漠形成對照的，卻是高度的體制內政治參與（即入黨、考公務員）與極其貧乏的體制外參與（公民活動）。而且，所有受訪者均了生計而進行體制內政治參與（即謀求一份穩定與舒適），並沒有在政治道路上向上流動的打算。筆者期望通過這個研究能夠體現出一種現實：這樣一種"工具理性"與"消極自由"的政治參與在事實上有助於加強共產黨的組織力量、鞏固既得利益團裡的利益；在"頂層設計"與"底層訴求"之外，至少在"中層"的精英青年這個層面，中國走民主憲政之路的動力是值得懷疑的。
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
祝粲.
Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-49).
Zhu Can.

A Musters thesis s.ibmittcd to the Fllclilly of Education, University of the WHwufcl'sl'and) Johannesburg, in partia! fulfilment of the requirements 1'01' the Degree of Master of Education, DCCCl11bcl' 1995.
This thesis concerns itself with resistance during tho decade of tho 80s. Much of the literature has focussed on student resistance. There has in general been very little that has examined resistance of student teachers, Student teachers are-vital change agents in education for the futuro. If there is to be any Intervention in teacher training colleges, then there needs to be an understanding of historical power relations and the f0n11S of'resistance in these institutions. The aim of the research report is to dccumer.t and explain why and how student teachers at the Mokopane College of Education become politically militant during the decade of the 80s. The contention is tha: under extremely repressive and authoritarian conditions such as those faced by student teachers in homeland lnstitutloue, resistance can take many forms. However, as the study concludes. it became general and militant in this instance, only when it was able to break out of its isolation and establish links with wider politlce! structures, This study is based on primary sources, interviews and secondary sources. It has engaged archival sources as well as important interviews from both activists and teachers who have taught under both Missionary and Bantu Education.

This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.

This research compared structured physical activity patterns to changes in body mass index (BMI) of Chinese university students. Chinese students attending Midwestern universities completed a 26-itemized, validated and reliable physical activity questionnaire. The questionnaire assessed demographics, time spent in various physical activities, BMI, and perceived barriers to exercise prior to and after residing in the U.S. for at least three months. Analysis of variance revealed that, after residing in the U.S., males had a greater increase in time spent in moderate-intensity physical activity compared to females (p < .01), while females had a greater increase in time spent in vigorous-intensity physical activity when compared to males (p < .01). Also, students 21 years of age or older were more likely to increase their time spent in moderate- and vigorous-intensity physical activities combined than those 20 years of age or younger. Lastly, change in BMI appeared to be affected by geographical region of origin (p < .05), where participants from the Eastern region of China had a greater increase in BMI than those from the Western, Northern, and Southern regions. Overall, educating Chinese university students on the importance of incorporating structured physical activities may help prevent future increases in BMI after immersion into the U.S lifestyle.
Department of Family and Consumer Sciences

This dissertation follows the activism of Korean students in New York City and the trajectory of their American education as it applied to Korea’s colonization under the Empire of Japan. As a focused historical account of the educational experiences of Korean students in New York from 1907 to 1937, this dissertation uses archival evidence from their associations, correspondence, publications, and the institutions they studied at to construct a transnational narrative that positions the Korean students operating within and outside the confines of their colonial experience. The following dissertation answers how the Korean students applied their American education and experiences to the Korean independence movement, and emphasizes the interplay of colonization, religion, and American universities in contouring the students’ activism and hopes for a liberated Korea.

Leung, Fung Lin Elean.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-157).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract also in Chinese.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology, Johannesburg, February 2018
The common narrative of social movements and protest action in recent years, indicates that young eole globally are doinating suh oveents n outh fria, students’ ontinued engageent in protests around politics and public issues at the local level, as well as their low levels of participation in formal democratic processes such as elections, calls for an assessment on whether students are knowledgeable and understand the role of local government, as well as local governance. This study looks at young outh frian students’ (1-24 years) knowledge and understanding of local government, and local governance in the Johannesburg Metropolitan. For the purpose of this qualitative research study, 56 young students in two universities and two TVET colleges in the Johannesburg metropolitan were interviewed through 35 semi-structured in-depth, one-on-one interviews, and three focus group discussions. This study confirms that students present a very narrow knowledge and understanding of democratic governance and the political system at the local level. This, it is argued, is a key reason behind their lack of engagement and participation at the local level, as well as their identification of protests as the only effective form of political activism. This study also indicates that, desite students’ awareness of traditional olitial latfors suh as eletions and taking art in community meetings, their perceptions of poor local leadership, eroding trust in traditional democratic institutions, patronage party politics and general disillusionment with the political future of the country, are hindering these students’ artiiation in loal governane
XL2019

University of the Witwatersrand Faculty of Humanities Political Studies Master’s Research Report, February 2017
The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements. Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns. The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness.
MT2018