Relevant bibliographies by topics / Colonial administrators

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Colonial administrators'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Colonial administrators"

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Slobodkin, Yan. "State of Violence." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254607.

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AbstractThis article highlights a moment in the history of French West Africa when violence was both ubiquitous and forbidden. During the interwar period, French reformers pushed for the elimination of the routine use of violence by colonial administrators. The intervention of activist journalists and human rights groups put pressure on colonial policy makers to finally bring administrative practice in line with imperial rhetoric. Local administrators, however, felt that such meddling interfered with their ability to govern effectively. A case of torture and murder by French functionaries in the Ivory Coast village of Oguiédoumé shows how struggles over antiviolence reform played out from the ground up.Cet article souligne un moment dans l'histoire de l'Afrique-Occidentale Française où la violence a été à la fois omniprésente et interdite. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, des réformistes français ont lutté pour éliminer la violence quotidienne commise par les administrateurs coloniaux. L'intervention des journalistes militants et des organisations des droits de l'homme a poussé l'Etat colonial à réaliser les promesses de la mission civilisatrice. Par contre, les administrateurs locaux sentaient que ce discours contre la violence limitait leur capacité de gouverner avec efficacité. Une affaire de torture et de meurtre commis en 1933 par des fonctionnaires français dans le village d'Oguiédoumé en Côte-d'Ivoire montre comment la lutte contre la violence a influencé la situation coloniale sur place.
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Lyall, Andrew. "Gwao Bin Kilimo: The Administrators' Reaction." Journal of African Law 32, no. 1 (1988): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300010226.

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The case of Gwao bin Kilimo v. Kisunda bin Ifuti decided by the colonial courts of the then Tanganyika has always held a certain fascination for those interested in the process of law under colonial rule. This is for a variety of reasons. The case seems to put into sharp focus the conflict between the imposed common law system and the indigenous customary law. This in turn stimulates questions as to the social values that lay, and probably still lie, behind the two systems and the extent to which those values reflect actual differences between the societies in which they developed. Since the conflict arose in a colonial context, the case also raises the question of the rôle of law in such a society and therefore, to some extent, the rôle of law in relation to ideology and political economy in this and in other contexts also. What is less well known is that the case was the subject of comment by colonial administrative officers at the time, comments which point up many of the issues involved and provide some insight into the different perceptions of African society on the part of administrative officers on the one hand and the judiciary on the other.
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Lukong, Napoleon Konghaban. "Colonial and Post-Colonial Administrations and Fulani Rights in the Bamenda Grass fields of Cameroon, 1916-2020." East African Scholars Multidisciplinary Bulletin 5, no. 11 (November 27, 2022): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjmb.2022.v05i11.005.

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The British colonial administration in implementing various Fulani cattle herder schemes in the Bamenda Grass fields of Cameroon created a cleavage between the Fulani and the indigenous communities. This cleavage made it impossible for the new people to acquire local citizenship anywhere. This eventually was used by the unscrupulous and exploitative post-colonial administrators to deprive the herdsmen of their financial and judicial rights in the Bamenda Grass fields. Oftentimes, the same was used as a wedge by the administrators against inter-ethnic solidarity between the Fulani and the indigenous communities during anti-government political developments in the region. In either case, the rights of the Fulani people were abused by the administrators. That is, without ethnic citizenship, the Fulani were easily frightened by these administrators and forced to pay in kind or in cash for their land disputes with the locals to be annulled, shelved or abandoned. The same was used to obtain Fulani support during political upheavals in the region. The rights of Fulani can only be rendered less susceptible to abuse by bridging the differences created by the British colonial administrators between the indigenous peoples and the herdsmen in the Bamenda Grass fields.
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Dimier, Veronique. "For a New Start: Resettling French Colonial Administrators in the Prefectoral Corps." Itinerario 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019124.

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This could be considered as the ‘swan song’ of a French colonial administrator in Tropical Africa. Between 1958 and 1961, most of these colonial administrators had to leave what was soon to be considered one of the major sins committed by France in the twentieth century: the Empire. For some of them it was a real shock, from which they never recovered. Of course, it was the normal outcome of the very process they had prepared: to teach the African peoples how to rule themselves. But: ‘Did it not come too early leaving the new African elite insufficiently prepared?’ If this were so, was ‘the great sin of France not to colonise but to decolonise too quickly?’
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Muldoon, Andrew. "Politics, Intelligence and Elections in Late Colonial India: Congress and the Raj in 1937." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044403ar.

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This article addresses questions of political reform and colonial intelligence collection in 1930s India. It focuses on the expectations British colonial officials had of the impact of the 1935 Government of India Act reforms on Indian political behaviour, especially regarding the creation of largely autonomous provincial assemblies. The 1937 provincial elections put these colonial suppositions to the test, and found them wanting. The article outlines the flawed and blinkered nature of colonial information gathering, demonstrating how the election results, particularly the very strong showing by an organized Indian National Congress, came as a real surprise to colonial administrators. However, the article also shows that these results did not necessarily change colonial opinions about Indian politics overmuch, as administrators and governors sought to frame what had happened within their existing understanding of India. Overall, this piece argues for the persistence of certain ways of colonial thinking in India, driven by ideological or cultural biases, as well as by the real limitations on the capability of the colonial state.
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Turner, Matthew D. "Livestock mobility and the territorial state: South-Western Niger (1890–1920)." Africa 87, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000134.

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AbstractColonial rule in West Africa initiated the incorporation of mobile people, particularly pastoralists, into Western territorial states. This article reports on the early period of French colonial rule of the area that is now South-Western Niger – a strategically important area with respect to territorial competition among the French colonies of Dahomey and Soudan (later the colonies of Senegambia and Niger) as well as the British colony of Nigeria. Building from the study of contemporary patterns of livestock mobility and their logics, archival and secondary literatures are used to develop an understanding of dominant herd mobility patterns at the time (transhumance for grazing and trekking to distant markets); the importance of livestock as a source of tax revenue; colonial anxieties about the loss of livestock from within their borders; and efforts of colonial administrators to reduce the potential loss of livestock from their territories. This case illustrates the limitations of the territorial state model where the state lacks sufficient power over mobile subjects utilizing a sparse and fluctuating resource base. The actions of French administrators and Fulɓe pastoralists worked as a form of ‘hands-off’ negotiation, with each group monitoring and reacting to the actions of the other. Due to the limitations of colonial state control, the existence of boundaries elicited greater monitoring of livestock movements by colonial administrators but also increased the leverage held by mobile pastoralists as the French sought to increase the attractiveness of their territory to the principal managers of its wealth (livestock). The proximity of borders to the study area complicated the task of French colonial administrators, who necessarily became increasingly focused on monitoring the movements of their subjects (labour and capital) to avoid their possible escape as they moved within the borderlands of what is now South-Western Niger. The limits of colonial power to monitor and control these movements led administrators to initiate policies favouring pastoralists.
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Earle, Jonathon L. "Political Activism and Other Life Forms in Colonial Buganda." History in Africa 45 (June 2018): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2018.19.

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Abstract:This article uses recently unearthed private papers and ethnographic fieldwork to explore the intersection of political practice and environmental ideation in colonial Buganda. In the early to mid-1900s, colonial administrators sought to draw Ganda interlocutors into abstract conversations about a natural world that was devoid of political power. Through Witchcraft Ordinances, imperial administrators sought to distance spirits, rocks, trees, snakes, and other life forms from the concrete world of social movement and dissent. But in late colonial Uganda, the trade unionist Erieza Bwete and the influential spirit prophet Kibuuka Kigaanira navigated environmental spaces that were imbued with political significance. Uganda’s economic and national histories, informed by methodologies that privileged philosophical materialism, overlooked how interactions with multispecies animated anticolonial politics and larger debates about authority. To challenge these earlier assumptions, this article shows how colonial literati and a late colonial prophet interacted with a natural world that was deeply political to conceptualize independence and challenge colonial power.
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Kua, Ee Heok. "Amok as viewed by British administrators in colonial Malaya." British Journal of Psychiatry 200, no. 3 (March 2012): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.111.100784.

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Nikolic, Anja. "Similarities and differences in imperial administration Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1878-1903." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647177n.

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This article discusses the similarities and differences of the position of Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the age of New Imperialism. Comparative approach will allow us to put both situations in their historical context. Austria-Hungary?s absorption of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of colonial involvement throughout the world. Egypt and Bosnia-Herzegovina were formally parts of the Ottoman Empire, although occupied and administrated by European Powers. Two administrators, Evelyn Baring as consul-general in Egypt and Benjamin von K?llay as civil administrator of Bosnia-Herzegovina, believed that it was their duty to bring ?civilization?, prosperity and western culture to these lands - a classic argumentation found in the New Imperialism discourse. One of the most important tasks for both administrators was fighting the national movements, which led to the suppression of political freedoms and the introduction of a large administrative apparatus to govern the newly-occupied lands. Complete control over political life and the educational system was also one of the major features of both administrations. Both Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina never tackled the agrarian question for their own political reasons. British rule in Egypt and Austro-Hungarian in Bosnia-Herzegovina bore striking resemblances.
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Lämmert, Stephanie. "Only a misunderstanding? Non-conformist rumours and petitions in late-colonial Tanzania." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 2 (March 14, 2020): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420910905.

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The rich and nuanced literature on African intermediaries has shed new light on the colonial encounter from the perspective of African interlocutors, but has often neglected to study failed acts of communication between colonial administrators and non-elite African intermediaries. This article fills in some gaps by focusing on non-successful communications. Analysing rumours and non-conformist modes of petitioning, the article explores misunderstandings between Tanzanians and representatives of the late-colonial state. While the British could afford to ignore idiosyncratic messages when they did not clash with their own operational interests, they had to act upon others, and their responses were not always those desired by the Tanzanian senders. Despite communicating in relative proximity, the close distance between Tanzanians who were not fluent in the bureaucratic idiom of the colonial state and British administrators could not always be bridged.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Colonial administrators"

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Dubreuil, Serge. "Jules Silvestre, un soldat en Indochine, 1862-1913, ou, La Diffusion de l'idée coloniale." Villeneuve d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/43430617.html.

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Callaway, Helen. "European women with the Colonial Service in Nigeria, 1900-1960." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670408.

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Muzvidziwa, Irene. "A phenomenological study of women primary school heads' experiences as educational leaders in post colonial Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008200.

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This research study was carried out in order to gain an understanding of the experiences of women primary school heads, their perceptions of their roles as leaders, the challenges they face and how they dealt with them. The study focused on the lived experiences of five women in Zimbabwe's primary schools. Literature relating to the issues and experiences of women in educational leadership within school contexts and the conceptual framework is examined. The importance of leadership has been emphasised in the literature of school effectiveness. Leadership theories tended to emphasise measurability and effectiveness of leadership, oversimplifying the complexity of leadership phenomenon. These features reflect research approach adopted by researchers from a positivist orientation. This study is an in-depth qualitative study conducted along the lines suggested by a phenomenological-interpretivist design with emphasis on rich contextual detail, close attention to individual's lived experience and the bracketing of pre-conceived notions of the phenomenon. Views and experiences based on the participants' perspectives are described through in-depth interviews which were dialogical in nature. Through this approach, I managed to grasp the essences of the lived experiences of women The research highlights the women's perceptions of themselves as educational leaders. What emerges is the variety of approaches to handling challenges. My findings show a rich and diverse culture of creativity in the way participants adopted a problem-solving strategy, which is not reflected in the mainstream leadership. Though educational leadership emerges as a complex phenomenon, with alternative approaches to educational research, there is high potential for increased understanding of woman's leadership, its importance and implications for school.
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Smith, Michael L. "Sir Percy Girouard : French Canadian proconsul in Africa, 1906- 1912." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55637.

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Burton, David Raymond. "Sir Godfrey Lagden : colonial administrator." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848.

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The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.
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Hélénon, Véronique. "Les administrateurs coloniaux originaires de guadeloupe, martinique et guyane dans les colonies francaises d'afrique, 1880-1939." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0021.

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L'image generalement donnee du colonisateur francais est celle d'un homme blanc. En fait la france fit largement appel a ses colonises dans le processus meme de colonisation. En afrique noire (aof, aef, madagascar), l'elite de l'administration, le corps des administrateurs des colonies, etait largement composee d'originaires de colonies et notamment des anciennes colonies francaise de martinique, guadeloupe et guyane. Ces colonises venaient de milieux socio-professionnels tres divers; cependant une majorite des peres etaient eux-memes fonctionnaires et les futurs administrateurs avaient ete eleves dans les villes principales de leur colonie d'origine. Avant meme de se rendre en afrique, les futurs administrateurs avaient deja une certaine image de l'afrique, qui s'etait forgee a travers les contes, les contacts qu'ils avaient eu dans leur colonie d'origine avec des africains et demeurait enserree dans les limites de la politique assimilationniste menee par la france. Ces hommes suivaient des parcours universitaires, passaient leur baccalaureat, entraient dans les universites de droit; toutefois, la voie privilegiee pour acceder au corps des administrateurs des colonies demeurait le passage par l'ecole coloniale de paris. Leur depart vers les colonies africaines etait organise dans au sein de reseaux structures, tels leur propre famille, le milieu antillais a paris, leurs appuis politiques et la franc-maconnerie. L'administration coloniale francaise en afrique peut etre consideree comme "metisse", tant du point de vue des formations des administrateurs, que de l'origine de l'ensemble des personnels coloniaux. En effet, a tous les niveaux de la hierarchie etaient employes des colonises, mais plus on s'elevait dans la hierarchie moins ceux-ci etaient nombreux
The image generally given of the french colonizer is the one of a white man. In fact, france made a large use of colonized people originated from her empire, in the colonial process. In black africa (aof, aef, madagascar), the top-ranked civil servants, "the colonial administrators", were largely composed of natives from the oldest colonies and especially from the ones of martinique, guadeloupe and guyane. Those colonised came from various backgrounds and their parents occupied various positions on the social scale; however, a majority of the fathers of thefathers were themselves civil servants, and most of the aspiring administrators were brought up in the main cities of their native colonies. Even before reaching africa, those colonial administrators had a certain image of africa, that i tried to understand through the west indians tales, the stay of the king behanzin in martinique and the assimilationnist policy led in the french colonies. Those men received the best education and after passing their baccalaureat, they entered the law universities; but the best way to be appointed as colonial administrator, was to be trained at the ecole coloniale of paris. Their departure was organized through thight networks such as their families, the west indians and french guyanese of paris, their political supports and the freemasonery. The colonial administration in africa could be considered as mixed, considering the training of the colonial administrators as well as their origins. Indeed, at different levels colonized people represented a large part of the civil servants. Generally speaking, the position occupied in this administration depended on the colonial origin and the colour
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Dimier, Véronique. "Formation des administrateurs coloniaux français et anglais entre 1930 et 1950 : développement d'une science politique ou science administrative des colonies." Grenoble 2, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999GRE21001.

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Partant d'une controverse franco-britannique sur la nature et l'étendue des différences entre systèmes français et anglais d'administration coloniale en Afrique tropicale, nous baserons notre analyse sur les discours comparatifs et scientifiques de quatre personnes participant activement à la formation des administrateurs coloniaux en France et en Grande-Bretagne entre 1930 et 1950 et tentant d'y développer une certaine science administrative ou politique des colonies. Cette science vise à comparer les différents systèmes d'administration coloniale des pays colonisateurs tels qu'ils fonctionnent dans la pratique, au niveau local, et c'est sur ce point que porte d'ailleurs la controverse entre ces spécialistes francais et anglais d'administration coloniale, les uns (anglais) voyant beaucoup de différences, les autres (français) beaucoup de similarités. Notre but ici ne sera pas de trancher leur controverse, mais d'analyser leurs comparaisons elles-mêmes en tant que discours spécifique portant sur l'administration coloniale. Nous verrons ainsi dans quelle mesure leurs discours scientifiques et comparatifs, et les représentations qu'ils véhiculent, ont été influencés par certaines conceptions du pouvoir propres à une certaine élite et par certains enjeux a la fois institutionnels, corporatifs et politiques (internationaux)
Starting from a famous controversy on the nature and importance of the differences between French and British systems of colonial administration in tropical africa, we will analyse the comparative and scientific discourses of four people taking part in the training of colonial administrators in France and Great Britain between 1930 and 1950 and trying to develop a science of colonial administration. This science aimed at comparing the different systems of colonial administration of different colonizing countries, as it worked in practice at the local level. As we will see these four French and British analysts disagreed in their conclusions : the French saw lots of similarities and the British lots of differences. We will not try in this thesis to solve their controversy. Rather we will analyse their comparisons as such, that is their scientific and comparative discourse. We will try to see how these were influenced in each country by conceptions of government specific to a certain elite, but also by strategic considerations connected to a national (institutional) and international (political) contexts
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Huetz, de Lemps Xavier. "L'archipel des "épices" : la corruption de l'administration espagnole aux Philippines, fin XVIIIe-fin XIXe siècle /." Madrid : Casa de Velázquez, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409405216.

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Texte remanié de: Habilitation à diriger des recherches--Histoire--Aix-Marseille 1, 2003.
Bibliogr. p. 337-383. Notes bibliogr. Index. Résumés en français, espagnol et anglais. Diff. en France.
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Catsis, Nicolaos Dimitrios. "Examining the Impact of Colonial Administrations on Post-Independence State Behavior in Southeast Asia." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/257213.

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Political Science
Ph.D.
This project is concerned with examining the impact of colonial administrations on post-independence state behavior in Southeast Asia. Despite a similar historical context, the region exhibits broad variation in terms of policy preferences after independence. Past literature has focused, largely, upon pre-colonial or independence era factors. This project, however, proposes that state behavior is heavily determined by a combination of three colonial variables: indigenous elite mobility, colonial income diversity, and institutional-infrastructure levels. It also constructs a four-category typology for the purposes of ordering the broad variation we see across post-colonial Southeast Asia. Utilizing heavy archival research and historical analysis, I examine three case studies in the region, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, that share a common colonial heritage yet exhibit markedly different post-independence preferences. Vietnam's colonial legacy is characterized by high indigenous elite mobility, medium colonial income diversity, and medium-high levels of institutional-infrastructure. This creates a state where the local elites are capable and socially mobile, but lack the fully developed skill sets, institutions and infrastructure we see in a Developmental state such as South Korea or Taiwan. As a result, Vietnam is a Power-Projection state, where elites pursue security oriented projects as a means of compensating for inequalities between their own social mobility and acquired skills, institutions and infrastructure. In Cambodia, indigenous elite mobility and colonial income diversity are both low, creating an entrenched, less experienced elite. Medium levels of institutional-infrastructure enables the elite to extract wealth for class benefit. As a result, the state becomes an instrument for elite enrichment and is thus classified as Self-Enrichment state. Laos' colonial history is characterized by low levels of indigenous elite mobility, colonial income diversity, and institutional-infrastructure levels. Laos' elite are deeply entrenched, like their counterparts in Cambodia. However, unlike Cambodia, Laos lacks sufficient institutional-infrastructure levels to make wealth extraction worthwhile for an elite class. Laos' inability to execute an internal policy course, or even enrich narrow social class, categorize it as a Null state. The theory and typology presented in this project have broad applications to Southeast Asia and the post-colonial world more generally. It suggests that the colonial period, counter to more recent literature, has a much greater impact on states after independence. As most of the world is a post-colonial state, understanding the mechanisms for preferences in these states is very important.
Temple University--Theses
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Tomsson, Viktoria. "UN Transitional Administrations: enjoying immunity or impunity? : A legal study on UN Transitional Administrations and their post-colonial impact on victims’ access to justice." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444165.

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United Nations peacekeeping forces and operations, have long had a history of crimes against civilians by its personnel, not least concerning crimes of sexual exploitation and abuse. While human rights violations are grave despite their origin, there is a specific element of impunity and distrust when the same people who comes to ‘protect’, are the same people who become perpetrators. In this sense, it is notably interesting and important to examine victims’ rights to access justice when crimes have been committed by UN Personnel. The primary aim is to explore to what extent the fore-mentioned victims have the possibility to access justice within the legal system of UN Transitional Administrations. These UN operations are chosen since it is particularly important to examine the extent to which victim’s may access justice when the UN exercises governmental powers and acts as a quasi-state. An underlying aim is to explore how the eventual inconsistencies within this system may be colored by postcolonial tendencies. In this sense, the study is conducted through a doctrinal method with a postcolonial perspective, examining the normative aspects of law in the light of a critical lens. The legal basis and the legal obligations of UN Transitional Administrations are compared to the International Standard on Victims’ rights and evidence on how victims’ rights to access justice is practiced within these administrations. Finally, the aim is to evaluate the result of this analysis from the standpoint of postcolonial theory.
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Books on the topic "Colonial administrators"

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1943-, Burkholder Mark A., ed. Administrators of empire. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998.

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1927-, Bastin John Sturgus, ed. The wives of Sir Stamford Raffles. [Singapore]: Landmark Books, 2002.

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de, Abreu W. Paradela, Oliveira Händel de, Nunes Rui 1945-, and Monteiro J. Villas, eds. Os últimos governadores do Império. [Lisbon]: Edições Neptuno, 1994.

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Morère, Claude. Le dialogue interrompu: Auguste Morère, un destin d'exception : le journal de marche du gendarme-administrateur au milieu des rebelles Stieng, Indochine 1921-1933. Paris: Connaissances et Savoirs, 2008.

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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. Britain's imperial administrators, 1858-1966. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. Britain's imperial administrators, 1858-1966. New York: St. Martin's Press in association with St Antony's College, 1999.

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Watkins, Elizabeth. Jomo's jailor: Grand warrior of Kenya : the life of Leslie Whitehouse. Watlington: Britwell, 1996.

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Cuttier, Martine. Portrait du colonialisme triomphant: Louis Archinard, 1850-1932. Panazol: Lavauzelle, 2006.

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Leutwein, Theodor Gotthilf von. Elf Jahre Gouverneur in deutsch-südwest Afrika. 4th ed. Windhoek: Namibia Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft, 1997.

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Lobligeois, Mireille. De la Réunion a l'Inde française: Philippe-Achille Bédier, 1791-1865, une carrière coloniale. [Pondichéry]: Historical Society of Pondicherry, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Colonial administrators"

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Christopher, A. J. "Politicians, Soldiers And Administrators." In Colonial Africa, 27–63. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003377764-3.

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Callaway, Helen. "Women as Colonial Administrators." In Gender, Culture and Empire, 139–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18307-4_6.

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Kirk-Greene, Anthony. "The Colonial Administrative Service, 1895–1966." In Britain’s Imperial Administrators, 1858–1966, 125–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230286320_6.

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Wilks, Ivor. "Asante nationhood and colonial administrators, 1896–1935." In Ethnicity in Ghana, 68–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62337-2_4.

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Merle, Isabelle, and Adrian Muckle. "Establishing the Indigénat: The Era of the Administrators." In Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies, 121–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99033-6_5.

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Healy, Róisín. "Colonial Ambivalence and Its Aftermath: Colonialism and Anti-Colonialism in Independent Poland and Ireland." In East Central Europe Between the Colonial and the Postcolonial in the Twentieth Century, 89–112. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17487-2_4.

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AbstractThis chapter places the East Central European experience of colonialism within a broader European framework by comparing the cases of Poland and Ireland in the nineteenth century. Historians of Ireland have long argued for the colonial status of Ireland within the United Kingdom by reference to English and Scottish settlement, civilising discourse, economic neglect, and political subjugation. Historians of Poland have been slower to deem it colonial, as not all of these features were present in all three of the partitions. Recently, it has become clear that some Irish and Polish subjects were themselves implicated in colonial practices elsewhere, as ideologues, administrators, soldiers, settlers, teachers, and missionaries. Other Polish and Irish subjects were critical of colonialism, however, and expressed support for colonial subjects elsewhere. After independence, Poland and Ireland diverged, as Ireland made anti-colonialism state policy, whereas Poland toyed with the idea of acquiring colonies. Little valued as a distinct cultural and political entity, Ireland used anti-colonialism as a means of asserting the state’s relevance on the international stage. Conversely, Poland’s more recent experience of statehood and the historical dominance of ethnic Poles in the region encouraged its ambitions to become a Great Power and thus a colonial one.
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Bosma, Ulbe. "Trafficking, Slavery, Peonage: Dilemmas and Hesitations of Colonial Administrators in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Malaysia." In The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia, 113–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95957-0_6.

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Gorshenina, Svetlana. "Russian Archaeologists, Colonial Administrators, and the “Natives” of Turkestan: Revisiting the History of Archaeology in Central Asia." In “Masters” and “Natives”, edited by Svetlana Gorshenina, Philippe Bornet, Michel E. Fuchs, and Claude Rapin, 31–86. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110599466-004.

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Falola, Toyin, and Chukwuemeka Agbo. "Colonial Administrations and the Africans." In The Palgrave Handbook of African Colonial and Postcolonial History, 81–101. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59426-6_3.

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Schwartz, Stuart B. "Magistracy and Society in Colonial Brazil." In Administrators of Empire, 165–80. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429457708-8.

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Reports on the topic "Colonial administrators"

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Utuk, Efiong. Britain's Colonial Administrations and Developments, 1861-1960: An Analysis of Britain's Colonial Administrations and Developments in Nigeria. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2521.

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Moore, Mick. Glimpses of Fiscal States in Sub-Saharan Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.022.

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There is a widespread perception that taxing in sub-Saharan Africa has been and remains fraught with problems or government failure. This is not generally true. For more than a century, colonial administrations and independent states have steadily developed the capacity to routinely collect more substantial revenues than one might expect in a low-income region. The two main historical dimensions of this collection capacity were (a) powerful, centralized bureaucracies focused on achieving revenue collection targets and (b) large, taxable international trade sectors. In recent decades, those centralized bureaucracies have to some extent been reformed such that in structure and procedure they resemble more closely tax administrations in OECD countries. More strikingly, nearly all states have adopted VAT and found it to be a very powerful revenue collection instrument. However, the tax share of GDP has been broadly constant for several decades, and it will be hard to increase it. It is difficult for African governments to effectively tax transnational corporations, especially in the mining and energy sectors, which are of growing importance. Tax administrations continue to approach richer Africans with a light touch, and to exaggerate the potential for taxing small-scale (‘informal’) enterprises. The revenue operations of sub-national governments are often opaque. Ordinary people often pay large sums in ‘informal taxes’ that are generally regressive in impact. And the standard direction of travel in the reform of tax policy and administration is not appropriate to those large areas, especially in the Sahel, that are afflicted by internal and cross-border armed conflicts.
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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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