Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cologne (Electorate)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Cologne (Electorate)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Cologne (Electorate)"

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Mašek, Petr. "The Višňová Castle Library." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 62, no. 3-4 (2017): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/amnpsc-2017-0038.

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The core of the Višňová castle library was formed already in the 17th century, probably in Paderborn. Afew volumes come from the property of the archbishop of Cologne, Ferdinand August von Spiegel (1774–1835), but most of the items were collected by his brother Franz Wilhelm (1752–1815), a minister of the Electorate of Cologne, chief construction officer and the president of the Academic Council in Cologne. A significant group is formed by philosophical works: Franz Wilhelm’s collection comprised works by J. G. Herder, I. Kant, M. Mendelsohn as well as H. de Saint-Simon and J. von Sonnenfels. Another group consisted of historical works, e.g. by E. Gibbon; likewise his interest in the history of Christianity is noticeable. The library contains a total of more than 6,200 volumes, including 40 manuscripts, 3 incunabula and 15 printed books from 16th century; more than a half of the collection is formed by early printed books until the end of the 18th century. The other volumes come from the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Volumes from the 17th century include especially Latin printed books on law, and one can perceive interest in collecting books on philosophy. There are many publications devoted to Westphalia; in addition, the library contains a number of binder’s volumes of legal dissertations from the end of the 17th century and the entire 18th century published in diverse German university towns. Further disciplines widely represented in the library are economics and especially agriculture, with the publications coming from the 18th and 19th centuries.
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Kampmann, Christoph. "Kalkulierter Konflikt?" Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung: Volume 48, Issue 2 48, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 211–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.48.2.211.

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Summary Calculated Conflict? The Cologne Election Dispute of 1688 and the Origins of the Nine Years’ War Historians have recently begun to focus on the relationship between elections and conflict during the Early Modern period. Against the backdrop of these debates, the article takes another look at one of the most conflict-laden elections of that era, the election dispute (“Doppelwahl”) of Cologne in July 1688 involving Cardinal Fürstenberg and Duke Joseph Clemens of Bavaria. The spectacular failure of Fürstenberg, the candidate backed by King Louis XIV of France, in the succession struggle in Electoral Cologne was one of the major causes of the Nine Years’ War (known in German as the “War of the Palatine Succession”), which impacted wide swathes of Western and Central Europe. The resolution of the succession dispute in the Archdiocese of Cologne occurred within the context of growing tensions between Louis XIV and his rivals, in particular Emperor Leopold I. Yet up to the summer of 1688, there continued to be opportunities – albeit diminishing ones – to resolve the conflict peacefully. It was only when Emperor Leopold decided to publicly and solemnly declare Fürstenberg ineligible, explicitly citing the cardinal’s allegiance to Louis XIV, that open conflict became unavoidable. As a result, the very reputations of the protagonists were at stake in the Cologne succession, including that of Louis XIV; there was no longer any way to withdraw from the conflict without losing face. There are convincing reasons to believe that the emperor, by deciding to exclude Fürstenberg, was consciously accepting a conflict with France, with the prospect of a broad anti-French alliance that was already forming in Central and Western Europe.
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Dehghani, Sina, Hamed Saleh, Saeed Seddighin, and Shang-Hua Teng. "Computational Analyses of the Electoral College: Campaigning Is Hard But Approximately Manageable." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 35, no. 6 (May 18, 2021): 5294–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v35i6.16668.

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In the classical discrete Colonel Blotto game—introduced by Borel in 1921—two colonels simultaneously distribute their troops across multiple battlefields. The winner of each battlefield is determined by a winner-take-all rule, independently of other battlefields. In the original formulation, each colonel’s goal is to win as many battlefields as possible. The Blotto game and its extensions have been used in a wide range of applications from political campaign—exemplified by the U.S presidential election—to marketing campaign, from (innovative) technology competition to sports competition. Despite persistent efforts, efficient methods for finding the optimal strategies in Blotto games have been elusive for almost a century—due to exponential explosion in the organic solution space—until Ahmadinejad, Dehghani, Hajiaghayi, Lucier, Mahini, and Seddighin developed the first polynomial-time algorithm for this fundamental gametheoretical problem in 2016. However, that breakthrough polynomial-time solution has some structural limitation. It applies only to the case where troops are homogeneous with respect to battlegruounds, as in Borel’s original formulation: For each battleground, the only factor that matters to the winner’s payoff is how many troops as opposed to which sets of troops are opposing one another in that battleground. In this paper, we consider a more general setting of the two-player-multi-battleground game, in which multifaceted resources (troops) may have different contributions to different battlegrounds. In the case of U.S presidential campaign, for example, one may interpret this as different types of resources—human, financial, political—that teams can invest in each state. We provide a complexity-theoretical evidence that, in contrast to Borel’s homogeneous setting, finding optimal strategies in multifaceted Colonel Blotto games is intractable. We complement this complexity result with a polynomial-time algorithm that finds approximately optimal strategies with provable guarantees. We also study a further generalization when two competitors do not have zerosum/ constant-sum payoffs. We show that optimal strategies in these two-player-multi-battleground games are as hard to compute and approximate as Nash equilibria in general noncooperative games and economic equilibria in exchange markets.
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Moran, Gerard. "James Daly and the rise and fall of the Land League in the west of Ireland, 1879–82." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 114 (November 1994): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011573.

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Writers on the Irish land war have long been influenced by such contemporary accounts as Michael Davitt’s The fall of feudalism in Ireland, published in 1904. Given Davitt’s leading position in the Land League, it was only natural that most subsequent histories of the movement borrowed heavily from this publication. The history of the Land League has been viewed from the centre; its local base in the west of Ireland has received less attention. This neglect has resulted in marginalising many of the personalities within the regions, who were important not only to the success of the organisation but also to its origins. Nowhere is this better illustrated than in the case of James Daly and the agrarian movement in Connacht. Only recently has Daly’s contribution begun to receive the attention it merits from historians, with the result that he can no longer be deemed ‘the most forgotten man of Irish history’. However, these studies have failed to trace Daly’s full involvement with the Land League and to note his volte-face, when he changed from being its most ardent supporter to become its bitterest internal critic.IJames Daly was born in 1838 at Cloonabinna, Boghadoon, County Mayo, the eldest son of a prosperous tenant farmer who rented land from Sir Roger Palmer and had a forty-eight-acre farm on Colonel Charles Cuffe’s property at Coachfield, near Castlebar. Later the family rented land on the earl of Erne’s estate near Castlebar and a farm valued at £45 at Ballyshane in the electoral district of Breaghwy.
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Books on the topic "Cologne (Electorate)"

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Buhlmann, Günther. Der kurkölnische Hofrat 1597 bis 1692: Entstehungsgeschichte und Rechtsgrundlagen. Köln: Böhlau, 1998.

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2

Prössler, Robert. Das Erzstift Köln in der Zeit des Erbischofs Konrad von Hochstaden: Organisatorische und wirtschaftliche Grundlagen in den Jahren, 1238-1261. Köln: Janus, 1997.

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3

Winter, Franz. Quellenchronik zur Soester Fehde. Soest: [Stadtarchiv Soest], 1997.

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4

1854, Béringuier Richard b., ed. Die Colonieliste von 1699: Rôle général des françois refugiez dans les estats de sa sérénité electorale de Brandenbourg, somme ils se sont trouvez au 31. déc. 1699 ; im Auftrage der Geselligen Vereinigung der Mitglieder der Französischen Colonie zu Berlin der Mittwochsgesellschaft. Berlin: H. Scherer, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cologne (Electorate)"

1

Otte, T. G. "Absurdum per totum? The Elector Max Franz and Attempts to Re-establish the Electorate of Cologne, 1792–1799." In „Die Heimstatt des Historikers sind die Archive.“, 37–50. Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/9783205215653.37.

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Jackson, Alvin. "The Saunderson Family and Electoral Politics, 1692–1865." In Colonel Edward Saunderson, 15–23. Oxford University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0003.

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Persons, Georgia A., and Lenneal J. Henderson. "Mayor of the Colony: Effective Mayoral Leadership as a Matter Of Public Perception." In Black Electoral Politics, 145–53. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313803-12.

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Stryk, Karin Nehlsen-von. "The Centralization ofJustice and the Formation of aJudicial Hierarchy in the Early Modern State: The Principality of Hesse." In Legislation and Justice, 131–58. Oxford University PressOxford, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198205463.003.0008.

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Abstract In contrast to other West European countries, the formation of the modern state in Germany proceeded not at the royal and national level but on a princely and regional one. The German principalities, such as the electorates of Brandenburg, Saxony, and the Palatinate, the archbishoprics of Mainz, Cologne, and Trier, the duchies of Bavaria, Wilrttemberg, Jillich-Berg, Brunswick Lilneburg, and Mecklenburg, the margravate of Baden, and the bishoprics of Munster, Wilrzburg, and Bamberg, were recognizably developing from the thirteenth century onwards in the direction of institutionalized territorial states, with the ultimate goal of unitary systems of administration and oflaw under the control of a single sovereign, the ruler of the principality. The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, by contrast, right down to its demise in 1806, continued to remain in the older world ofhierarchical and feudal relationships.
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Hillebrands, Bernd, and Johannes Schwehm. "Antigua And Barbuda." In Elections in the Americas, A Data Handbook, 61–72. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199283576.003.0002.

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Abstract The political dynasty of the Bird family has dominated the politics of Antigua and Barbuda since the colony was granted internal selfgovernment in the late 1950s. Vere Cornwell Bird and his son Lester Bird have won every election in Antigua and Barbuda since 1951, except the one in 1971. Like his father Vere, Lester governs in an authoritarian manner, disregarding the constitution (ignoring the judiciary branch in particular), and is involved in corruption and misuse of the electoral process. Elections are regarded as neither free nor fair.
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Kühne, Thomas. "Political culture and democratization." In Imperial Germany 1871–1918, 174–95. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199204885.003.0009.

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Abstract In March 1908, political trouble was brewing in the suburbs of Cologne. Elections to the Prussian state parliament (Landtag) were scheduled just three months hence, and the dominant party in the electoral district of Sieg-Mülheim-Wipperfürth, the Catholic Centre Party, faced the prospect of open rebellion in its ranks. This district lay on the east side of the Rhine River and had been a secure seat for the Centre since the mid-1870s, when the mobilization of Catholic voters during the Kulturkampf made it a ‘bomb-proof’ bastion of party support. (The district’s population was over 85 per cent Catholic.) Even though this district sent three representatives to the lower house of the Prussian Landtag, and even though its social profile was very heterogeneous, no other party stood a realistic chance of winning even one of those three mandates. Partly for this reason, in the spring of 1908 metal-workers in the city of Mülheim felt they deserved to have ‘one of their own’ in the Landtag — a true worker, not just a candidate who adhered to the Centre’s programme or promised to lobby for working-class interests. In fact, local workers had been voicing this demand for three years. How would the Centre’s nomination committee respond?
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Ghertner, D. Asher. "Regularization and the Fictions of Planning “Unauthorized Delhi”." In Land Fictions, 161–79. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501753732.003.0009.

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This chapter explores mimicry as a planning practice central to the development and occupation of what is rapidly becoming the most popular neighborhood form in Delhi, and indeed much of metropolitan India — the unauthorized colony. The chapter describes “unauthorized colonies” as the peripheral neighborhoods located outside the city's master-planned areas that have long been denied state services. As the population and electoral influence of unauthorized colonies have grown, the planning authorities have introduced rules for regularizing these areas, which allows them to be retroactively incorporated into the plan and subsequently supplied with state water, sewerage, and related services. The chapter then shifts to present the three planning spaces — the town planning, water infrastructure, and the unauthorized building — which shows how practices of mimicry build material planned-ness into the core of supposedly unplanned spaces.
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Bremer, Francis J. "Struggling to Hold the Center." In John Winthrop, 275–300. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195149135.003.0015.

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Abstract The Sun Had Yet To Burn the morning mists off the marshes along the Charles River as the first colonists began to gather on Newtown ‘s grazing common. The occasion was the election meeting of the freemen of Massachusetts Bay on May 17, 1637, which had been moved to Newtown from Boston by the March General Court. Some had crossed the Charles on ferries and walked north along creek lane until crossing a bridge near the town spring. Passing the burying ground, they came to the common and its ancient oak. Others traveled by road the entire way from Charlestown to the east and Watertown to the west. All who came overland entered through gates in the wooden palisade that surrounded most of the town. John Endecott had sailed from Salem to Boston, and then up the Charles to the Newtown dock, bringing with him some of his townsmen. As in elections for county members of Parliament in England, the size of the expected electorate made it essential that the vote be conducted outdoors. The cows and goats moved to the further stretches of the common as the number of men began to grow. Some freemen stretched out on the grass; others sheltered from the sun under the oak or other trees which still dotted the grassland. More than a few gathered around the public house recently opened by Thomas Chesholme as they waited for the election to be called. Most freemen tended to cluster with neighbors who had traveled with them. It was a lengthy journey for many, but the important issues facing the colony seemed to require it.
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Fredrickson, George M. "“Palladium Of The People’s Liberties”: The Suffrage Question And The Origins Of Black Protest." In Black Liberation, 14–56. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195057492.003.0002.

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Abstract Since power and equality in representative political systems depend on the right to vote, it should come as no surprise that black freedom struggles in the United States and South Africa have made access to the ballot box a main objective in the battle against white domination. Once slavery had been abolished in the United States and the conquest of indigenous societies had been completed in South Africa, agitation for the vote on the same basis as whites became central to the cause of “equal rights.” For more than a century blacks protested against the arrogance and unfairness of political systems that paid lip service to democracy but actually permitted whites to monopolize power. The contradiction between liberal democratic political theory and racist practice gave to black orators and writers the chance to seize high moral ground by exposing the injustice and hypocrisy of their oppressors. In 1965 blacks in the United States gained their greatest triumph when Congress passed legislation that made their right to vote enforceable in all the states of the Union. In South Africa, the African National Congress finally achieved its goal of “one person, one vote” in 1994.The origins of the contemporary struggles for the suffrage can be found in the mid-to late nineteenth century. Some of the righteous intensity of subsequent campaigns for voting rights derived from the fact that color blind political equality was not unprecedented in either society but was in fact a legacy from mid-Victorian political liberalism. Ex-slaves in the United States had been enfranchised shortly after their emancipation, and the Constitution was changed in 1870 to prohibit denial of the right to vote on grounds of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.” In the Cape Colony of South Africa-the center of British power in the region and the cradle of white South African society-ex-slaves and conquered indigenes were enfranchised after 1854 if they could meet a relatively low property and educational qualification that also applied to white settlers. These mid-nineteenth century manifestations of racial liberalism raised hopes among blacks that they could gain substantive equality and a measure of power to shape their own destinies through engaging in electoral politics.
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