Academic literature on the topic 'Colonial administrator'
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Journal articles on the topic "Colonial administrator"
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Kirk-Greene, Anthony. "Public administration and the colonial administrator." Public Administration and Development 19, no. 5 (December 1999): 507–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-162x(199912)19:5<507::aid-pad108>3.0.co;2-9.
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Dimier, Veronique. "For a New Start: Resettling French Colonial Administrators in the Prefectoral Corps." Itinerario 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019124.
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This could be considered as the ‘swan song’ of a French colonial administrator in Tropical Africa. Between 1958 and 1961, most of these colonial administrators had to leave what was soon to be considered one of the major sins committed by France in the twentieth century: the Empire. For some of them it was a real shock, from which they never recovered. Of course, it was the normal outcome of the very process they had prepared: to teach the African peoples how to rule themselves. But: ‘Did it not come too early leaving the new African elite insufficiently prepared?’ If this were so, was ‘the great sin of France not to colonise but to decolonise too quickly?’
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Wright, Jonathan Jeffrey. "‘The Belfast Chameleon’: Ulster, Ceylon and the Imperial Life of Sir James Emerson Tennent." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 192–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0096.
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Using the varied life and career of the Belfast-born writer, parliamentarian and sometime colonial administrator James Emerson Tennent as a case study, this article explores the complexity of imperial lives and highlights some aspects of Ulster's connection to empire in the pre-Home Rule era. One of many Ulstermen active in imperial administration, Emerson Tennent served as colonial secretary in Ceylon between 1845 and 1850. Although short-lived and controversial, his career as a colonial administrator is nevertheless revealing, particularly insofar as it offers insights into the personal animosities and the networks of connection that existed in Ceylon's close-knit British community. More broadly, the article seeks to view the metropolitan and the colonial as a whole, arguing that while Emerson Tennent spent only a brief time in the Empire his imperial life was longer and more complex than this suggests. To this end, the imperial rhetoric he expressed as a parliamentarian in the 1830s and early 1840s is discussed, as are his later writing on Ceylon and his donations of scientific specimens and ethnographic artefacts to the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society. Through writing and donation, it is argued, Emerson Tennent continued his imperial career, mediating empire to metropolitan audiences, both local and national.
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Pearce, Robert L. "Alexander Collie, 1793‐1835: Colonial surgeon, naturalist, explorer and administrator." Medical Journal of Australia 161, no. 10 (November 1994): 632–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1994.tb127648.x.
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JEPPESEN, CHRIS. "‘SANDERS OF THE RIVER, STILL THE BEST JOB FOR A BRITISH BOY’; RECRUITMENT TO THE COLONIAL ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICE AT THE END OF EMPIRE." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 469–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000114.
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ABSTRACTIn February 1951, the Sunday Express printed a piece extolling the virtues of a Colonial Service career, under the headline: ‘Sanders of the River, Still the Best Job for a British Boy’. This article explores the ideological and practical reasons why Sanders of the River, a character apparently so at odds with the post-Second World War Colonial Service message, continued to hold enough cultural resonance that it was considered appropriate to utilize him as a recruitment tool in 1951. Edgar Wallace's literary creation occupied a defining place in metropolitan understandings of the Colonial Service's work. Yet, by 1951, the ideological aims of the colonial project were changing. Sanders's paternalism had been dismissed in favour of a rhetoric that emphasized partnership and progress. The post-1945 district officer was expected to be a modern administrator, ready to work alongside educated Africans to prepare Britain's colonies for self-government. Exploring both Colonial Office recruitment strategies and recruits’ career motivations, this article situates the often ignored issue of Colonial Service recruitment at the end of empire within a wider cultural context to illuminate why, even as many turned away from careers in empire after 1945, a significant number of young Britons continued to apply.
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Digal, Pratap. "De-constructing the term “tribe/tribal” in India: a post-colonial reading." International Journal of Pedagogy, Innovation and New Technologies 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2016): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.5104.
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The British colonial administrator-ethnographers in India were pioneers who surveyed and carried out expeditions on tribes but often their methods were doubtful. Their survey reports and papers became the source of precious information about such province and at the same time a tool for their continuous development of colonial administration. However by using official machinery and tour for collecting data they bypassed the ethical consideration of research. Their writings in many ways ended up contorting tribes as being synonymous with being backward, uncivilized and barbarous. This study critically analyzes the notion of tribes in India as perceived and studied by anthropologists. It also interrogates the Ontology and Epistemic premises of their Knowledge Production on tribes in India. The paper concludes by discussing the various issues on tribal discourse in India.
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Phatshwane, Percy M. D. "Reflections on the Contributions of Sir Charles Rey to the Development of Financial Control and Accountability in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (1929-1937)." International Business & Economics Studies 3, no. 1 (December 9, 2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ibes.v3n1p1.
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This essay examines the diaries of Sir Charles F. Rey, Resident Commissioner of Bechuanaland, covering the years 1929-1937. The paper summarizes and reviews the accounting thoughts, activities and practices during a period of British colonial rule in Bechuanaland Protectorate. It illustrates early accounting and budgetary practices, as well as their role in influencing and shaping political and socio-economic development. The paper reveals that nuances of accounting history are contained in literary and archival documents, and that accounting practitioners and researchers should explore these scripts in order to understanding the introduction and development of accounting in the African continent. It further suggests that Sir Charles Rey’s memoirs show him to be a financial manager and administrator of note, albeit one who used financial management techniques to maintain control over natives, European businesses, and colonial administrators. This notwithstanding, this paper encourages researchers and practitioners to locate accounting history from such writings.
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Maderspacher, Alois. "The National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé and Buea." History in Africa 36 (2009): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0009.
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Even in learned journals on African and imperial history, few references have been made to the records contained in the archives in Cameroon, West Africa. Kamerun was a German colony (Schutzgebiet) from 1884-1916/19. In 1911, the Germans took over New Cameroon (Neu Kamerun), 295,000 km2 of land of French Equatorial Africa, ceded during the second Morocco Crisis. After World War I this transaction was reversed and the German colony was separated into French and British League of Nations Mandates in 1919. These mandates were transformed into United Nations Trusteeships in 1946. Finally, French Cameroun became independent in 1960, and after a plebiscite in 1961, one part of the British Cameroons joined Nigeria and the other part reunited with the formerly French part, now the independent Federal Republic of Cameroon.Due to the involvement of three colonial powers in Cameroon, the national archives in Yaoundé and Buea are an excellent source for the colonial history of West Africa, allowing for a simultaneous analysis of German, French, and British files. Whereas the colonial files in the European archives mainly give us the point of view of high politics, the archives in Cameroon offer a different dimension. The files reveal the intricacies of the colonial system on the ground, and the problems with which the colonial administrator had to cope in the bush: How did one introduce European legal tender in a territory never touched by Europeans before? How did one cope with the colonial rivals, who were couching at the frontiers to take over the territory? How did one attempt to win peoples' hearts and minds day in and day out? What happened when the new colonial power took over a territory with an already developed administration from another colonial power, as it took place in Cameroon in 1911 and 1916/19? The national archives of Cameroon contain potential answers to these questions. Hence this paper will focus on the sources that are available for the colonial period in these archives.
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Post, Philip. "Governors, Regents, and Rituals: an Exploration of Colonial Diplomacy in Ambon at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century." Diplomatica 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 74–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03010004.
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Abstract This article analyses how the Dutch colonial state in Ambon in the early nineteenth century tried to reestablish relations with local regents, making use of already existing protocols that were produced during the period of the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (1602–1799). Engaging in colonial diplomacy was very important because the demise of the voc (1796) and two short periods of British rule in Ambon (1796–1803 and 1810–17) had shaken Dutch rule to its foundations. To reestablish its legitimacy with these local rulers, the colonial state made use of diplomatic protocols, documents and rituals which had been drawn up and negotiated by the voc. This article will focus on comparing the so-called “Instruction for the Regents,” which was drawn up in 1771 by a voc administrator, with one that was reissued in 1818 by the colonial state and will analyze a number of rituals and protocols which played an important role in defining the relationship between the governor and the regents.
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LEES, JAMES. "Administrator-scholars and the Writing of History in Early British India: A review article." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 826–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000322.
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AbstractThe histories of Asian peoples penned by British East India Company officials during the early years of colonial rule—rightly—have long been considered to be doubtful source material within the historiography of South Asia. Their credibility was suspect well before the middle of the twentieth century, when Bernard Cohn's work began to present the British colonial state as one that relentlessly sought to categorize Indian society, and to use the distorted information thus gained to impose its government.However, the histories of these administrator-scholars still retain value—not as accurate studies of their subjects, perhaps, but as barometers of the times in which they were written and also in the unexpected ways in which some continue to resonate in the present. To illustrate that point, this paper will review three recent monographs which deal with the writings and historical legacies of some of the Company's most prominent early nineteenth-century administrator-scholars. These are: Jason Freitag's Serving Empire, Serving Nation: James Tod and the Rajputs of Rajasthan; Jack Harrington's Sir John Malcolm and the Creation of British India; and Rama Mantena's work centred around the antiquarian pursuits of Colin Mackenzie, The Origins of Modern Historiography in India: Antiquarianism and Philology, 1780–1880.1
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Colonial administrator"
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Burton, David Raymond. "Sir Godfrey Lagden : colonial administrator." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848.
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The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.
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Salmon, Élodie. "L'Académie des Sciences coloniales. Une histoire de la « République lointaine » au XXème siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL056.
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C’est une « certaine idée de la France » que cette thèse se propose de dépeindre à travers l’histoire de l’Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC), aujourd’hui Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, de sa création en 1922 aux années 1970. Contribuant à l’étude des « sciences coloniales » et de leur rapport au pouvoir, l’examen de cette société savante est une porte d’entrée vers plusieurs champs relatifs à la pensée coloniale et ses prolongements. Généraliste, pluridisciplinaire et modelée par des personnalités parmi les plus influentes de l’ancien « parti colonial », l’ASC est représentative des milieux coloniaux de l’entre-deux-guerres. L’étude de sa composition permet de cerner les contours d’une véritable « classe coloniale », intégrée à la classe dirigeante française, farouchement souverainiste et chantre de la « notion d’empire ». La pensée qu’incarnent ces coloniaux associe intimement l’universalisme du messianisme républicain français, et le relativisme particulariste propre à la domination de l’Autre. Ces deux postulats théoriquement opposés ont longtemps été traduits par la formulation d’une contradiction dans l’idée d’une République colonisatrice. L’expression « République lointaine », qui décrit à la fois une réalité géographique et une approche conceptuelle, est forgée à l’occasion de ce travail pour récuser ce faux paradoxe. Il s’agit ainsi d’analyser les évolutions de cette pensée, dont les deux composantes caractérisent l’ensemble de la période étudiée.La résilience et les adaptations de cette Académie, qui survit à sa raison d’être et en devient le conservatoire mémoriel, méritent enfin une attention toute particulière. Par ce prisme, on parcourt les conversions terminologique, thématique et réticulaire de la classe coloniale dans son ensemble. Décolonisation des mots, introduction des thèmes fédérateurs que sont la coopération et la francophonie, dilution et ouverture internationale de l’ancienne classe coloniale sont au cœur de cette transitionThis thesis proposes to study a “ certain vision“ of France through the History of the Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC) now called the Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, since its formation in 1922 until the 1970’s. Contributing to the analysis of the “colonial sciences” and its connections with the centre of power, the research about this society of experts is a gateway towards several fields regarding the colonial thought and its developments.Generalist, multidisciplinary and created by some of very important personalities from the ancient “parti colonial”, the ASC is representative of the French colonial circles of the interwar period. The study of its composition allows us to outline a real “colonial class”, part of the French ruling class, fiercely sovereignist and promoting the “empire notion”. The thought which embodies these “coloniaux” combines closely the universalism of the French Republic messianism and the particularist relativism proper to the domination of “the Other”. Those two postulates are theoretically opposite. For a long time, the historiography has presented the fact that the colonisation by the French republic is contradictory to its original premise. The expression “République lointaine” (“Distant Republic”) which is both a geographic reality and a conceptual approach is forged to refute this false paradox. This work leads to an analysis of this thought evolution.The resilience and the adaptation of this Academy, which outlasts its fundamental purpose, becoming its “memorial repository”, deserve at least a specific attention. Through this research subject, we observe terminological, thematic and reticular conversions of the entire “colonial class”. Decolonization of words, introduction of the integrating themes of cooperation and francophonie, dilution of the former “colonial class” and its opening to the international networks, are indeed crucial to understand this transition
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Capdepuy, Arlette. "Félix Eboué, 1884-1944 : mythe et réalités coloniales." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30051/document.
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Descendant d’esclaves, Félix Éboué est né dans le milieu de la petite bourgeoisie de Cayenne (Guyane) en 1884. Il termine ses études secondaires à Bordeaux puis ses études supérieures à Paris : il sort diplômé de l’École coloniale en 1908. A sa demande, il est affecté en Oubangui-Chari (colonie de l’AEF). Il reste en brousse vingt deux ans avant de devenir administrateur en chef (1931). Il est ensuite nommé à différents postes : secrétaire général de la Martinique (1932-1934), secrétaire général du Soudan français (1934-1936), gouverneur de la Guadeloupe (1936-1938), gouverneur du Tchad (1938-1940). A l’été 1940, il choisit le camp de la Résistance avec de Gaulle. Le ralliement du Tchad donne au chef de la France libre un territoire français en Afrique, d’une importance stratégique capitale. En novembre 1940, de Gaulle le nomme gouverneur général de l’AEF à Brazzaville et Compagnon de la Libération. Jusqu’à février 1944, grâce à sa maîtrise de l’administration coloniale, il gère les hommes et les ressources de l’AEF pour le plus grand profit de la France libre et des Alliés. Épuisé et malade, il décède au Caire en mai 1944.La mémoire d’État s’empare de sa mémoire pour en faire rapidement une icône : il entre au Panthéon en mai 1949. Mais, Félix Éboué ne se réduit pas à son mythe : s’il est un personnage emblématique de la IIIe République, il est un homme ancré dans son époque par son appartenance à des réseaux de pouvoirs et par ses idées. Sa spécificité est d’avoir espéré réformer le système colonial et d’avoir cru qu’il était possible de lutter contre le préjugé de couleur, contre le racisme au nom des valeurs de la République. S’il fut un pionnier, c’est par le domaine du sport qui était pour lui un outil par excellence de l’intégration et d’épanouissement de l’individuDescendant of slaves, Felix Eboue was born in the middle of the lower middle class of Cayenne (Guiana) in 1884. He finished high school in Bordeaux and his graduate studies in Paris: he graduated from the “Ecole coloniale” in 1908. At his request, he was assigned in Oubangui-Chari (AEF colony). It remains in the bush twenty two years before becoming Chief (1931). He was appointed to various positions: Secretary General of Martinique (1932-1934), Secretary General of the French Sudan (1934-1936), governor of Guadeloupe (1936-1938), governor of Chad (1938-1940). In the summer of 1940, he chose the side of the Resistance with de Gaulle. The rallying Chad gives the leader of Free France, a French territory in Africa, a strategic importance. In November 1940, de Gaulle appointed Governor General of the AEF in Brazzaville and Companion of the Liberation. Until February 1944, thanks to his mastery of the colonial administration, he manages people and resources of the AEF for the benefit of Free France and the Allies. Exhausted and ill, he died in Cairo in May 1944. The memory State seizes his memory to make an icon rapidly enters the Pantheon in May 1949. But Felix Eboue is not limited to the myth: it is an iconic character of the Third Republic, he is a man rooted in his time by his membership in networks of power and ideas. Its specificity is to be hoped reform the colonial system and have believed it was possible to fight against the prejudice of color against racism on behalf of the values of the Republic. If he was a pioneer, this is the sport that was for him an ideal tool for the integration and development of the individual
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Thabouillot, Gérard. "Un projet politique et administratif pour l’arrière-pays de la Guyane française : le territoire de l’Inini (1930-1969)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040105.
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En 1930, la France créa le Territoire autonome de l’Inini, colonie d’administration directe de l’hinterland de la Guyane française. Après la départementalisation de la Guyane, ce dispositif perdura en 1951 sous la forme d’un arrondissement à statut particulier, en droit jusqu’en 1961 et de fait jusqu’en 1969. La description de ce système politico-administratif, fortement inspiré de celui conçu pour les colonies d’Afrique, permet d’analyser l’ultime étape du processus d’expansion de l’État français dans un espace social et culturel amazonien. Cette intégration fut l’œuvre des fonctionnaires de terrain qui menèrent, à partir de 1936, une politique continue de contact dans le cadre d’une implantation dynamique de postes administratifs en direction de l’intérieur et des frontières. Ce personnel subalterne, fonctionnaires coloniaux et gendarmes, mit en œuvre une technique administrative d’approche et de gestion des populations - déportés indochinois des Etablissements Pénitentiaires Spéciaux, tribus de frontière et orpailleurs - dans un espace ouvert aux politiques des Etats voisins. L’histoire de l’Inini incite à ne pas limiter l’histoire de la Guyane française à celle d’une vieille colonie devenue un D.O.M. en 1946. Elle permet de dépasser cette analyse qui relève du discours politique assimilationniste. Elle nuance aussi l’interprétation par l’anthropologie d’une intégration de populations sylvicoles artificiellement et hâtivement conduite. Enfin, elle ouvre la voie à une analyse comparative de l’arrière-pays des GuyanesIn 1930, France established the Autonomous Territory of Inini, an administrative division governing French Guiana's hinterland. Once Guiana had become an overseas department, the formula was renewed from 1951 in the shape of a district with special status, remaining so officially until 1961 and in effect until 1969. Discussing this politico-administrative system - largely based on what had been worked out for French colonies in Africa – gives a key to understanding the ultimate stage of the French state's expansion process in a social and cultural Amazonian context. That effort at social integration was the work of civil servants in the field who, from 1936 on, conducted a sustained policy of contact by establishing administrative posts in the interior of the territory and at its borders. These low-ranking colonial officers and gendarmes implemented an administrative approach to the handling of various communities – deportees from Southeast Asia held in special jails, border tribes or gold-diggers – across areas under the political influence of neighbouring states. The Inini file is an encouragement not to limit the history of French Guiana to that of an old colony turned into an overseas department (D.O.M.) in 1946. It makes it possible to go beyond analyses which are linked to assimilation policies. It also tends to moderate the anthropological view of an artificial and hasty integration of forest tribes. Lastly, it paves the way for a comparative analysis of Guyanese back countries
A França criou, em 1930, o Território autónomo do Inini, colónia de administração directa dahinterlândia da Guiana francesa. Após a départementalisação da Guiana, este dispositivocontinuou em 1951 sob a forma de distrito à estatuto específico (particular), juridicamente até1961 e de facto até 1969. A descrição deste sistema politicoadministrativo, fortementeinspirado de estas concebidas para as colónias da África, permite analisar a ultima etapa doprocesso de expansão do Estado francês num espaço social e cultural amazónico. Estaintegração foi a obra dos funcionários de terreno que levaram, a partir de 1936, uma políticacontínua de contato no âmbito de uma implantação dinâmica de postos administrativos emdireção do interior e das fronteiras. Este pessoal subalterno, funcionários coloniais egendarmes, implementou uma técnica administrativa de abordagem e gestão das populações -déportados indochineses dos Estabelecimentos Penitenciários Especiais, tribos de fronteira egarimpeiros - num espaço aberto às políticas dos Estados vizinhos. A história do Inini incita anão limitar a história da Guiana francesa à essa de uma velha colónia que tornou-se, em 1946,em Departamento de Ultramar (D.O.M.). Permite ultrapassar esta análise que diz respeito aodiscurso político assimilacionista. Ela nuança também a interpretação pela antropologia deuma integração de populações silvícolas artificialmente e apressadamente conduzida. Porúltimo, abre o caminho à uma análise comparativa do interior (da hinterlândia) das Guianes
In 1930 werd door Frankrijk het zelfstandige gebied Inini gecreëerd, het onder directkoloniaal bestuur vallende achterland van Frans Guyana. Nadat Guyana een overzeesdepartement was geworden, bleef deze bestuursvorm bestaan tot in 1951 in de vorm van eenarrondissement met speciaal statuut, in rechte tot 1961 et feitelijk tot 1969. De beschrijvingvan deze bestuursvorm die sterk werd beïnvloed door het voor de Afrikaanse koloniënontwikkelde systeem, maakt het mogelijk het laatste stadium van het expansieproces van deFranse overheid te analyseren in het sociale en culturele gebied van de Amazone. Deze socialeintegratie was het werk van ambtenaren die ter plaatse, vanaf 1936, een aanhoudend contactbeleid uitvoerden bij de oprichting van administratieve posten in het binnenland van hetgebied en aan de grenzen. Dit ondergeschikte personeel, ambtenaren en politie, voerden eenbestuursbeleid uit van benadering en behandeling van de bevolking - indo-chinesegedeporteerden bewaard in speciale strafkampen, aan de grenzen levende stammen engoudzoekers – in een gebied dat open stond voor politieke invloed van de buurtstaten. Degeschiedenis van het Inini gebied nodigt uit de geschiedenis van Frans Guyana niet tebeperken tot die van een oude kolonie die in 1946 een overzees gebiedsdeel (D.O.M.) isgeworden. Zij nuanceert tevens de antropologische interpretatie van een te kunstmatige en tesnel uitgevoerde integratie van de woudbevolking. En ten laatste opent zij de weg naar eenvergelijkende analyse van de achterlanden van Guyana
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Jeudy, André. "Administrateur des colonies essai d'autobiographie critique /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37606186n.
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Jeudy, André. "Administrateur des colonies : essai d'autobiographie critique." Paris, EHESS, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987EHES0025.
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Cette these n'a pas un caractere academique, mais un caractere concret, donnant des exemples vecus de ma profession d'administrateur de la france d'outre-mer. Ma carriere s'est deroulee en afrique noire et dans la corne de l'afrique. Ma methode de travail a ete d'ordre chronologique: - ma vocation coloniale. - l'ecole nationale de la france d'outre-mer, avec une critique des enseignements dispenses dans cet etablissement d'enseignement superieur. - mes fonctions d'administrateur de brousse. - mes rapports avec les elements les plus importants des societes africaines auxquels j'ai eu affaire:. Ma collaboration avec les chefs. . Ma collaboration avec les masses. . Ma collaboration avec les evolues. D'aucuns ont voulu parfois comparer le metier d'administrateur colonial avec celui des membres du corps prefectoral. En fait, il n'en est rien. Nous agissions dans un contexte socio-culturel completement different, et ou nos responsabilites etaient plus lourdes, nos initiatives plus grandes et notre vie plus activeDissertation abstract the approach to this dissertation was not purely academic, but it is based upon concrete and matter-of-fact experience. It rests on real life episodes of my professional endeavours as administrator in the french overseas territories. My career took place in black africa and in the horn of africa. The method used in this study was chronological: - a colonial vocation. - the national school of overseas france (ecole nationale de la france d'outre- mer). A critical examination of the teaching methods used in this institute of advanced learning. - my function as administrator in the field. - relationships with the more significant sections of the african societies with which i had to deal. . Working with the chiefs. . Working with the natives. . Working with the developed sectors of society. Some have tried to compare the task of a colonial administrator with that of a member of the french prefectural corps. This comparison is inaccurate. Our field work was involved with a socio-cultural environment that was funda- mentally different, where our responsabilities were heavier, our initiative less restricted and our lives more active
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Hélénon, Véronique. "Les administrateurs coloniaux originaires de guadeloupe, martinique et guyane dans les colonies francaises d'afrique, 1880-1939." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0021.
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L'image generalement donnee du colonisateur francais est celle d'un homme blanc. En fait la france fit largement appel a ses colonises dans le processus meme de colonisation. En afrique noire (aof, aef, madagascar), l'elite de l'administration, le corps des administrateurs des colonies, etait largement composee d'originaires de colonies et notamment des anciennes colonies francaise de martinique, guadeloupe et guyane. Ces colonises venaient de milieux socio-professionnels tres divers; cependant une majorite des peres etaient eux-memes fonctionnaires et les futurs administrateurs avaient ete eleves dans les villes principales de leur colonie d'origine. Avant meme de se rendre en afrique, les futurs administrateurs avaient deja une certaine image de l'afrique, qui s'etait forgee a travers les contes, les contacts qu'ils avaient eu dans leur colonie d'origine avec des africains et demeurait enserree dans les limites de la politique assimilationniste menee par la france. Ces hommes suivaient des parcours universitaires, passaient leur baccalaureat, entraient dans les universites de droit; toutefois, la voie privilegiee pour acceder au corps des administrateurs des colonies demeurait le passage par l'ecole coloniale de paris. Leur depart vers les colonies africaines etait organise dans au sein de reseaux structures, tels leur propre famille, le milieu antillais a paris, leurs appuis politiques et la franc-maconnerie. L'administration coloniale francaise en afrique peut etre consideree comme "metisse", tant du point de vue des formations des administrateurs, que de l'origine de l'ensemble des personnels coloniaux. En effet, a tous les niveaux de la hierarchie etaient employes des colonises, mais plus on s'elevait dans la hierarchie moins ceux-ci etaient nombreuxThe image generally given of the french colonizer is the one of a white man. In fact, france made a large use of colonized people originated from her empire, in the colonial process. In black africa (aof, aef, madagascar), the top-ranked civil servants, "the colonial administrators", were largely composed of natives from the oldest colonies and especially from the ones of martinique, guadeloupe and guyane. Those colonised came from various backgrounds and their parents occupied various positions on the social scale; however, a majority of the fathers of thefathers were themselves civil servants, and most of the aspiring administrators were brought up in the main cities of their native colonies. Even before reaching africa, those colonial administrators had a certain image of africa, that i tried to understand through the west indians tales, the stay of the king behanzin in martinique and the assimilationnist policy led in the french colonies. Those men received the best education and after passing their baccalaureat, they entered the law universities; but the best way to be appointed as colonial administrator, was to be trained at the ecole coloniale of paris. Their departure was organized through thight networks such as their families, the west indians and french guyanese of paris, their political supports and the freemasonery. The colonial administration in africa could be considered as mixed, considering the training of the colonial administrators as well as their origins. Indeed, at different levels colonized people represented a large part of the civil servants. Generally speaking, the position occupied in this administration depended on the colonial origin and the colour
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Fairweather-Tall, Andrew. "From colonial administration to colonial state : the transition of government, education, and labour in Nyasaland, c.1930-1950." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270617.
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Cohen, Cynthia. "Educational administration in Namibia : the colonial and immediate post-independence periods." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316756.
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Mutiua, Chapane. "Ajami Literacy, class, and Portuguese pre-colonial administration in Northern Mozambique." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13183.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references.This thesis, based on archival and fieldwork research, provides an historical analysis of the northern Mozambique ajami manuscripts held in the Mozambique Historical Archives (AHM). The main focus is on the role played by ajami literacy in the creation of a local Muslim intellectual class that played a significant role in the establishment of a Portuguese pre-colonial administration in northern Mozambique. The history of Islam in northern Mozambique is viewed as a constant struggle against the Portuguese establishment in the region. Through an examination of ajami correspondence held in the AHM and focusing on two of the main northern Mozambique Swahili centres of the nineteenth century (Quissanga and Sancul), this thesis offers a more nuanced interpretation of the relations between the Portuguese and the Swahili Muslim rulers of the region. On the one hand, it views Quissanga-Ibo Island relations based on systematic and relatively loyal collaboration expressed in more than two hundred letters found in the collection of AHM. On the other hand, it presents Sancul-Mozambique Island relations based on ambiguous collaboration and constant betrayals, expressed in forty letters of the collection. The AHM ajami manuscripts collection numbers a total of 665 letters which were first revealed in the context of the pilot study of northern Mozambique Arabic Manuscripts, held in the Mozambique Historical Archives, under the leadership of Professors Liazzat Bonate and Joel Tembe. The pilot study ended with the selection, translation and transliteration of sixty letters from this collection. For the present study I have read, summarized and translated the whole collection (excluding the 60 letters mentioned above). However, only 266 letters which are more relevant for the analysis and argument of my thesis, I have listed in the appendix of this dissertation; and nine of them I have closely examined and cited as the main sources for the construction of local history and as documentary witness of the historical facts I discuss. The use of ajami literacy in northern Mozambique is analysed in the context of global and regional phenomena. In this sense, it is viewed as a result of a longue duré process which integrated the region into the western Indian Ocean’s cultural, political and economic dynamics. It is argued that the spread of ajami literacy in the region was framed in the context of regional Islamic education and an intellectual network. Both were also part of the process of expansion of Islam in East Africa. xiQuissanga (in Cabo Delgado) and Sancul (in Nampula) represent the two main regional settlements from which most of the manuscripts originated. The ruling elites of both regions represent suitable examples of the integration of northern Mozambique into the Swahili political, economic and intellectual networks. They also offer examples of two different dynamics of the process of integration of northern Mozambique rulers into the Portuguese pre-colonial administration. Through an analysis of the spread of Islamic education and the use of Arabic script in the above-mentioned region, this thesis sought to establish the connection of coastal societies in northern Mozambique to the Swahili world (most specifically to Comoros Islands, Zanzibar and western Madagascar). It was through this connection that the Muslim intellectual class was created in northern Mozambique and played an important intermediary role in the process of the establishment of the Portuguese administration in the second half of the nineteenth century. Through their correspondence and reports, this local intellectual elite produced a body of manuscripts in Kiswahili and other local languages (in the Arabic script), which are now an important source for the history of the region.
Books on the topic "Colonial administrator"
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The years of hope: Cambridge, colonial administrator in the South Seas, and cricket. London: Radcliffe, 1997.
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Winstanley, George. Under two flags in Africa: Recollections of a British administrator in the Bechuanaland Protectorate and Botswana, 1954 to 1972. Kelvedon, Colchester, [Essex]: Blackwater Books, 2000.
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Watkins, Elizabeth. Jomo's jailor: Grand warrior of Kenya : the life of Leslie Whitehouse. Watlington: Britwell, 1996.
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On crown service: A history of HM colonial and overseas civil services, 1837-1997. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999.
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L'Africa come carriera: Funzioni e funzionari del colonialismo italiano. Roma: Carocci, 2012.
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Lobligeois, Mireille. De la Réunion a l'Inde française: Philippe-Achille Bédier, 1791-1865, une carrière coloniale. [Pondichéry]: Historical Society of Pondicherry, 1993.
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Administrateur de terrain outre-mer (1952-1977): Un métier passionnant. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2006.
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Mario, Serviable, ed. Commandants et gouverneurs de l'île de la Réunion. Saint-André, Île de la Réunion: Océan éditions, 2008.
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Carl Peters: Das Leben eines deutschen Kolonialisten. Rostock: Neuer Hochschulschriftenverlag, 2000.
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Tempo iavulu ...: Memórias de Danje Ia Menha. Luanda: Edições Chá de Caxinde, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Colonial administrator"
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Elliott, Denielle. "Colonial administration." In Reimagining Science and Statecraft in Postcolonial Kenya, 34–38. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Africa series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315163840-3.
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Callaway, Helen. "Women as Colonial Administrators." In Gender, Culture and Empire, 139–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18307-4_6.
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Muhammad, Abdulrasheed A. "Colonial Administration in Nigeria." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_4062-1.
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Ohemeng, Frank L. K. "Colonial Legacy in Development Administration." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3139-1.
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Kirk-Greene, Anthony. "The Colonial Administrative Service, 1895–1966." In Britain’s Imperial Administrators, 1858–1966, 125–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286320_6.
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Hélénon, Véronique. "The Logics of the Colonial Administration." In French Caribbeans in Africa, 97–120. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118751_5.
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Blussé, Leonard. "An Insane Administration and Insanitary Town: The Dutch East India Company and Batavia (1619–1799)." In Colonial Cities, 65–85. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-6119-7_5.
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Wilks, Ivor. "Asante nationhood and colonial administrators, 1896–1935." In Ethnicity in Ghana, 68–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62337-2_4.
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Ceesay, Hassoum. "Chiefs and Protectorate Administration in Colonial Gambia, 1894–1965." In Leadership in Colonial Africa, 23–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137478092_2.
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Bissessar, Ann Marie. "Colonial Administration in the English-Speaking Caribbean." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–4. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_2991-1.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Colonial administrator"
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Campos, João. "The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.
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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.
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Moeini, Azita Ferdowsi, Pouria Tajvar, Rajab Asgharian, and Mehdi Yaghoobi. "Colonial multi-swarm: A modular approach to administration of particle swarm optimization in large scale problems." In 2014 22nd Iranian Conference on Electrical Engineering (ICEE). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iraniancee.2014.6999679.
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Prafitriyanti, Wenny, Satrio Wibowo, and Eko Sulistijono. "The role of vitamin D3 administration on IFN-γ, IL-1β expression and repair of colonic mucosa at mice models of ulcerative colitis." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON LIFE SCIENCES AND TECHNOLOGY (ICoLiST 2020). AIP Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0052545.
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Rehman, Hamood, Marvin Klein, Richard Kania, Steve Rapp, Rick McNealy, Martin Fingerhut, and Homayoon Ansari. "Sizing Stress Corrosion Cracks Using Laser Ultrasonics." In 2010 8th International Pipeline Conference. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2010-31278.
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Integrity management decisions related to operating energy transmission pipelines affected by Stress Corrosion Cracking (SCC) represent a formidable challenge to the pipeline industry. Effective management of SCC damage requires the development of tools and technology to identify the occurrence of SCC and to assess the impact of the SCC on pipeline integrity. Development of practical non-destructive evaluation (NDE) solutions for the measurement and evaluation of SCC, including crack depths, is difficult due to the complexity of crack shapes and their inter-relationship and distribution within crack colonies. Laser ultrasonics is an inspection technology using laser beams to generate and detect ultrasonic waves in the pipeline wall to be inspected. Unlike conventional ultrasound, it has a large bandwidth and the beams have a very small (∼0.5mm) footprint. These characteristics make it ideally suited for application as a depth sizing tool for SCC in pipelines. Through a collaborative research project jointly funded by the US Department of Transportation, Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration (PHMSA) and PRCI, Applus RTD and its research partners have conclusively shown that laser ultrasonic inspection technology using the Time of Flight Diffraction (TOFD) technique reliably and accurately measures the depth of SCC. In addition, this technique may also be applicable to measuring the depth of other cracks such as seam weld anomalies. The project included the development of a prototype NDE inspection tool for measurement of SCC, and recently culminated with a series of full-scale demonstrations of the tool. This paper describes the detailed technical work conducted to support the development of the tool and validation of the TOFD technique for sizing the depth of SCC. In addition, this paper presents the preliminary results of work on a closely related project that builds on the technology described above to produce an integrated approach and tool for mapping, sizing, and evaluating SCC that filters significant (i.e., deep) cracks from more benign cracks within an SCC colony.