Dissertations / Theses: 'Colonial administrator'

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Burton, David Raymond. "Sir Godfrey Lagden : colonial administrator." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848.

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The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.

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Salmon, Élodie. "L'Académie des Sciences coloniales. Une histoire de la « République lointaine » au XXème siècle." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL056.

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C’est une « certaine idée de la France » que cette thèse se propose de dépeindre à travers l’histoire de l’Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC), aujourd’hui Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, de sa création en 1922 aux années 1970. Contribuant à l’étude des « sciences coloniales » et de leur rapport au pouvoir, l’examen de cette société savante est une porte d’entrée vers plusieurs champs relatifs à la pensée coloniale et ses prolongements. Généraliste, pluridisciplinaire et modelée par des personnalités parmi les plus influentes de l’ancien « parti colonial », l’ASC est représentative des milieux coloniaux de l’entre-deux-guerres. L’étude de sa composition permet de cerner les contours d’une véritable « classe coloniale », intégrée à la classe dirigeante française, farouchement souverainiste et chantre de la « notion d’empire ». La pensée qu’incarnent ces coloniaux associe intimement l’universalisme du messianisme républicain français, et le relativisme particulariste propre à la domination de l’Autre. Ces deux postulats théoriquement opposés ont longtemps été traduits par la formulation d’une contradiction dans l’idée d’une République colonisatrice. L’expression « République lointaine », qui décrit à la fois une réalité géographique et une approche conceptuelle, est forgée à l’occasion de ce travail pour récuser ce faux paradoxe. Il s’agit ainsi d’analyser les évolutions de cette pensée, dont les deux composantes caractérisent l’ensemble de la période étudiée.La résilience et les adaptations de cette Académie, qui survit à sa raison d’être et en devient le conservatoire mémoriel, méritent enfin une attention toute particulière. Par ce prisme, on parcourt les conversions terminologique, thématique et réticulaire de la classe coloniale dans son ensemble. Décolonisation des mots, introduction des thèmes fédérateurs que sont la coopération et la francophonie, dilution et ouverture internationale de l’ancienne classe coloniale sont au cœur de cette transition
This thesis proposes to study a “ certain vision“ of France through the History of the Académie des Sciences coloniales (ASC) now called the Académie des Sciences d’Outre-mer, since its formation in 1922 until the 1970’s. Contributing to the analysis of the “colonial sciences” and its connections with the centre of power, the research about this society of experts is a gateway towards several fields regarding the colonial thought and its developments.Generalist, multidisciplinary and created by some of very important personalities from the ancient “parti colonial”, the ASC is representative of the French colonial circles of the interwar period. The study of its composition allows us to outline a real “colonial class”, part of the French ruling class, fiercely sovereignist and promoting the “empire notion”. The thought which embodies these “coloniaux” combines closely the universalism of the French Republic messianism and the particularist relativism proper to the domination of “the Other”. Those two postulates are theoretically opposite. For a long time, the historiography has presented the fact that the colonisation by the French republic is contradictory to its original premise. The expression “République lointaine” (“Distant Republic”) which is both a geographic reality and a conceptual approach is forged to refute this false paradox. This work leads to an analysis of this thought evolution.The resilience and the adaptation of this Academy, which outlasts its fundamental purpose, becoming its “memorial repository”, deserve at least a specific attention. Through this research subject, we observe terminological, thematic and reticular conversions of the entire “colonial class”. Decolonization of words, introduction of the integrating themes of cooperation and francophonie, dilution of the former “colonial class” and its opening to the international networks, are indeed crucial to understand this transition

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Capdepuy, Arlette. "Félix Eboué, 1884-1944 : mythe et réalités coloniales." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30051/document.

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Descendant d’esclaves, Félix Éboué est né dans le milieu de la petite bourgeoisie de Cayenne (Guyane) en 1884. Il termine ses études secondaires à Bordeaux puis ses études supérieures à Paris : il sort diplômé de l’École coloniale en 1908. A sa demande, il est affecté en Oubangui-Chari (colonie de l’AEF). Il reste en brousse vingt deux ans avant de devenir administrateur en chef (1931). Il est ensuite nommé à différents postes : secrétaire général de la Martinique (1932-1934), secrétaire général du Soudan français (1934-1936), gouverneur de la Guadeloupe (1936-1938), gouverneur du Tchad (1938-1940). A l’été 1940, il choisit le camp de la Résistance avec de Gaulle. Le ralliement du Tchad donne au chef de la France libre un territoire français en Afrique, d’une importance stratégique capitale. En novembre 1940, de Gaulle le nomme gouverneur général de l’AEF à Brazzaville et Compagnon de la Libération. Jusqu’à février 1944, grâce à sa maîtrise de l’administration coloniale, il gère les hommes et les ressources de l’AEF pour le plus grand profit de la France libre et des Alliés. Épuisé et malade, il décède au Caire en mai 1944.La mémoire d’État s’empare de sa mémoire pour en faire rapidement une icône : il entre au Panthéon en mai 1949. Mais, Félix Éboué ne se réduit pas à son mythe : s’il est un personnage emblématique de la IIIe République, il est un homme ancré dans son époque par son appartenance à des réseaux de pouvoirs et par ses idées. Sa spécificité est d’avoir espéré réformer le système colonial et d’avoir cru qu’il était possible de lutter contre le préjugé de couleur, contre le racisme au nom des valeurs de la République. S’il fut un pionnier, c’est par le domaine du sport qui était pour lui un outil par excellence de l’intégration et d’épanouissement de l’individu
Descendant of slaves, Felix Eboue was born in the middle of the lower middle class of Cayenne (Guiana) in 1884. He finished high school in Bordeaux and his graduate studies in Paris: he graduated from the “Ecole coloniale” in 1908. At his request, he was assigned in Oubangui-Chari (AEF colony). It remains in the bush twenty two years before becoming Chief (1931). He was appointed to various positions: Secretary General of Martinique (1932-1934), Secretary General of the French Sudan (1934-1936), governor of Guadeloupe (1936-1938), governor of Chad (1938-1940). In the summer of 1940, he chose the side of the Resistance with de Gaulle. The rallying Chad gives the leader of Free France, a French territory in Africa, a strategic importance. In November 1940, de Gaulle appointed Governor General of the AEF in Brazzaville and Companion of the Liberation. Until February 1944, thanks to his mastery of the colonial administration, he manages people and resources of the AEF for the benefit of Free France and the Allies. Exhausted and ill, he died in Cairo in May 1944. The memory State seizes his memory to make an icon rapidly enters the Pantheon in May 1949. But Felix Eboue is not limited to the myth: it is an iconic character of the Third Republic, he is a man rooted in his time by his membership in networks of power and ideas. Its specificity is to be hoped reform the colonial system and have believed it was possible to fight against the prejudice of color against racism on behalf of the values of the Republic. If he was a pioneer, this is the sport that was for him an ideal tool for the integration and development of the individual

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Thabouillot, Gérard. "Un projet politique et administratif pour l’arrière-pays de la Guyane française : le territoire de l’Inini (1930-1969)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040105.

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En 1930, la France créa le Territoire autonome de l’Inini, colonie d’administration directe de l’hinterland de la Guyane française. Après la départementalisation de la Guyane, ce dispositif perdura en 1951 sous la forme d’un arrondissement à statut particulier, en droit jusqu’en 1961 et de fait jusqu’en 1969. La description de ce système politico-administratif, fortement inspiré de celui conçu pour les colonies d’Afrique, permet d’analyser l’ultime étape du processus d’expansion de l’État français dans un espace social et culturel amazonien. Cette intégration fut l’œuvre des fonctionnaires de terrain qui menèrent, à partir de 1936, une politique continue de contact dans le cadre d’une implantation dynamique de postes administratifs en direction de l’intérieur et des frontières. Ce personnel subalterne, fonctionnaires coloniaux et gendarmes, mit en œuvre une technique administrative d’approche et de gestion des populations - déportés indochinois des Etablissements Pénitentiaires Spéciaux, tribus de frontière et orpailleurs - dans un espace ouvert aux politiques des Etats voisins. L’histoire de l’Inini incite à ne pas limiter l’histoire de la Guyane française à celle d’une vieille colonie devenue un D.O.M. en 1946. Elle permet de dépasser cette analyse qui relève du discours politique assimilationniste. Elle nuance aussi l’interprétation par l’anthropologie d’une intégration de populations sylvicoles artificiellement et hâtivement conduite. Enfin, elle ouvre la voie à une analyse comparative de l’arrière-pays des Guyanes
In 1930, France established the Autonomous Territory of Inini, an administrative division governing French Guiana's hinterland. Once Guiana had become an overseas department, the formula was renewed from 1951 in the shape of a district with special status, remaining so officially until 1961 and in effect until 1969. Discussing this politico-administrative system - largely based on what had been worked out for French colonies in Africa – gives a key to understanding the ultimate stage of the French state's expansion process in a social and cultural Amazonian context. That effort at social integration was the work of civil servants in the field who, from 1936 on, conducted a sustained policy of contact by establishing administrative posts in the interior of the territory and at its borders. These low-ranking colonial officers and gendarmes implemented an administrative approach to the handling of various communities – deportees from Southeast Asia held in special jails, border tribes or gold-diggers – across areas under the political influence of neighbouring states. The Inini file is an encouragement not to limit the history of French Guiana to that of an old colony turned into an overseas department (D.O.M.) in 1946. It makes it possible to go beyond analyses which are linked to assimilation policies. It also tends to moderate the anthropological view of an artificial and hasty integration of forest tribes. Lastly, it paves the way for a comparative analysis of Guyanese back countries
A França criou, em 1930, o Território autónomo do Inini, colónia de administração directa dahinterlândia da Guiana francesa. Após a départementalisação da Guiana, este dispositivocontinuou em 1951 sob a forma de distrito à estatuto específico (particular), juridicamente até1961 e de facto até 1969. A descrição deste sistema politicoadministrativo, fortementeinspirado de estas concebidas para as colónias da África, permite analisar a ultima etapa doprocesso de expansão do Estado francês num espaço social e cultural amazónico. Estaintegração foi a obra dos funcionários de terreno que levaram, a partir de 1936, uma políticacontínua de contato no âmbito de uma implantação dinâmica de postos administrativos emdireção do interior e das fronteiras. Este pessoal subalterno, funcionários coloniais egendarmes, implementou uma técnica administrativa de abordagem e gestão das populações -déportados indochineses dos Estabelecimentos Penitenciários Especiais, tribos de fronteira egarimpeiros - num espaço aberto às políticas dos Estados vizinhos. A história do Inini incita anão limitar a história da Guiana francesa à essa de uma velha colónia que tornou-se, em 1946,em Departamento de Ultramar (D.O.M.). Permite ultrapassar esta análise que diz respeito aodiscurso político assimilacionista. Ela nuança também a interpretação pela antropologia deuma integração de populações silvícolas artificialmente e apressadamente conduzida. Porúltimo, abre o caminho à uma análise comparativa do interior (da hinterlândia) das Guianes
In 1930 werd door Frankrijk het zelfstandige gebied Inini gecreëerd, het onder directkoloniaal bestuur vallende achterland van Frans Guyana. Nadat Guyana een overzeesdepartement was geworden, bleef deze bestuursvorm bestaan tot in 1951 in de vorm van eenarrondissement met speciaal statuut, in rechte tot 1961 et feitelijk tot 1969. De beschrijvingvan deze bestuursvorm die sterk werd beïnvloed door het voor de Afrikaanse koloniënontwikkelde systeem, maakt het mogelijk het laatste stadium van het expansieproces van deFranse overheid te analyseren in het sociale en culturele gebied van de Amazone. Deze socialeintegratie was het werk van ambtenaren die ter plaatse, vanaf 1936, een aanhoudend contactbeleid uitvoerden bij de oprichting van administratieve posten in het binnenland van hetgebied en aan de grenzen. Dit ondergeschikte personeel, ambtenaren en politie, voerden eenbestuursbeleid uit van benadering en behandeling van de bevolking - indo-chinesegedeporteerden bewaard in speciale strafkampen, aan de grenzen levende stammen engoudzoekers – in een gebied dat open stond voor politieke invloed van de buurtstaten. Degeschiedenis van het Inini gebied nodigt uit de geschiedenis van Frans Guyana niet tebeperken tot die van een oude kolonie die in 1946 een overzees gebiedsdeel (D.O.M.) isgeworden. Zij nuanceert tevens de antropologische interpretatie van een te kunstmatige en tesnel uitgevoerde integratie van de woudbevolking. En ten laatste opent zij de weg naar eenvergelijkende analyse van de achterlanden van Guyana

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Jeudy, André. "Administrateur des colonies essai d'autobiographie critique /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37606186n.

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Jeudy, André. "Administrateur des colonies : essai d'autobiographie critique." Paris, EHESS, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987EHES0025.

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Cette these n'a pas un caractere academique, mais un caractere concret, donnant des exemples vecus de ma profession d'administrateur de la france d'outre-mer. Ma carriere s'est deroulee en afrique noire et dans la corne de l'afrique. Ma methode de travail a ete d'ordre chronologique: - ma vocation coloniale. - l'ecole nationale de la france d'outre-mer, avec une critique des enseignements dispenses dans cet etablissement d'enseignement superieur. - mes fonctions d'administrateur de brousse. - mes rapports avec les elements les plus importants des societes africaines auxquels j'ai eu affaire:. Ma collaboration avec les chefs. . Ma collaboration avec les masses. . Ma collaboration avec les evolues. D'aucuns ont voulu parfois comparer le metier d'administrateur colonial avec celui des membres du corps prefectoral. En fait, il n'en est rien. Nous agissions dans un contexte socio-culturel completement different, et ou nos responsabilites etaient plus lourdes, nos initiatives plus grandes et notre vie plus active
Dissertation abstract the approach to this dissertation was not purely academic, but it is based upon concrete and matter-of-fact experience. It rests on real life episodes of my professional endeavours as administrator in the french overseas territories. My career took place in black africa and in the horn of africa. The method used in this study was chronological: - a colonial vocation. - the national school of overseas france (ecole nationale de la france d'outre- mer). A critical examination of the teaching methods used in this institute of advanced learning. - my function as administrator in the field. - relationships with the more significant sections of the african societies with which i had to deal. . Working with the chiefs. . Working with the natives. . Working with the developed sectors of society. Some have tried to compare the task of a colonial administrator with that of a member of the french prefectural corps. This comparison is inaccurate. Our field work was involved with a socio-cultural environment that was funda- mentally different, where our responsabilities were heavier, our initiative less restricted and our lives more active

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Hélénon, Véronique. "Les administrateurs coloniaux originaires de guadeloupe, martinique et guyane dans les colonies francaises d'afrique, 1880-1939." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0021.

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L'image generalement donnee du colonisateur francais est celle d'un homme blanc. En fait la france fit largement appel a ses colonises dans le processus meme de colonisation. En afrique noire (aof, aef, madagascar), l'elite de l'administration, le corps des administrateurs des colonies, etait largement composee d'originaires de colonies et notamment des anciennes colonies francaise de martinique, guadeloupe et guyane. Ces colonises venaient de milieux socio-professionnels tres divers; cependant une majorite des peres etaient eux-memes fonctionnaires et les futurs administrateurs avaient ete eleves dans les villes principales de leur colonie d'origine. Avant meme de se rendre en afrique, les futurs administrateurs avaient deja une certaine image de l'afrique, qui s'etait forgee a travers les contes, les contacts qu'ils avaient eu dans leur colonie d'origine avec des africains et demeurait enserree dans les limites de la politique assimilationniste menee par la france. Ces hommes suivaient des parcours universitaires, passaient leur baccalaureat, entraient dans les universites de droit; toutefois, la voie privilegiee pour acceder au corps des administrateurs des colonies demeurait le passage par l'ecole coloniale de paris. Leur depart vers les colonies africaines etait organise dans au sein de reseaux structures, tels leur propre famille, le milieu antillais a paris, leurs appuis politiques et la franc-maconnerie. L'administration coloniale francaise en afrique peut etre consideree comme "metisse", tant du point de vue des formations des administrateurs, que de l'origine de l'ensemble des personnels coloniaux. En effet, a tous les niveaux de la hierarchie etaient employes des colonises, mais plus on s'elevait dans la hierarchie moins ceux-ci etaient nombreux
The image generally given of the french colonizer is the one of a white man. In fact, france made a large use of colonized people originated from her empire, in the colonial process. In black africa (aof, aef, madagascar), the top-ranked civil servants, "the colonial administrators", were largely composed of natives from the oldest colonies and especially from the ones of martinique, guadeloupe and guyane. Those colonised came from various backgrounds and their parents occupied various positions on the social scale; however, a majority of the fathers of thefathers were themselves civil servants, and most of the aspiring administrators were brought up in the main cities of their native colonies. Even before reaching africa, those colonial administrators had a certain image of africa, that i tried to understand through the west indians tales, the stay of the king behanzin in martinique and the assimilationnist policy led in the french colonies. Those men received the best education and after passing their baccalaureat, they entered the law universities; but the best way to be appointed as colonial administrator, was to be trained at the ecole coloniale of paris. Their departure was organized through thight networks such as their families, the west indians and french guyanese of paris, their political supports and the freemasonery. The colonial administration in africa could be considered as mixed, considering the training of the colonial administrators as well as their origins. Indeed, at different levels colonized people represented a large part of the civil servants. Generally speaking, the position occupied in this administration depended on the colonial origin and the colour

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Fairweather-Tall, Andrew. "From colonial administration to colonial state : the transition of government, education, and labour in Nyasaland, c.1930-1950." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270617.

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Cohen, Cynthia. "Educational administration in Namibia : the colonial and immediate post-independence periods." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316756.

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Mutiua, Chapane. "Ajami Literacy, class, and Portuguese pre-colonial administration in Northern Mozambique." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13183.

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Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis, based on archival and fieldwork research, provides an historical analysis of the northern Mozambique ajami manuscripts held in the Mozambique Historical Archives (AHM). The main focus is on the role played by ajami literacy in the creation of a local Muslim intellectual class that played a significant role in the establishment of a Portuguese pre-colonial administration in northern Mozambique. The history of Islam in northern Mozambique is viewed as a constant struggle against the Portuguese establishment in the region. Through an examination of ajami correspondence held in the AHM and focusing on two of the main northern Mozambique Swahili centres of the nineteenth century (Quissanga and Sancul), this thesis offers a more nuanced interpretation of the relations between the Portuguese and the Swahili Muslim rulers of the region. On the one hand, it views Quissanga-Ibo Island relations based on systematic and relatively loyal collaboration expressed in more than two hundred letters found in the collection of AHM. On the other hand, it presents Sancul-Mozambique Island relations based on ambiguous collaboration and constant betrayals, expressed in forty letters of the collection. The AHM ajami manuscripts collection numbers a total of 665 letters which were first revealed in the context of the pilot study of northern Mozambique Arabic Manuscripts, held in the Mozambique Historical Archives, under the leadership of Professors Liazzat Bonate and Joel Tembe. The pilot study ended with the selection, translation and transliteration of sixty letters from this collection. For the present study I have read, summarized and translated the whole collection (excluding the 60 letters mentioned above). However, only 266 letters which are more relevant for the analysis and argument of my thesis, I have listed in the appendix of this dissertation; and nine of them I have closely examined and cited as the main sources for the construction of local history and as documentary witness of the historical facts I discuss. The use of ajami literacy in northern Mozambique is analysed in the context of global and regional phenomena. In this sense, it is viewed as a result of a longue duré process which integrated the region into the western Indian Ocean’s cultural, political and economic dynamics. It is argued that the spread of ajami literacy in the region was framed in the context of regional Islamic education and an intellectual network. Both were also part of the process of expansion of Islam in East Africa. xiQuissanga (in Cabo Delgado) and Sancul (in Nampula) represent the two main regional settlements from which most of the manuscripts originated. The ruling elites of both regions represent suitable examples of the integration of northern Mozambique into the Swahili political, economic and intellectual networks. They also offer examples of two different dynamics of the process of integration of northern Mozambique rulers into the Portuguese pre-colonial administration. Through an analysis of the spread of Islamic education and the use of Arabic script in the above-mentioned region, this thesis sought to establish the connection of coastal societies in northern Mozambique to the Swahili world (most specifically to Comoros Islands, Zanzibar and western Madagascar). It was through this connection that the Muslim intellectual class was created in northern Mozambique and played an important intermediary role in the process of the establishment of the Portuguese administration in the second half of the nineteenth century. Through their correspondence and reports, this local intellectual elite produced a body of manuscripts in Kiswahili and other local languages (in the Arabic script), which are now an important source for the history of the region.

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Prior, Christopher. "Constructing imperial mindsets : race and development in Britain's interwar African colonial administration." Thesis, Durham University, 2007. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3660/.

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Very few have attempted to discuss interwar British colonial officials' intellectual interactions with the metropole in the early twentieth century. And yet such interactions are key if we are to really understand the way administrators understood race, imperial power and development. Where the ideas of colonial officials in interwar Africa have been examined, academics tend to coalesce around one of two arguments. Some believe that the British were cautious and conservative, which is said to account for the rise of the doctrine of 'indirect rule' and an aversion to the introduction of educational provision to thecontinent. Others, predominantly postcolonialists writing in the last twenty years or so, have argued that the British in Africa were ambiguous as to what their role was, because, they were attached to both ideas of the 'civilizing mission' and the 'noble savage.' In contrast to the first line of thinking, the British were in fact consistently interventionist, due to a moral universalism, a belief in the 'good' of the British, and an excited advocacy of the act of change. In contrast to the second line of thinking, the British genuinely felt that they were effecting coherent programmes of political, economic and social infrastructural development. The enthusiasm for change and a perception of Africa as robust and adaptable more than countered any sense of loss at the passing of a pre-colonial Africa that was usually depicted in negtive terms, especially when it was felt that what was good about 'traditional' African society could be preserved by indirect rule. The source of British confidence lay to a significant extent in the constant engagement of colonial officials with metropolitan ideas. Elite administrators, anthropologists and other commentators of the day all sanctioned the act of change. British conceptions of racial categories and imperial strength conjoined in such a way that officials felt that they were effecting coherent plans which blended both 'reform' and 'stasis' because both race and empire were felt considerably more robust than retrospective depictions of early-twentiethcentury fears over the validity of the 'civilizing mission' have deemed.

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Palmieri, Tommaso. "Étude comparative de l’administration militaire de l’Italie et de la France au Fezzan libyen. : Un cas de modèle colonial en continuité (1930-1951)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3020/document.

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Le but de cette recherche est celui d’analyser le développement structurel d’une présence coloniale courte, chronologiquement successive. À partir d’une étude d’histoire comparée, on entend décrire le processus d’installation, création et gouvernance d’une double administration coloniale européenne, celle de l’Italie fasciste et de la France, installée au Fezzan, région du désert sud-occidental libyen. Nous montrons d’abord, dans une perspective de longue durée, comment l’urgence de contrôler les espaces amples du Sahara libyen détermine, du côté des Empires, la nécessité stratégique de créer une macro-région coloniale, à gérer uniquement par l’élément militaire. Le noyau central de la thèse analyse la manière dont les structures de ces administrations ont été conçues et mises en place par les militaires européens, ainsi que leur impact réel sur le tissu social de la région. Enfin, en guise de conclusion, nous évoquons les éléments de rupture et de continuité parmi les deux expériences, et les conséquences de l’action des administrations coloniales en termes de construction idéntitaire de la Libye indépendante
Desert Libya’s region of Fezzan presents an interesting case of a consecutive colonial military administration. A fascist italian period of ten years is followed by a french shortest-term direct administration of eight years. The research highlights the emergence to bridge an historical gap. In the framework of a comparative study, the main goal of the thesis is to investigate the development of the administrative changeover from fascist Italy to France in the region, illustrating the establishment of the double administration managed by soldiers of the two colonial powers, its impact toward the social regional structures and its elements of continuity and change. The period we take into consideration extends from 1930 to 1951, between the full realization of the italian colonization of Libya, through the so-called fascist “pacification”, and the transition process of the Independent Libyan State. This leads to explore a final understanding hypothesis, concerning the repercussion of this military continuum administration on the independence process of Libya
Il presente studio analizza lo sviluppo strutturale di una breve presenza coloniale, temporalmente consecutiva. Nel quadro di una ricerca di storia comparata, l’obiettivo è quello di descrivere il processo di instaurazione, esecuzione e governance di una duplice amministrazione coloniale europea: quella dell’Italia fascista e della Francia nel Fezzan libico. Si tratta anzitutto di precisare in che modo le zone desertiche del Sud libico divengono, progressivamente, un oggetto di contesa strategica tra le potenze imperiali, tali da rendere necessaria l’urgenza del ricorso ad una gestione amministrativa a carattere esclusivamente militare. Il nucleo centrale dell’elaborato indaga sulla maniera in cui dette strutture amministrative sono state concepite e messe in pratica da parte dei rispettivi militari impegnati sul posto, e il loro effettivo impatto sul tessuto sociale regionale. Nelle conclusioni, si evocano gli elementi di continuità e discontinuità tra le due esperienze; inoltre, tenuto conto del periodo storico preso in considerazione, compreso tra la piena realizzazione del colonialismo italiano in Libia e l’avvio del processo di transizione che porta il Paese nord africano verso l’indipendenza, si analizzano le conseguenze della gestione amministrativa in termini di costruzione identitaria dello Stato postcoloniale

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Bunton, Martin P. "The role of private property in the British administration of Palestine, 1917-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244156.

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Thomas, C. "Colonial government propaganda and public relations and the administration in Nigeria, 1939-51." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377259.

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Igarashi, Motomichi. "Genealogical analysis of the dispositive of humanitarianism/trusteeship : from colonial administration to peacebuilding." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/46590/.

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By using genealogy, this study analyzes the dispositive of humanitarianism/trusteeship, which has constituted the power relationship between trustees and target societies and fields of intervention of power in international society. This dispositive has been reproduced from the colonial period to the present. However, this study does not attempt a complete history of humanitarianism and trusteeship. Its aim is to follow the formation and reproduction of power relations in international society. In this study, ‘trusteeship' refers to a relation of inequality and a field of intervention, rather than a specific or particular historical practice. Thus, the concept of trusteeship includes various practices such as colonial administration, development assistance, and transitional administration. Equally, the category of ‘humanitarianism' also includes practices such as protection from anarchy, relief from oppression, and freedom from poverty, which are above and beyond the direct relief of suffering. Examining IR theories which employ genealogy, this study adopts sociological genealogy as a methodology. Previous studies on new trusteeship tend to presume that new trusteeship is rooted only in liberal internationalism. However, this study argues that it is underpinned not only by liberal internationalism but iii also by humanitarian discourse. Furthermore, some existing works on humanitarian intervention and new trusteeship presume that there are two kinds of humanitarianism: ‘humanitarianism separate from politics' and ‘humanitarianism abused by politics.' The former means that politics is just a tool for humanitarian purposes; and the latter means that humanitarian discourse is a convenient cloak for political interests. This dichotomy leads to the distinction between ‘good trusteeship embodying humanitarianism' and ‘bad trusteeship abusing humanitarianism.' This study aims to show that this dichotomy is highly questionable and to indicate the co-constitutive nature of trusteeship and humanitarianism. The language of trusteeship harks back to the colonial period even while the humanitarianism of today tends to reject political and colonial content. While trusteeship requires strong moral justification, humanitarianism contributes to the constitution of trusteeship when it attempts to alleviate human suffering. Although humanitarianism has represented trusteeship as universal and impartial, trusteeship has tended to expand and defend the interests of particular communities in international society. This study indicates the inherent danger of trusteeship and humanitarianism.

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Melisson, Céline. "Procurer la paix, le repos et l'abondance. Les officiers de Plume de l'Amérique française entre 1669 et 1765." Thesis, Tours, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOUR2008.

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De 1669 à 1765, 476 hommes ont reçu une commission du roi ou de son plus haut représentant pour exercer les fonctions d’officier de Plume des colonies américaines. De la fondation du département de la Marine à la réforme de Choiseul, ils ont incarné l’État dans des territoires qui connaissent des évolutions importantes pendant ces 96 années : les guerres mais aussi les découpages administratifs après le traité d’Utrecht (1713) et celui de Paris (1763). Pour comprendre cette administration, nous avons choisi d’en étudier ses éléments et d’analyser conjointement les transformations du ministère de la Marine ainsi que celles des colonies. A partir de ce contexte permettant de connaître les structures administratives, nous avons montré l’évolution des pratiques administratives, de la fonction et des hommes eux-mêmes. Le profil de ces hommes montre que l’officier de Plume des colonies est devenu, pendant ces années, un fonctionnaire colonial
For almost a century, 476 men embodied the offices of the Pen in the colonies of French America. They received a royal commission or one from his highest colonial representative. From the foundation of the department of The Marine to the reform of Choiseul, they represented the State in territories which underwent major evolutions during these 96 years: the wars but also the administrative apportionments after the treaties of Utrecht (1713) and Paris (1763). To understand this administration, we chose to study its elements and at the same time to analyze the transformations of the navy ministry as well as those of the colonies. From this context, which enabled to know the administrative structures, we showed the evolution of the administrative practices and also the duty in itself. The profile of these men shows that the Officer of Feather in these colonies became during this century, or approximately, a colonial state employee

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Hully, Thomas R. "The British Empire in the Atlantic: Nova Scotia, the Board of Trade, and the Evolution of Imperial Rule in the Mid-Eighteenth Century." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23522.

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Despite considerable research on the British North American colonies and their political relationship with Britain before 1776, little is known about the administration of Nova Scotia from the perspective of Lord Halifax’s Board of Trade in London. The image that emerges from the literature is that Nova Scotia was of marginal importance to British officials, who neglected its administration. This study reintegrates Nova Scotia into the British Imperial historiography through the study of the “official mind,” to challenge this theory of neglect on three fronts: 1) civil government in Nova Scotia became an important issue during the War of the Austrian Succession; 2) The form of civil government created there after 1749 was an experiment in centralized colonial administration; 3) This experimental model of government was highly effective. This study adds nuance to our understanding of British attempts to centralize control over their overseas colonies before the American Revolution.

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Etter, Anne-Julie. "Les antiquités de l'Inde : monuments, collections et administration coloniale (1750-1835)." Paris 7, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA070063.

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Cette thèse examine les liens entre l'étude du passé et la mise en place et le fonctionnement de l'administration coloniale en Inde. Un processus d'inventaire, de description et de conservation des vestiges matériels de la civilisation indienne se développe au moment où l'East India Company (EIC) se transforme en puissance politique, gouvernant un nombre croissant de territoires du sous-continent. La multiplication des travaux sur les antiquités, encouragée par la création de l'Asiatic Society du Bengale, la fondation de musées à Londres et à Calcutta et l'instauration de mesures d'entretien et de réparation d'édifices en sont autant de manifestations. Les employés civils et militaires de l'EIC qui mènent des recherches antiquaires et collectionnent des objets (statues, inscriptions, monnaies, etc. ) sont au coeur de ce mouvement. Ils sont donc les protagonistes de cette étude, qui analyse également le rôle des informateurs, des assistants et des savants indiens, ainsi que celui de l'EIC en tant qu'institution. La présentation de la contribution des différents acteurs permet d'éclairer les méthodes et les concepts qui sous-tendent l'étude des antiquités indiennes, inspirés en partie de celle des antiquités européennes, mais aussi les finalités de l'exploration et de la conservation des monuments, dont les enjeux sont à la fois savants et politiques. Cette thèse se situe ainsi à la croisée de l'histoire coloniale, de l'histoire de l'orientalisme et de celle de l'antiquariat
This dissertation explores the relationship between the study of the past and the rise and functioning of colonial administration in India. Description and preservation of material remains of Indian civilization developed as the East India Company (EIC) became a political power in India, ruling a growing number of territories. Proliferation of works on antiquities, encouraged by the creation of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, foundation of museums at London and Calcutta, promotion of care and repair of selected buildings all attest to that process. Civil and military employees of the EIC who undertake antiquarian researches and collect objects (statues, inscriptions, coins, etc. ) lie at the heart of that movement. This study also details the role of Indian assistants, informants and scholars, as well as that of the EIC as an institution. Through an analysis of the contribution of those various actors, it throws light upon methods and concepts underlying investigation or Indian antiquities, partly inspired by that of European antiquities. It also examines the ends of exploration and preservation of monuments, which deal with both scholar and political spheres. This dissertation thus lies at the junction of colonial history, history of orientalism and that of antiquarianism

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Dimier, Véronique. "Formation des administrateurs coloniaux français et anglais entre 1930 et 1950 : développement d'une science politique ou science administrative des colonies." Grenoble 2, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999GRE21001.

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Partant d'une controverse franco-britannique sur la nature et l'étendue des différences entre systèmes français et anglais d'administration coloniale en Afrique tropicale, nous baserons notre analyse sur les discours comparatifs et scientifiques de quatre personnes participant activement à la formation des administrateurs coloniaux en France et en Grande-Bretagne entre 1930 et 1950 et tentant d'y développer une certaine science administrative ou politique des colonies. Cette science vise à comparer les différents systèmes d'administration coloniale des pays colonisateurs tels qu'ils fonctionnent dans la pratique, au niveau local, et c'est sur ce point que porte d'ailleurs la controverse entre ces spécialistes francais et anglais d'administration coloniale, les uns (anglais) voyant beaucoup de différences, les autres (français) beaucoup de similarités. Notre but ici ne sera pas de trancher leur controverse, mais d'analyser leurs comparaisons elles-mêmes en tant que discours spécifique portant sur l'administration coloniale. Nous verrons ainsi dans quelle mesure leurs discours scientifiques et comparatifs, et les représentations qu'ils véhiculent, ont été influencés par certaines conceptions du pouvoir propres à une certaine élite et par certains enjeux a la fois institutionnels, corporatifs et politiques (internationaux)
Starting from a famous controversy on the nature and importance of the differences between French and British systems of colonial administration in tropical africa, we will analyse the comparative and scientific discourses of four people taking part in the training of colonial administrators in France and Great Britain between 1930 and 1950 and trying to develop a science of colonial administration. This science aimed at comparing the different systems of colonial administration of different colonizing countries, as it worked in practice at the local level. As we will see these four French and British analysts disagreed in their conclusions : the French saw lots of similarities and the British lots of differences. We will not try in this thesis to solve their controversy. Rather we will analyse their comparisons as such, that is their scientific and comparative discourse. We will try to see how these were influenced in each country by conceptions of government specific to a certain elite, but also by strategic considerations connected to a national (institutional) and international (political) contexts

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Beaumont, Andrew D. M. "'Ambitious men of modest means' : colonial administration under the Earl of Halifax, 1748-1761." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496189.

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Wrangham, Elizabeth Mary. "The Gold Coast and the First World War : the colonial economy and Clifford's administration." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325586.

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Meriwether, Jeffrey Lee. "Procrastination or pragmatism? : British defence policy, War Office administration, and the South African War, 1898-1903." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341163.

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Essono-Edzang, Aristide. "Étude d'une société : les auxiliaires "indigènes" de l'autorité coloniale en Afrique Équatoriale Française (A.E.F.)." Bordeaux 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993BOR30017.

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Toutes les administrations coloniales europeennes ont du faire appel a des elements indigenes pour jouer le role d'auxiliaires locaux de l'autorite occupante. Le systeme colonial d'afrique equatoriale francaise (a. E. F. ) n'a pas echapper a ce schema. En effet, depuis les origines de la presence francaise dans cette region, au milieu du xixeme siecle, jusqu'a l'accession a l'independance politique des quatre territoires composant l'a. E. F. En 1960, de nombreux "allies" indigenes ont ete integres dans lesservices administratif coloniaux et ont soutenu activement l'action coloniale de la france. Ce groupe des agents indigenes etait compose par divers types d'individus (chefs traditionnels et "administratifs", militaires, miliciens, interpretes, commis, infirmiers, domestiques, etc. . . ) qui se trouvaient relegues au bas de l'echelle administrative ou ils n'occupaient que des fonctions de second ordre. Cependant ils vont finir par constituer une veritable categorie sociale au sein de la societe colonisee, a tel point qu'ils se presenteront comme une reelle "force sociale" avec laquelle l'autorite coloniale devra necessairement composer. Au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce groupe d'individus profitera du mouvement de la decolonisation pour "emerger" et s'affirmer comme la nouvelle elite locale. C'est presque naturellement que ces anciens auxiliaires - dont principalement la frange "politico-administrative prendront la direction politique au moment des independances des quatres territoires de l'a. E. F. En 1960
Every colonial administration used natives assistants to help it govern the colonial territories. The french colonial territories in central africa, known as french equatorial africa (a. E. F. ) as from 1910, did not escape from this rule. In fact, from the arrival of the french in the region in the middle of the nineteenth century until the four territories which made up the a. E. F. Federation (gabon, congo, central africa and tchad) became independent in 1960, many indigenous "allies" were integrated in the french colonial administration. This group of assistants was composed of differents kinds of individuals (traditional chiefs, interpreters, nurses, domestic servants, military men, militiamen, secretaries, ect. . . ). Although this group of people occupied the lowest positions in the colonial administration, they formed a distinct social category in the colonial society. To the extent that they became almost like a pressure group which the colonial authority had to take into account. After the second world war, this group of individuals benefited from the decolonization movements from which they emerged as the new local elites. In fact, it was the political-administrative assistants which later took over the direction of the four new countries of the former a. E. F. At time of independence in 1960

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Seck, Papa Ibrahima. "L'ecole coloniale francaise en afrique noire (1817 - 1960) : le cas du senegal. essai de sociologie politique et historique de la strategie." Paris 7, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA070004.

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La presente etude constitue un essai de sociologie politique et historique de la strategie. Son champ est la politique scolaire coloniale de la france en afrique noire. Notre propos est de prendre en consideration la strategie telle qu'elle est intrinsequement et telle qu'elle s'est manifestee pendant toute la periode d'existence officielle de l'enseignement colonial (1817-1960), la formuler, la presenter, l'analyser et, a la fin, de degager des considerations de principe en matiere d'epistemologie de la strategie. Trois principes capitaux constituent le fondement de cette strategie : la centralisation administrative, l'assimilation et l'utilitarisme. Les deux premiers sont conformes a la tradition de la construction nationale francaise, le troisieme correspond au developpement du capitalisme au xixe et xxe siecles. Ces principes presentent trois caracteristiques principales : la permanence de l'objectif, l'adaptabilite aux diverses conjonctures et la progressivite de l'action. Ainsi, a la lumiere de cette strategie, a ete edifie le systeme scolaire au terme d'une periode de 140 ans (1817-1957) c'est-a-dire de l'annee de la creation du premier etablissement a saint-louis, a celle de la creation de l'universite de dakar). Du point de vue du colonisateur, cette strategie a ete efficace et a enregistre un succes notable. Elle a ete coherente; elle a exclu la precipitation et le pilotage a vue; enfin, elle concentrait une capacite de riposte face aux legitimes reactions des africains
The present study constitutes of an essay on the political and historical sociology of strategy. Its field is the french colonial academic politics in black africa. Our intention is to take into consideration the strategy as it is intrinsically and as it appears during all the period of official existence of colonial educational system (1817 to 1960), to model it, to present it, analyse it and, finally, to disengage the considerations of principal in epistemological matters of the strategy. Three capital principles constitute the basis of this strategy : the administrative centralism, the assimilation and the utilitarism. The first two conform to the tradition of the french national construction, the third corresponds to the developement of capitalism at the xix th and xx th centuries. These principles present three fondamental caracteristics : the permanence of the objective, the adaptability to diverse conjunctures and the progressiveness of the action. Thus in the light of this strategy, the academic system for a period of 140 years has been set up (1817 to 1957, that is from the year of the creation of the first school at saintlouis to that of the creation of the university of dakar). From the coloniser's interests, this strategy has been efficient and has marked a notable measure of success. It has been coherent, excluded precipitation and avoided short term vision. Finally, it provides a capacity to counter the legitimate reactions of africans

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Garavaglia, Gian Luciano. "De l'idéologie à la réalité coloniale : l'élaboration d'une structure juridique au Tonkin colonial entre rhétoriques, représentations, régimes politiques et influences réciproques (1886-1931)." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCC045.

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Cette thèse s'intéresse à l'élaboration et la mise en pratique d'une structure juridique au Tonkin colonial afin d'éclaircir les spécificités du régime politique colonial et de comprendre la diversité des modalités de la domination coloniale française dans un processus de confrontation entre les mécanismes théoriques métropolitains et le principe de réalité coloniale. Cette recherche se concentre sur le Tonkin en particulier car il occupe une place spécifique dans la politique française au Viêt Nam, un territoire où la France s'appuie sur les structures politiques centralisées précoloniales pour concevoir son modèle politique colonial. Le protectorat tonkinois singulier incarne la quintessence du pragmatisme colonial français et constitue l'outil politico-territorial qui s'intègre au mieux à la présence d'organisations étatiques précoloniales et au processus général d'asservissement colonial. Ce système politique spécifique amène à la superposition de deux modèles judiciaires dissemblables pour former une armature juridique hétéroclite d'une complexité inouïe dont nous allons essayer de comprendre et d'analyser la création conceptuelle, la mise en pratique et le fonctionnement. Notre recherche s'attarde sur une période de l'histoire du Tonkin qui court des prémices de la colonisation française, en 1886, jusqu'à l'assujettissement complet des organisations politiques locales à « l'Etat » colonial indochinois au début des années 1930. La période englobe l'ensemble du spectre des constructions politiques coloniales avant que l'effervescence des mouvements modernistes et anticolonialistes ne perturbe l'équilibre sur lequel il repose
This thesis focuses on the development and implementation of a legal structure in colonial Tonkin in order to clarify the specifics of the colonial political system and understand the terms of the diversity of the French colonial domination in a process of confrontation between theoretical metropolitan mechanisms and colonial principle reality. This research focuses on Tonkin because it occupies a special place in French politics in Vietnam, an area in which France relies on centralized precolonial political structures to design its colonial political model. The singular Tonkin protectorate embodies the quintessence of French colonial pragmatism. This specific political system leads to the superposition of two dissimilar legal models to form a heterogeneous legal framework of unprecedented complexity, which we will try to understand by analyzing thL: conceptuel creation, implementation and operation. Our research focuses on a period of Tonkin history that runs from the beginning of the French colonization in 1886, to a complete subjugation of local political organizations, to the colonial Indochinese "State" in the early 1930s. The period encompasses the entire spectrum of colonial political structures before the effervescence of anti-colonial and modernist movements disturb that political organization

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Mirtenbaum, Chil Zenamon. "The administration of resettlement in Bolivia." [Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University American Studies Program], 1986. http://books.google.com/books?id=GWxXAAAAMAAJ.

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Abou, Sall Ibrahima. "Mauritanie du Sud : conquêtes et administration coloniales françaises, 1890-1945 /." Paris : Karthala, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41058598h.

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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Histoire--Paris 7, 1998. Titre de soutenance : Mauritanie : conquête et organisation administrative des territoires du sud (Gidimaxa, Fuuta Tooro et Waalo Barak) : rôle des aristocraties politiques et religieuses, 1890-1945.
Bibliogr. p. 779-793. Notes bibliogr. Glossaire. Index.

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Morando, Laurent. "Les instituts coloniaux et l'Afrique : 1893-1940 : ambitions nationales, réussites locales." Aix-Marseille 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX10062.

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Certains " grands ancêtres étrangers " sont des références pour les Instituts coloniaux français qui, sauf celui de Nancy, sont des associations privées. Le premier Institut colonial est créé à Marseille en 1893 grâce au concours de la Chambre de Commerce. Son but est de développer la recherche scientifique et l'enseignement colonial pour permettre une mise en valeur rationnelle de l'Empire. Deux autres Instituts sont fondés à Bordeaux et à Nancy (1901 et 1902). Durant la Grande Guerre, ils remplissent un rôle d'expertise auprès du gouvernement pour le ravitaillement de la métropole en produits coloniaux, notamment les arachides de l'A. O. F. L'Institut colonial français est fondé à Paris en 1920. Il a une ambition nationale. Les années 1920 voient les dernières créations en France et en Europe : Nice (1927), Le Havre (1929), Amsterdam (1926). Si les années 1920 constituent l'âge d'or des Instituts coloniaux, les années 1930 sont une période de crise et de mutations. Les grandes Expositions coloniales organisées par la Chambre de Commerce de Marseille en 1906 et 1922 ont pour but de présenter l'Empire au grand public. La propagande coloniale des Instituts est multiforme : expositions permanentes, temporaires, stands dans diverses foires, conférences, propagande scolaire. Son efficacité reste limitée. L'administration refuse d'étendre aux grandes Chambres de Commerce le recrutement des administrateurs coloniaux réservé à l'École coloniale de Paris. Elles fondent alors un enseignement colonial supérieur destiné à former les cadres économiques nécessaires à la mise en valeur de l'Empire. Cet enseignement répond le plus souvent aux besoins locaux grâce à un contenu pratique et un corps enseignant stable et compétent. Certains Instituts créent des services de documentation et de recherche scientifique et technique au service des entreprises adhérentes. Cette action locale et pratique rencontre un vif succès. Les Instituts les plus actifs participent aux grands débats doctrinaux, notamment douanier, concernant la mise en valeur de l'Empire.

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Malik, Nasor. "Extension of Kiswahili during the German colonial administration in continental Tanzania (former Tanganyika), 1885-1917." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-95596.

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When European explorers in the 19th century came to East Afiica they found Kiswahili was already established as a lingua franca in the coastal region and along the trade routes from the coast to the interior. One of them, an Englishman, John Hanning Speke, embarked on his second journey, in 1860, from Bagamoyo and travelled inland. When he reached Karagwe on the west side of Lake Nyanza, he was welcomed by Mukama Rumanika, the ruler of Karagwe, who `spoke to Speke in Swahili` (Clerke 1960: 74}. (On his previous journey to the same area, Speke gave the name of Victoria to Lake Nyanza, in honour of Queen Victoria of England) Kiswahili, then, was taken for granted as a language of communication as far inland as Karagwe. Other 19th century European travellers and explorers (Albrecht Roscher, Hermann von Wissmann, Richard Burton, David Livingstone and others) who reached trade centres inland, such as Njombe, Tabora and Ujiji, found Kiswahili was an inrportant language of trade.

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Alderman, Christopher John Finlay. "British Imperialism and social Darwinism : C.L. Temple and colonial administration in Northern Nigeria, 1901-1916." Thesis, Kingston University, 1996. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20592/.

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This research examines the concept of Social. Darwinism in relation to British imperialism, with particular reference to Northern Nigeria and the administrative work of Charles Temple during the period 1901 ~ 1916. At the centre of previous portrayals of Temple and his career is the suggestion that he was an introspective and unusually speculative man, whose significance in the history of Northern Nigeria is limited to the contribution of some abstruse ideas of narrow relevance to the practical administration of colonial government. The existing historical accounts, which are often based on uncontextualised and sometimes casual appraisals of his book Native Races and Their Rulers, also suggest that Temple believed in minimal intervention into native communities. The result of these assessments has been that Temple's rationale for colonial rule (in particular his wish to protect indigenous communities from sudden or abrupt change) has been over- emphasised, whilst his advice on the practical implementation of this rationale has been largely ignored. Against this background Native Races can only be properly understood from a detailed analysis of its ideological and historical context. The relationship between British imperialism and Social Darwinism, and particularly the specific aspects of this debate likely to have interested a man of Temple's age, background and profession, are outlined. It is concluded that within such a context, the most likely function of Social Darwinism in relation to British imperialism was to provide justification for intervention into, and for the subjugation of, foreign communities - as well as a means of explaining the racial and other contradictions which this process involved. A detailed analysis of Temple's Native Races establishes that there is a strong contiguity between his ideas and those expressed in the contemporary mainstream debate that combined ideas on British imperialism with Social Darwinist assumptions. It is argued that the techniques which Temple proposed for interpreting specific native customs, beliefs and institutions, as well as his version of the policy of Indirect Rule, displayed Social Darwinist assumptions. It is also clear that Temple required a great deal of practical intervention from British administrators - even if they were cautioned to allow the natives to find their own path of progression. Substantial new evidence indicates that Temple was a man out to make a name for himself as a modern, scientific and liberal administrator and that he had a real, powerful and continuous influence on the administration of Northern Nigeria for nearly sixteen years. Whilst Temple thought detailed and scientific administrative policy was vital, he also realised that without organizational efficiency and continuity in practice, little could be achieved. Temple believed that this stage in the development of Northern Nigerian communities required sustained and rigorous intervention, and he consistently justified this approach in official documents and journal articles from a Social Darwinist interpretation of native societies. The thesis offers considerable evidence, including a detailed appraisal of his wider connections and interests, to support the case that the contribution which Temple made towards British government in Northern Nigeria lay in the translation of administrative theory into actual practice. It is therefore concluded that Temple not only used Social Darwinism to explain racial differences and justify British imperialism, but also caused it to have a direct impact on the practical administration of colonial rule in Northern Nigeria between 1901 and 1916.

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Malik, Nasor. "Extension of Kiswahili during the German colonial administration in continental Tanzania (former Tanganyika), 1885-1917." Swahili Forum; 3 (1996), S. 155-159, 1996. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A11639.

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When European explorers in the 19th century came to East Afiica they found Kiswahili was already established as a lingua franca in the coastal region and along the trade routes from the coast to the interior. One of them, an Englishman, John Hanning Speke, embarked on his second journey, in 1860, from Bagamoyo and travelled inland. When he reached Karagwe on the west side of Lake Nyanza, he was welcomed by Mukama Rumanika, the ruler of Karagwe, who `spoke to Speke in Swahili` (Clerke 1960: 74}. (On his previous journey to the same area, Speke gave the name of Victoria to Lake Nyanza, in honour of Queen Victoria of England) Kiswahili, then, was taken for granted as a language of communication as far inland as Karagwe. Other 19th century European travellers and explorers (Albrecht Roscher, Hermann von Wissmann, Richard Burton, David Livingstone and others) who reached trade centres inland, such as Njombe, Tabora and Ujiji, found Kiswahili was an inrportant language of trade.

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Baita, Abdeslam. "L'État colonial au Maroc : 1912-1956." Paris 10, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA100184.

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L'état colonial est né de la conquête. Les reformes du makhzen s'inscrivaient dans le cadre de l'articulation des structures étatiques traditionnelles avec les institutions du protectorat. Le contrôle social de l'état s'exerçait par le biais de son système juridique, le recours au caidalisme et la création et la régénération d'institutions représentatives. Mais la légitimité de l'état colonial fut toujours fragile
The colonial state in morocco is a result of the conquest. The reforms of the makhzen took the form of an articulation of the traditional structures of the state and the protectorate institutions. The state function of social control operated through a juridical system, the caidalism and the creation of representative institutions. But the legitimacy of the colonial state was always weak

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Funchal, William de Andrade [UNESP]. "Governo local em uma capitania sem governador (São Paulo, 1748-1765)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/147130.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
A proposta deste estudo é investigar o funcionamento da câmara municipal de São Paulo no período no qual a capitania esteve politicamente subordinada ao governador do Rio de Janeiro e ao governador militar de Santos, entre 1748-1765. Com base na vasta literatura sobre a instituição camarária, a hipótese inicial deste trabalho era de que a governança local teria se posicionado a favor da decisão da Coroa portuguesa em suprimir o governador da capitania em virtude das reformas político-administrativas aplicadas no centro-sul que visavam otimizar a exploração dos sertões minerais. A pesquisa, contudo, revelou que a câmara foi contrária à supressão da autonomia, embora essa reação tenha ocorrido apenas nos anos iniciais e finais desse intervalo. Mas a mudança mais significativa foi o reordenamento da interlocução dos camaristas com o funcionalismo régio, o que assegurou as bases de sua governabilidade. A sobrevivência da instituição camarária e a manutenção de sua jurisdição em uma capitania sem governador contribuíram para comprovar seu vigor institucional. Por outro lado, a pesquisa demonstrou que essa supressão de governador pode ser melhor compreendida se vinculada às tensões entre as coroas ibéricas na definição de suas balizas geográficas na América. Para entender esse momento singular da história da câmara de São Paulo, de sede de uma capitania sem autonomia administrativa, foi feito um recuo ao período do governo de D. Luís Mascarenhas (1739-1748) para definir o comportamento político da câmara no período posterior, tendo como referência a relação com esse general. No que concerne à documentação foram utilizados acervos especialmente administrativos de âmbito municipal e ofícios trocados entre as autoridades régias.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the functioning of the São Paulo’s municipal council in the years 1748 to 1765, a period in which the captaincy was politically subordinate to the governor of Rio de Janeiro and the military governor of Santos. Based on the extensive literature on the subject, the initial hypothesis was that local governance would be positioned in favor of the Portuguese Crown decision to abolish the governor of the captaincy because of political and administrative reforms implemented in southcentral optimize the exploitation of mineral lands. The survey, however, revealed that the town council was against the suppression of autonomy, although this reaction has occurred only in the early years and end of that range. But the most significant change was the reorganization council’s dialogue with the royal bureaucracy, which ensured the basis of its governance. The survival of the city council institution and maintenance of its jurisdiction in a captaincy without governor contributed to prove its institutional force. On the other hand, research has shown that suppression governor can be better understood if linked to tensions between the Iberian crowns in defining their geographical beacons in America. To understand this unique moment in the history of the São Paulo’s city council, headquarters of a captaincy without administrative autonomy, it was made a retreat to the government for the period of D. Luís Mascarenhas (1739-1748) to define the political behavior of the council in the period with reference to this general relationship. As regarding the documentation were used especially administrative collections of municipal and letters exchanged between the royal authorities.
FAPESP: 2014/23905-1

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Ralaikoa, Albert. "Fiscalité, administration et pression coloniales dans le Sud-Betsileo, 1895-1918 /." Antananarivo : Université de Madagascar, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355381760.

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35

Johnson, Alexander James Cook. "Charting the imperial will : colonial administration & the General Survey of British North America, 1764-1775." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3458.

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This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.

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Pierchon, Jean-Baptiste. "Le Gouverneur Général Martial Merlin." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10060.

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Martial Merlin a été Gouverneur général de l'Afrique équatoriale française (de 1909 à 1917), de l'Afrique occidentale française (de 1919 à 1923) et de l'Indochine (de 1923 à 1925). Il est le seul Administrateur colonial à avoir occupé les trois grands Gouvernements généraux de la France d'Outre-mer. L'AEF, l'AOF et l'Indochine étaient des Groupes de colonies : ils furent créés à la fin du XIXe siècle, afin de donner une unité de direction à des colonies jusque là dispersées. L'étude de l'œuvre et de la doctrine coloniales de Merlin nous permet de mieux connaître l'institution du Gouvernement général. Merlin souhaitait que l'Administration fût organisée sur des bases claires. Il a défini les attributions de chaque organe du Gouvernement général et il a souligné le rôle essentiel du Gouverneur général, chargé de donner une unité de direction politique et économique aux territoires regroupés. Merlin souhaitait également que l'Administration s'appuyât sur des bases solides. Il a mis en œuvre une politique de Gouvernement indirect, afin de diriger les populations indigènes par l'intermédiaire de leurs chefs coutumiers. Organe de coordination économique, le Gouverneur général devait assurer la mise en valeur de son Groupe de colonies : Merlin a défini une politique de développement précise, tout en se souciant des moyens de sa politique de développement (il a notamment réglementé le régime de la main d'oeuvre). Organe de direction politique, le Gouverneur général devait convaincre les indigènes des bienfaits de la "Paix française" : Merlin a défini (et mis en oeuvre) une politique de "contact", afin d'entraîner l'adhésion des indigènes à la cause française, tout en menant une politique "défensive", face à l'irruption de mouvements étrangers hostiles à la présence française
Martial Merlin was the Governor General of the AEF (French equatorial Africa) from 1909 to 1917, of the AOF (French western Africa) from 1919 to 1923 and of Indochina from 1923 to 1925. He is the only colonial administrator to have served as Governor General of all three organizations of the French colonies. The AEF, AOF and Indochina, each grouping together many colonies, were created at the end of the nineteenth century, in order to impose a coherence to the direction of the colonies, which up until then had been administered separately. A study of the colonial theory expressed in the works of Merlin provides an insight into the institution of the Government General. Merlin affirmed that the administration of the colonies should be organized on a clear basis. He assigned specific attributes to each organ of the Government General, and emphasized that the essential role was to be played by the Governor General, whose duty it was to define a unified policy for the political and economic direction of the various territories. Seeking a firm basis for this administration, Merlin implemented a policy of indirect government, controlling the native population by using their customary chiefs as intermediaries. As an agent of economic coordination, the Governor General was to turn to good account his group of colonies ; Merlin defined a policy of development which included initiatives to insure the means by which to implement that policy (he introduced, for example, a set of labor regulations). As an agent of political direction, the Governor General was to convince the natives of the advantages of the "French peace" ; Merlin defined and implemented a policy of “contact”, in order to gain the support of the natives to the French cause, while at the same time practicing a "defensive" policy, made necessary by the eruption of movements hostile to the French presence

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Asseraf, Arthur. "Foreign news in colonial Algeria, 1881-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8aac363c-86d6-48dc-888b-320fb4b6fc9e.

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This thesis looks at how news shaped people's relationship to the world in Algeria under French rule. This territory operated under an uncertain legal status that made it both a part of France and a colony, and within it lived a society divided between European settlers and Muslim natives. Accounts of recent events helped Algerians determine what was domestic and what was foreign in a place where those two notions were highly contested. Colonialism did not close Algeria off from the world or open it up, instead it created a particular geography. In a series of case-studies taken from across Algeria, this thesis investigates a wide range of types of news: manuscripts, rumours, wire dispatches, newspapers, illustrations, songs, newsreels, and radio broadcasts. It focuses on the period in which Algeria's legal status as part of France was most certain, from the end of the conquest and the consolidation of Republican rule in the 1880s to the outbreak of the Second World War. In this period, authorities thought the influence of outside events on Algeria was a bigger threat than disturbances within. Because of this, state surveillance produced reports to monitor foreign news, and these form the backbone of this study. But state attempts to manage the flow of news had unintended effects. Instead of establishing effective censorship, authorities ended up spreading news and making it more politically sensitive. Settlers, supposedly the state's allies, proved highly disruptive to state attempts to control the flow of information. Through a social history of information in a settler colonial society, this research reconsiders the relationship between changes in media and people's sense of community. From the telegraph to the radio, new technologies worked to divide colonial society rather than tying it together, and the same medium could lead to divergent senses of community.

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Fletcher, Paul [Verfasser], and Roland [Akademischer Betreuer] Wenzlhuemer. "COMMUNICATING EMPIRE: Gauging Telegraphy’s Impact on Ceylon’s Nineteenth-Century Colonial Government Administration / Paul Fletcher ; Betreuer: Roland Wenzlhuemer." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1180301714/34.

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39

Chan, Samson. "Colonial penality : a case study of Hong Kong's penal policy and programmes under British administration (1945-1997)." Thesis, University of Hull, 2012. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7167.

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Penal policies and programmes for the control and management of offenders have always been essential in maintaining law and order in the colonial setting. Hong Kong, being one of the few remaining British crown colonies in the twentieth century, is used as an example in this thesis to illustrate how colonial penality was developed after the Second World War. Penal policies and programmes in Hong Kong divorced gradually from the British practices after the Second World War and ended with significant differences in 1997 when Hong Kong was handed back to China. This thesis explores in detail how penal policies and programmes were developed in Hong Kong from 1945 to 1997. Roles of the British administrators in London and Hong Kong, local elites and the community at large in the policy making process are studied and suggestions given to explain why Hong Kong only transported certain penal policies and programmes from England after the War. The differences in timing for the implementation of these adopted policies as well as penal policies and programmes which were developed entirely locally are examined. This former British colony is claimed to be one the safest cities in Asia. Penal policies and programmes in Hong Kong are used to explain how they contributed towards the maintenance of law and order in Hong Kong and their relationship with the interwoven political, social, cultural and economical factors and social institutions which helped transforming Hong Kong into a world class city whilst under the British administration. This case study of colonial penality in post-War penal policy and programme development in Hong Kong would provide insights and contributions in the fields of historical and comparative penology.

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Bourgeat, Emilie. "Penality, violence and colonial rule in Kenya (c.1930-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f33d9b21-f1b4-43cb-bb38-595e5989b931.

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Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.

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41

Tumba, Tutu-de-Muko. "L'expérience administrative coloniale au Congo belge et au Congo français : essai sur le mimétisme administratif." Paris 9, 1986. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1986PA090027.

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Avec l'implantation du colonisateur en Afrique, le régime juridique colonial se substitue aux institutions traditionnelles. L’administration indirecte pratiquée par les belges au Congo belge, si elle est favorable au maintien des chefferies traditionnelles, elle contribue en effet à leur dégradation. L’administration directe lorsqu'elle est pratiquée par les français au Congo français, elle détruit les structures traditionnelles. Par leur présence et leur action, les administrations coloniales ont été un élément perturbateur des anciens équilibres. Elles ont introduit une nouvelle manière d'agir et de penser. Lorsqu'ils accèdent à l'indépendance, le zaïre et le Congo, n'ont pu faire que d'hériter des structures administratives mises en place par le colonisateur. Le mimétisme, pèche originel des nouveaux états a fait peser sur leur développement ultérieur une hypothèque. Les différentes reformes administratives entreprises n'ont pas pu donner des résultats escomptes.

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42

Mourou, Max-Williams. "Les moyens d'action du ministère des Colonies de 1894 à 1914." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010657.

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43

Ben, Mlih Abdellah. "Structures politiques du Maroc colonial : d'un "état" sultanien à un "état" sédimental." Paris 2, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA020042.

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Les structures politiques du maroc colonial resultent de la rencontre de deux formations "etatiques" qui appartiennent a des aires culturelles et a des eres historiques differentes. L'entrelacement des strates sultanienne et coloniale donne lieu a un type d'"etat" singulier que nous avons nomme "etat" sedimental. Une etude diachronique reconstitue la trajectoire historique du centre sultanien et permet de degager le diagramme du pouvoir sultanien, d'en saisir la singularite. La rencontre des deux strates constitue un moment de sedimentation au sens de consolidation institutionnelle et d'agglutination. Dans la formation sedimentale, le pouvoir sultanien se voit assigner une fonction de legitimation et une fonction documentaire. Le protectorat comme categorie juridicoideologique se presente comme la base sur laquelle se construit l'"etat" sedimental. Il fournit les themes de legitimation et institue la cohabitation entre les deux composantes du systeme sedimental. Etant partiellement issu de l'"etat savant", l'"etat" sedimental assigne au savoir une fonction centrale. Il constitue un instrument de decodage et d'information. Ainsi le soldat enqueteur est le personnage central de l'administration coloniale. (. . . )
The political structures of colonial morocco are the result of the encounter between two "state-like" formations belonging to different cultural zones and historical eras. The interweaving of the sultan-rules stratum with the col lonial stratum gives rise to a particular type of "state" which i have called the "sedimentary state". The meeting of the two strata (sultan-rules and colonial) constitutes a moment of sedimentation understood as institutional consolidation and agglutination. In this sedimentary formation, the tasks of legitimation and documentation arre assigned to the power of the "sultanate". The protectorate, as a juridical-ideological category, is presented as the foundation upon which the "sedimentary state" is constructed. It supplies the themes of legitimation and initiates the cohabitation between the two coponents parts of the sedimentary system. The "sedimentary state" ascribes a central role to knowledge which constitutes an instrument for decoding and information gathering. Thus the soldier-investigator is the main character of the colonial administration. The joint need to partition the territory and control the population places him at the heart of the administrative apparatus. (. . . )

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N'Dombi, Pierre. "L'administration publique de l'Afrique équatoriale française de 1920 à 1956 : histoire d'un Etat providence colonial." Aix-Marseille 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995AIX10018.

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Apres la guerre de 1914-1918, certains hommes politiques condamnerent la politique coloniale de la france qui avait subordonne la mise en valeur des colonies a leurs seules capacites financiedevant les carences du capital prive, l'etat francais se chargea, par l'administration interposee, de l'outillage economique de l'afrique equatoriale francaise. Mais l'etat ne joua qu'un role suppletif : il crea des conditions propices a la mise en valeur et non de l'assurer directement. . L'administration publique fit faire des etudes dont elle mit les resultats aux entrepreneurs prives. Au profit des crises economiques de 1930 et de 1952, elle accorda des examptions fiscales, des primes, des subventions et controla les reseaux de transport. Cette these analyse les interventions de l'administration publique en tant qu'etat-providence colonial dans les domaines economique et social en afrique equatoriale francaise, de 1920 a 1956
After the 1914-1918 war, some politicians condemned the colonial policy of france for having made the development of colonies dependent on their individual financial means alone. Faced with the deficiencies of private capital, the government of france undertook the economic tooling of french equatorial africa through administrative intervention. However, the state played only a complementary role : it established conditions favourable for development without creating it directly. The public administration ordered studies the put the results to private entrepreneurs. To alleviate the economic crises from 1930 to 1952 it granted tax exemptions, bonuses and subsidies, and controled transportation networks. This thesis analyses the 1920 to 1956 involvement of the public administration acting as a colonial welfare state in economic and social fieds in french equatorial africa

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45

Elfort, Maude. "L' organisation communale aux Antilles-Guyane." Paris 10, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA100259.

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Suárez, Margarita. "Política imperial, presión fiscal y crisis política en el virreinato del Perú durante el gobierno del virrey conde de Castellar, 1674-1678." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121941.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the measures taken by the viceroy conde de Castellar to clean up the Royal Treasury. As we will show, in the first half of the seventeenth century the treasury was managed by viceroys and royal officials in close collaboration with the financial and commercial sectors which were under the guardianship, or enjoyed the favor, of the representatives of the monarch. When Castellar arrived, in 1674, he tried to correct some of the irregularities that existed in the treasury, and this policy was successful insofar as he succeeded in increasing the income of the Caja of Lima after the destruction of the 1660s. However, he had to confront the royal officials and, above all, the Consulado of Lima, which was responsible for the most important income of the Caja of Lima after remittances from mining. In the blink of an eye, the viceroy changed the terms of the relationship between the commercial elite, the viceroys and the Royal Treasury.
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las medidas que tomó el virrey conde de Castellar con el fin de sanear la Real Hacienda. Como se demostrará, en la primera mitad del siglo XVII el erario era manejado por los virreyes y oficiales reales en estrecha colaboración con los sectores financieros y comerciales que estaban bajo la tutela o gozaban del favor de los representantes del monarca. Cuando llegó Castellar, en 1674, intentó corregir parte de las irregularidades que existían en el erario, y esta política fue exitosa en tanto logró aumentar los ingresos de la Caja de Lima después de la hecatombe de la década de 1660. Sin embargo, en el camino hubo de enfrentarse a los oficiales reales y, sobre todo, al Consulado de Lima, que era el responsable de los ingresos más importantes de la Caja de Lima después de las remesas mineras. En un cerrar de ojos, el virrey desacomodó los términos en los cuales se habían establecido las relaciones entre la élite comercial, los virreyes y la Real Hacienda.

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Dubreuil, Serge. "Jules Silvestre, un soldat en Indochine, 1862-1913, ou, La Diffusion de l'idée coloniale." Villeneuve d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/43430617.html.

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Sen, Satadru. "Punishment and society in colonial India : the penal settlement in the Andaman Islands, 1858-1898 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10376.

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Luthe, Davis Dumezweni. "Rural local governance in post-colonial Zimbabwe : a case study of Zimnyama ward in Bulilimamangwe district." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3739.

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Mansilla, Judith. "El gobierno colonial de Lima y su capacidad de manejo de la crisis frente al terremoto de 1687: respuestas del virrey y del cabildo secular." Revista del Instituto Riva-Agüero, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/52261.

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En las últimas décadas, los investigadores han debatido sobre la representación tradicional de la administración española durante el siglo XVII como ineficaz e impotente. Algunos de ellos argumentan que el régimen del último rey Habsburgo fue decadente e ineficaz. En contraposición a esta imagen,los administradores reales de Lima, capital del Virreinato del Perú, mostraron una gran capacidad de organización y manejo de la crisis después de queun intenso terremoto y posterior tsunami azotaron la ciudad y su puerto en1687. En medio del caos y la destrucción causada por este desastre natural,el virrey y los miembros del cabildo de la ciudad fueron capaces de usar loslimitados recursos disponibles y de atender las crecientes demandas materiales y espirituales de la población de Lima.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Colonial administrator'

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