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Dubreuil, Serge. "Jules Silvestre, un soldat en Indochine, 1862-1913, ou, La Diffusion de l'idée coloniale." Villeneuve d'Ascq : Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/43430617.html.
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Callaway, Helen. "European women with the Colonial Service in Nigeria, 1900-1960." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670408.
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Muzvidziwa, Irene. "A phenomenological study of women primary school heads' experiences as educational leaders in post colonial Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008200.
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This research study was carried out in order to gain an understanding of the experiences of women primary school heads, their perceptions of their roles as leaders, the challenges they face and how they dealt with them. The study focused on the lived experiences of five women in Zimbabwe's primary schools. Literature relating to the issues and experiences of women in educational leadership within school contexts and the conceptual framework is examined. The importance of leadership has been emphasised in the literature of school effectiveness. Leadership theories tended to emphasise measurability and effectiveness of leadership, oversimplifying the complexity of leadership phenomenon. These features reflect research approach adopted by researchers from a positivist orientation. This study is an in-depth qualitative study conducted along the lines suggested by a phenomenological-interpretivist design with emphasis on rich contextual detail, close attention to individual's lived experience and the bracketing of pre-conceived notions of the phenomenon. Views and experiences based on the participants' perspectives are described through in-depth interviews which were dialogical in nature. Through this approach, I managed to grasp the essences of the lived experiences of women The research highlights the women's perceptions of themselves as educational leaders. What emerges is the variety of approaches to handling challenges. My findings show a rich and diverse culture of creativity in the way participants adopted a problem-solving strategy, which is not reflected in the mainstream leadership. Though educational leadership emerges as a complex phenomenon, with alternative approaches to educational research, there is high potential for increased understanding of woman's leadership, its importance and implications for school.KMBT_363
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Smith, Michael L. "Sir Percy Girouard : French Canadian proconsul in Africa, 1906- 1912." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55637.
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Burton, David Raymond. "Sir Godfrey Lagden : colonial administrator." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001848.
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The thesis attempts to provide a chronological analysis of Lagden's colonial career between 1877 and 1907. The youngest son of a parish priest, Lagden received limited formal education and no military training. By a fortuitous set of circumstances, he was able, as a man on the spot, to attain high ranking posts in colonial administration. As a young man, he acquired considerable experience in the Transvaal, Egypt and the Gold Coast. However, blatant disobedience led to his dismissal from Colonial service. Fortunately for Lagden, Marshal Clarke, newly appointed Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, insisted on Lagden being appointed to his staff. Except for a brief stint in Swaziland, Lagden remained in Basutoland until 1900. With Clarke, Lagden played a prominent role in the implementation of the Imperial policy of securing the support of the Koena chiefs by allowing them to retain and consolidate their power and influence. Lagden became Resident Commissioner in Basutoland when Clarke was transferred to Zululand. He continued established policies and championed the Basotho cause by opposing the opening of Basutoland to prospectors and by stressing the industrious habits of the Basotho. His tactful and energetic handling of the rinderpest crisis reduced dramatic repercussions amongst the Basotho and enabled cooperative Koena chiefs to increase their economic and political leverage. Despite his reservations over Basotho loyalty, Lagden emerged from the South African War with an enhanced reputation as the Basotho remained loyal and energetically participated in the Imperial war effort. Largely because of his Basutoland experience, Lagden was appointed the Transvaal Commissioner of Native Affairs in 1901. He was responsible for regulating African labour supplies for the mines and delineation of African locations. His failure to procure sufficient labour and his defence of African rights earned Lagden much abusive settler condemnation. As chairman of the South African Native Affairs Commission, Lagden produced an uninspiring report conditioned by the labour shortage and his personal distaste for decisive action. Nevertheless, its advocacy of political and territorial segregation influenced successive Union governments.
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Hélénon, Véronique. "Les administrateurs coloniaux originaires de guadeloupe, martinique et guyane dans les colonies francaises d'afrique, 1880-1939." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0021.
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L'image generalement donnee du colonisateur francais est celle d'un homme blanc. En fait la france fit largement appel a ses colonises dans le processus meme de colonisation. En afrique noire (aof, aef, madagascar), l'elite de l'administration, le corps des administrateurs des colonies, etait largement composee d'originaires de colonies et notamment des anciennes colonies francaise de martinique, guadeloupe et guyane. Ces colonises venaient de milieux socio-professionnels tres divers; cependant une majorite des peres etaient eux-memes fonctionnaires et les futurs administrateurs avaient ete eleves dans les villes principales de leur colonie d'origine. Avant meme de se rendre en afrique, les futurs administrateurs avaient deja une certaine image de l'afrique, qui s'etait forgee a travers les contes, les contacts qu'ils avaient eu dans leur colonie d'origine avec des africains et demeurait enserree dans les limites de la politique assimilationniste menee par la france. Ces hommes suivaient des parcours universitaires, passaient leur baccalaureat, entraient dans les universites de droit; toutefois, la voie privilegiee pour acceder au corps des administrateurs des colonies demeurait le passage par l'ecole coloniale de paris. Leur depart vers les colonies africaines etait organise dans au sein de reseaux structures, tels leur propre famille, le milieu antillais a paris, leurs appuis politiques et la franc-maconnerie. L'administration coloniale francaise en afrique peut etre consideree comme "metisse", tant du point de vue des formations des administrateurs, que de l'origine de l'ensemble des personnels coloniaux. En effet, a tous les niveaux de la hierarchie etaient employes des colonises, mais plus on s'elevait dans la hierarchie moins ceux-ci etaient nombreuxThe image generally given of the french colonizer is the one of a white man. In fact, france made a large use of colonized people originated from her empire, in the colonial process. In black africa (aof, aef, madagascar), the top-ranked civil servants, "the colonial administrators", were largely composed of natives from the oldest colonies and especially from the ones of martinique, guadeloupe and guyane. Those colonised came from various backgrounds and their parents occupied various positions on the social scale; however, a majority of the fathers of thefathers were themselves civil servants, and most of the aspiring administrators were brought up in the main cities of their native colonies. Even before reaching africa, those colonial administrators had a certain image of africa, that i tried to understand through the west indians tales, the stay of the king behanzin in martinique and the assimilationnist policy led in the french colonies. Those men received the best education and after passing their baccalaureat, they entered the law universities; but the best way to be appointed as colonial administrator, was to be trained at the ecole coloniale of paris. Their departure was organized through thight networks such as their families, the west indians and french guyanese of paris, their political supports and the freemasonery. The colonial administration in africa could be considered as mixed, considering the training of the colonial administrators as well as their origins. Indeed, at different levels colonized people represented a large part of the civil servants. Generally speaking, the position occupied in this administration depended on the colonial origin and the colour
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Dimier, Véronique. "Formation des administrateurs coloniaux français et anglais entre 1930 et 1950 : développement d'une science politique ou science administrative des colonies." Grenoble 2, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999GRE21001.
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Partant d'une controverse franco-britannique sur la nature et l'étendue des différences entre systèmes français et anglais d'administration coloniale en Afrique tropicale, nous baserons notre analyse sur les discours comparatifs et scientifiques de quatre personnes participant activement à la formation des administrateurs coloniaux en France et en Grande-Bretagne entre 1930 et 1950 et tentant d'y développer une certaine science administrative ou politique des colonies. Cette science vise à comparer les différents systèmes d'administration coloniale des pays colonisateurs tels qu'ils fonctionnent dans la pratique, au niveau local, et c'est sur ce point que porte d'ailleurs la controverse entre ces spécialistes francais et anglais d'administration coloniale, les uns (anglais) voyant beaucoup de différences, les autres (français) beaucoup de similarités. Notre but ici ne sera pas de trancher leur controverse, mais d'analyser leurs comparaisons elles-mêmes en tant que discours spécifique portant sur l'administration coloniale. Nous verrons ainsi dans quelle mesure leurs discours scientifiques et comparatifs, et les représentations qu'ils véhiculent, ont été influencés par certaines conceptions du pouvoir propres à une certaine élite et par certains enjeux a la fois institutionnels, corporatifs et politiques (internationaux)Starting from a famous controversy on the nature and importance of the differences between French and British systems of colonial administration in tropical africa, we will analyse the comparative and scientific discourses of four people taking part in the training of colonial administrators in France and Great Britain between 1930 and 1950 and trying to develop a science of colonial administration. This science aimed at comparing the different systems of colonial administration of different colonizing countries, as it worked in practice at the local level. As we will see these four French and British analysts disagreed in their conclusions : the French saw lots of similarities and the British lots of differences. We will not try in this thesis to solve their controversy. Rather we will analyse their comparisons as such, that is their scientific and comparative discourse. We will try to see how these were influenced in each country by conceptions of government specific to a certain elite, but also by strategic considerations connected to a national (institutional) and international (political) contexts
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Huetz, de Lemps Xavier. "L'archipel des "épices" : la corruption de l'administration espagnole aux Philippines, fin XVIIIe-fin XIXe siècle /." Madrid : Casa de Velázquez, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409405216.
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Texte remanié de: Habilitation à diriger des recherches--Histoire--Aix-Marseille 1, 2003.Bibliogr. p. 337-383. Notes bibliogr. Index. Résumés en français, espagnol et anglais. Diff. en France.
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Catsis, Nicolaos Dimitrios. "Examining the Impact of Colonial Administrations on Post-Independence State Behavior in Southeast Asia." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/257213.
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Political SciencePh.D.
This project is concerned with examining the impact of colonial administrations on post-independence state behavior in Southeast Asia. Despite a similar historical context, the region exhibits broad variation in terms of policy preferences after independence. Past literature has focused, largely, upon pre-colonial or independence era factors. This project, however, proposes that state behavior is heavily determined by a combination of three colonial variables: indigenous elite mobility, colonial income diversity, and institutional-infrastructure levels. It also constructs a four-category typology for the purposes of ordering the broad variation we see across post-colonial Southeast Asia. Utilizing heavy archival research and historical analysis, I examine three case studies in the region, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos, that share a common colonial heritage yet exhibit markedly different post-independence preferences. Vietnam's colonial legacy is characterized by high indigenous elite mobility, medium colonial income diversity, and medium-high levels of institutional-infrastructure. This creates a state where the local elites are capable and socially mobile, but lack the fully developed skill sets, institutions and infrastructure we see in a Developmental state such as South Korea or Taiwan. As a result, Vietnam is a Power-Projection state, where elites pursue security oriented projects as a means of compensating for inequalities between their own social mobility and acquired skills, institutions and infrastructure. In Cambodia, indigenous elite mobility and colonial income diversity are both low, creating an entrenched, less experienced elite. Medium levels of institutional-infrastructure enables the elite to extract wealth for class benefit. As a result, the state becomes an instrument for elite enrichment and is thus classified as Self-Enrichment state. Laos' colonial history is characterized by low levels of indigenous elite mobility, colonial income diversity, and institutional-infrastructure levels. Laos' elite are deeply entrenched, like their counterparts in Cambodia. However, unlike Cambodia, Laos lacks sufficient institutional-infrastructure levels to make wealth extraction worthwhile for an elite class. Laos' inability to execute an internal policy course, or even enrich narrow social class, categorize it as a Null state. The theory and typology presented in this project have broad applications to Southeast Asia and the post-colonial world more generally. It suggests that the colonial period, counter to more recent literature, has a much greater impact on states after independence. As most of the world is a post-colonial state, understanding the mechanisms for preferences in these states is very important.
Temple University--Theses
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Tomsson, Viktoria. "UN Transitional Administrations: enjoying immunity or impunity? : A legal study on UN Transitional Administrations and their post-colonial impact on victims’ access to justice." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444165.
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United Nations peacekeeping forces and operations, have long had a history of crimes against civilians by its personnel, not least concerning crimes of sexual exploitation and abuse. While human rights violations are grave despite their origin, there is a specific element of impunity and distrust when the same people who comes to ‘protect’, are the same people who become perpetrators. In this sense, it is notably interesting and important to examine victims’ rights to access justice when crimes have been committed by UN Personnel. The primary aim is to explore to what extent the fore-mentioned victims have the possibility to access justice within the legal system of UN Transitional Administrations. These UN operations are chosen since it is particularly important to examine the extent to which victim’s may access justice when the UN exercises governmental powers and acts as a quasi-state. An underlying aim is to explore how the eventual inconsistencies within this system may be colored by postcolonial tendencies. In this sense, the study is conducted through a doctrinal method with a postcolonial perspective, examining the normative aspects of law in the light of a critical lens. The legal basis and the legal obligations of UN Transitional Administrations are compared to the International Standard on Victims’ rights and evidence on how victims’ rights to access justice is practiced within these administrations. Finally, the aim is to evaluate the result of this analysis from the standpoint of postcolonial theory.
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Ronsseray, Céline. "Administrer Cayenne : sociabilités, fidélités et pouvoir des fonctionnaires coloniaux en Guyane française au XVIIIe siècle." La Rochelle, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007LAROF018.
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L’histoire de l’administration et de son personnel a été pendant longtemps le terrain privilégié des historiens du droit. Sans remettre en cause leur apport essentiel, ces travaux ont souvent mis de côté les données humaines. Nous avons entrepris l’étude des administrateurs nommés en Guyane française au cours d’un large XVIIIe siècle. Loin de se consacrer à l’appareil de gestion, ce travail s’attache à étudier ce corpus à la manière des grands corps de l’Etat et des officiers moyens de la monarchie française. Guidée par les principes de Guy Thuillier, cette étude entend bénéficier du renouvellement épistémologique de ces dernières décennies à travers une « nouvelle » prosopographie. Documentée à partir des sources ministérielles éclairées de chroniques contemporaines, elle se fonde sur le traitement informatique de fiches à travers une base de données. Notre volonté est d’englober la totalité de ce personnel - du plus modeste au plus important - le considérant comme le reflet de la société coloniale qu’il administre. Cette mosaïque d’individus et de personnalités participe à la constitution du portrait des fonctionnaires envoyés en Guyane au XVIIIe siècle. Ils sont les représentants et les exécutants de l’autorité métropolitaine à Cayenne. Mais, loin des contrôles, la tentation de l’abus de pouvoir est d’autant plus forte que la vie y est difficile. L’étude sociale est donc complétée par l’analyse des rapports de pouvoir en place opposant tout aussi bien les administrateurs entre eux que ces fonctionnaires aux habitants de la colonie. L’administration coloniale va se normaliser intégrant de nouveaux contre-pouvoirs : le fonctionnaire colonial du XIXe siècle apparaîtThe history of Civil Service and civil servants has been the privileged ground of the historians of laws for a long time. Though the essential contribution of such brain-works can't be called into question, they have often put human data aside. We have focused our study on the officials appointed in French Guyana during the XVIIIth century at large. Far from concentrating on the apparatus of management, this work sets out to study this corpus like the main State corps and the average officers of the French monarchy. Guided Guy Thuillier’s principles, this study intends to benefit from the last decades' epistemological revival through a “new” prosopography. Gathering information from ministry sources enhanced by contemporary chronicles; it is based on the computer processing of files across a database. We intend to include the totality of this staff – from the humblest to the most important – and consider it as an image of the colonial society it governs. This mosaic of individuals and personalities contributes to the constitution of the portrait of the civil officials sent to Guyana in the XVIIIth century. They are the representatives and the performers of French authority in Cayenne. But, far from controls, the temptation of misusing authority is all the stronger as life is difficult over there. The social study is therefore supplemented by the analysis of the balance of power bringing the civil servants into conflict with each other as well as with the inhabitants of the colony. The colonial government shall get normalized as it integrates new forces of opposition: the colonial civil servant of the XIXth century thus appears
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Hélary, Julien. "Se recycler après l'Empire : Formations et carrières des anciens élèves de l'Ecole nationale de la France d'outre-mer (1945-début du XXIème siècle)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC064.
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La première partie présente les adaptations nécessaires de l’Ecole Nationale de la France d’Outre-Mer (ENFOM) pendant la décennie qui suit sa réouverture en 1944-1945. La création de l’Union française oblige le ministère de la FOM et la direction de l’ENFOM à réformer l’école pour recycler les formations dispensées. Ces évolutions cherchent à définir le nouveau profil de l’élève et de l’administrateur idéaux. Ces profils sont à la fois empreints des traditions colonialistes de l’entre-deux-guerres et des nouveaux enjeux insufflés depuis la conférence de Brazzaville. L’étude statistique des circulations des administrateurs de la FOM entre la France et ses différentes possessions outre-mer établit les principaux flux et leur accélération. La deuxième partie étudie l’évolution de l’ENFOM et de ses élèves de 1956 à 1963. L’ENFOM entre en tensions l’année de la promulgation de la loi-cadre, de l’africanisation de son recrutement et de la publication du manifeste Bleu d’outre-mer. L’esprit de corps est affaibli car des divisions générationnelles et idéologiques apparaissent. Les administrateurs de la FOM commencent à être reclassés. Le cadre législatif leur est particulièrement favorable et facilite leur intégration au sein de carrières publiques métropolitaines et/ou africaines. Les organismes de la coopération y occupent une place importante comme le montre l’analyse statistique de l’ensemble de ces reclassements. L’ENFOM disparaît en 1958-1959 pour immédiatement renaître sous les traits de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes d’Outre-Mer (IHEOM) chargé, dans l’urgence, de former à Paris les cadres africains nécessaires au fonctionnement des nouveaux Etats et ainsi confirmer la domination de l’ancienne métropoleThe first part presents the required adaptations of the ENFOM during the decade after its reopening in 1944-1945. The creation of the Union française forces the french ministry for the overseas territories and the school administration to reform the ENFOM to retrain the courses. These adaptations try to define the new profile of the perfect student and the perfect officer. These profiles are filled with colonialist traditions of the inter-war period and with new issues inspired by Brazzaville Conference. The statistical study of colonial officers’ movements between France and overseas territories determine the main flows and their acceleration. The second part considers the ENFOM and students’ evolution from 1956 to 1963. The ENFOM comes under stress the year the framework law is promulgated, the recruitment is africanised and the Bleu outre-mer manifesto is published. The esprit de corps is weakened by a generational and an ideological opposition. Colonial officers start then to be reclassified. The legislative framework, which is to their advantage, facilitates their integration in the french and/or African public service. The statistical study of reclassifications as a whole proves the importance of cooperation agencies. ENFOM closes in 1958-1959 and immediatly replaced by the IHEOM. This institute is created to train african officers in Paris as quickly as possible for them to operate in the new states. The former mainland thus confirms its domination. Thanks to a great statistical study, the last part lists all the reclassifications of present or volontary absent colonial officers, judges and labour inspectors on the whole from Africa at the time of independence. These careers and movements last from 1964 to the beginning of the 21st century and rely on ENFOM networks. The statistical study takes into accountall the metropolitan officers and the 106 african officers of the last three promotions. Proud of their colonial and post-colonial careers, former colonial officers set up memorial strategies (novel, political responsibilities, publications of former student association destined for historian) for posterity and sometimes to defend their record. This research ends with bases for an analysis of the private career which often followed their public one
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Collier, Timothy. "L'École coloniale : la formation des cadres de la France d'outre-mer, 1889-1959." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0603/document.
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Alors que la Troisième République se dote d’un imposant empire colonial, la création de l’École Coloniale, à l’issue de divers tâtonnements, procède d’une double volonté. D’une part, il s’agit de rationaliser le recrutement et la formation des fonctionnaires coloniaux. D’autre part, il s’agit d’inscrire le rapide développement des « savoirs coloniaux » dans un cursus de qualité. La rencontre de ces deux impératifs devait se mettre au service d’une mission de cohésion du projet colonial français. Convaincues que la colonisation constitue un phénomène maîtrisable, les têtes pensantes de l’école souhaitent ériger leur institution en véritable pôle de recherche sur les « sciences coloniales », le « retour sur expérience » et « l’expertise de terrain » de ses anciens élèves devant alimenter l’émergence d’une authentique doctrine coloniale. Étant entendu que celle-ci serait appelée, à son tour, à orienter les grandes décisions de la politique française outre-mer. L’étude des profils des dirigeants, aux personnalités souvent assurées, des enseignants – universitaires ou praticiens – et des 4513 élèves de l’établissement met en lumière la grande diversité de tous les hommes, et des quelques femmes, qui ont consacré leur vie, chacun à leur manière, à « l’œuvre coloniale française ». L’analyse des discours et des mécanismes de production des « savoirs coloniaux » renseigne sur la manière dont les « experts » en colonisation se sont efforcé de concilier des idéaux républicains et « humanistes » avec les exigences d’une entreprise fondée sur la dominationAs the Third Republic acquired an imposing colonial empire, the creation of the Colonial School, after several unsuccessful attempts, met two requirements. On the one hand, it was necessary to rationalise the recruitment and training of colonial civil servants. On the other hand, it was essential to organise the rapidly-growing body of “colonial knowledge” into a quality syllabus. The conjunction of these two requirements was expected to contribute to the coherence of the French colonial project. The theorists of the Colonial School were convinced that colonisation was a manageable phenomenon. They therefore wanted to turn the school into a real research centre for colonial science. The “feedback” and “field expertise” of its former students were expected to form the basis for a real colonial doctrine which would, in turn, shape the great political decisions of the French government concerning its overseas territories. The study of the profiles of its leaders, who often had strong personalities, of its teachers, who were academics or professionals, and of the 4513 students of the school emphasises the great diversity of all the men - and of the few women - who devoted their lives, each in his or her own way, to the “French colonial enterprise”. The analysis of discourse and of the production mechanisms of “colonial knowledge” sheds new light on how colonisation “experts” tried to reconcile republican and “humanistic” ideals with the requirements of a domination-based project
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Mézin-Bourgninaud, Véronique. "Les gouverneurs des colonies sous l’administration royale, de 1763 à 1792." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040089.
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Le personnel des gouverneurs des colonies sous la période royale regroupe les gouverneurs généraux et particuliers qui administrent les colonies françaises de 1763 à 1792 sous l’autorité de la couronne. Le gouverneur est un homme de guerre, choisis par le ministre de la Marine et nommé par le roi. Il s’agit pour lui de défendre un empire, de contrôler les pratiques locales et de veiller à l’exécution des lois du royaume. La nature de la charge et l’étendue des pouvoirs s’adaptent aux circonstances locales, sans oublier la personnalité et l’envergure du titulaire, sa position sociale, les cumuls de fonctions dont il peut bénéficier. Si la place de premier personnage de la colonie, l’appartenance à l’élite administrative et la prérogative de représentant du roi laissent supposer un poste brillant, la réalité est moins reluisante. L’autorité du gouverneur est affaiblie par de nombreux obstacles à un exercice efficace du pouvoir. Le gouverneur tente d’asseoir sa puissance sur d’autres marqueurs distinctifs, mais la réalité de la charge reste peu enviable, faite d’un mélange d’insalubrité et de déplacements, en proie à la méfiance des élites locales ou des autres administrateurs métropolitains. Les compensations financières et l’argument de promettre une place plus avantageuse après le gouvernement sont de plus en plus illusoires au fur et à mesure que le climat se complique à l’approche de la Révolution. La charge de gouverneur des colonies, poste de passage dans une carrière à forte dimension coloniale, est une charge isolée des cercles d’influence de la cour, atypique dans son recrutement et limitée dans les perspectives de carrière qu’elle offre à la fin du XVIIIe siècleThe executive staff of colonial governors under royal period comprises governors-general and individuals who rule the French colonies from 1763 to 1792 by appointment of the crown. The governor is a man of war, appointed by the King on the advice of the Navy Minister. It is for him to defend an Empire, to control local customs and to enforce royal laws. The importance of the position and the range of power that comes with it depend on local circumstances, not to mention the personality and the scale of the holder, his social ranking, and the combining of functions he can benefit from. If being the ruler of the colony, being part of the administrative elite and representing the King suggest both a prestigious and exotic job, reality is less rosy. The governor's authority has to face numerous obstacles, which results in the weakening of the effective ruling of the country. The governor tries to assert power over other distinctive markers, however the office remains unenviable, as it implies squalor and constant travel and is plagued by distrust of local elites or other metropolitan administrators. The financial perks and the promise of a more prestigious position after serving as Colonial governor are increasingly unrealistic as the French Revolution approaches. The office of Colonial governor, one of several steps in a colonial career, is actually isolated from the power and influence which rule the court, atypical in its appointment and provides very few career opportunities
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Capdepuy, Arlette. "Félix Eboué, 1884-1944 : mythe et réalités coloniales." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30051/document.
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Descendant d’esclaves, Félix Éboué est né dans le milieu de la petite bourgeoisie de Cayenne (Guyane) en 1884. Il termine ses études secondaires à Bordeaux puis ses études supérieures à Paris : il sort diplômé de l’École coloniale en 1908. A sa demande, il est affecté en Oubangui-Chari (colonie de l’AEF). Il reste en brousse vingt deux ans avant de devenir administrateur en chef (1931). Il est ensuite nommé à différents postes : secrétaire général de la Martinique (1932-1934), secrétaire général du Soudan français (1934-1936), gouverneur de la Guadeloupe (1936-1938), gouverneur du Tchad (1938-1940). A l’été 1940, il choisit le camp de la Résistance avec de Gaulle. Le ralliement du Tchad donne au chef de la France libre un territoire français en Afrique, d’une importance stratégique capitale. En novembre 1940, de Gaulle le nomme gouverneur général de l’AEF à Brazzaville et Compagnon de la Libération. Jusqu’à février 1944, grâce à sa maîtrise de l’administration coloniale, il gère les hommes et les ressources de l’AEF pour le plus grand profit de la France libre et des Alliés. Épuisé et malade, il décède au Caire en mai 1944.La mémoire d’État s’empare de sa mémoire pour en faire rapidement une icône : il entre au Panthéon en mai 1949. Mais, Félix Éboué ne se réduit pas à son mythe : s’il est un personnage emblématique de la IIIe République, il est un homme ancré dans son époque par son appartenance à des réseaux de pouvoirs et par ses idées. Sa spécificité est d’avoir espéré réformer le système colonial et d’avoir cru qu’il était possible de lutter contre le préjugé de couleur, contre le racisme au nom des valeurs de la République. S’il fut un pionnier, c’est par le domaine du sport qui était pour lui un outil par excellence de l’intégration et d’épanouissement de l’individuDescendant of slaves, Felix Eboue was born in the middle of the lower middle class of Cayenne (Guiana) in 1884. He finished high school in Bordeaux and his graduate studies in Paris: he graduated from the “Ecole coloniale” in 1908. At his request, he was assigned in Oubangui-Chari (AEF colony). It remains in the bush twenty two years before becoming Chief (1931). He was appointed to various positions: Secretary General of Martinique (1932-1934), Secretary General of the French Sudan (1934-1936), governor of Guadeloupe (1936-1938), governor of Chad (1938-1940). In the summer of 1940, he chose the side of the Resistance with de Gaulle. The rallying Chad gives the leader of Free France, a French territory in Africa, a strategic importance. In November 1940, de Gaulle appointed Governor General of the AEF in Brazzaville and Companion of the Liberation. Until February 1944, thanks to his mastery of the colonial administration, he manages people and resources of the AEF for the benefit of Free France and the Allies. Exhausted and ill, he died in Cairo in May 1944. The memory State seizes his memory to make an icon rapidly enters the Pantheon in May 1949. But Felix Eboue is not limited to the myth: it is an iconic character of the Third Republic, he is a man rooted in his time by his membership in networks of power and ideas. Its specificity is to be hoped reform the colonial system and have believed it was possible to fight against the prejudice of color against racism on behalf of the values of the Republic. If he was a pioneer, this is the sport that was for him an ideal tool for the integration and development of the individual
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Millerat, Bernard. "Les officiers administrateurs au Maghreb : Maroc, Algérie, 1912-1962." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011VERS008S.
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Nous cherchons à appréhender les traits essentiels caractérisant le rôle et les missions des officiers administrateurs mis en place au Maroc à partir de 1912, sous le vocable d'officiers des Affaires indigènes, et en Algérie, à compter de 1955 jusqu'à l'indépendance, sous celui d'officiers des Affaires algériennes (officiers des Sections Administratives Spécialisées, S. A. S. ). Ces officiers de l'armée française évoluent dans deux contextes juridiques totalement différents, les premiers à l'intérieur du territoire souverain de l'empire chérifien, les seconds sur une terre française, régie par les lois de a République. À partir de ces deux cas, nous comparons le rôle respectif de ces officiers, et déterminons ce qui les différencie. Nous soutenons qu'ils partagent la volonté et l'objectif de reprendre un contact, perdu ou inexistant, avec des populations musulmanes soucieuses de paix, trop longtemps abandonnées à une vie miséreuse, n'ayant que leur confiance à accorder en retour, qui a rassemblé dans un même creuset ces officiers des Affaires indigènes et des Affaires algériennesWe seek to understand the essential features characterizing the role and duties of officers established in Morocco in 1912 as administrators named “Officiers des Affaires Indigènes”, and in Algeria from 1955 until the independence as “Officiers des Affaires Algériennes” (or officers of the “Sections Administratives Spécialisées”, S. A. S. ). These officers of the French army act in two completely different legal contexts : the first ones within the sovereign territory of the Sharifian Empire, the latter ones within a French territory governed by the laws of the Republic. From these two cases, we compare the respective roles of these officers, and determine how they differ. We argue that they share the desire and goal to resume contact (lost or non-existent until then) with Muslim populations which are concerned with peace, abandoned to poverty for too long, having nothing but trust to give back. This gathered the officers of the Indigenous Affairs and of the Algerian Affairs into the same crucible
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Douioui, Amina. "Une ville du Maghreb au temps de l'occupation française : Marrakech de 1912 à 1945." Nice, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997NICE2004.
Full textAbstract:
Le cadre chronologique de cette étude est situé entre mil neuf cent douze et mil neuf cent quarante-cinq. Il correspond à une période déterminante dans l'évolution de la ville de Marrakech par les métamorphoses et les bouleversements de tous ordres, politiques, économiques, démographiques, urbains, sociaux qu'elle engendra. Une nouvelle période s'ouvre donc dans l'histoire de la ville et de sa population. La ville de Marrakech présente des particularités incontestables. Cette étude tente de les expliquer, d'exposer et d'analyser les faits de la période coloniale avec le plus d'objectivité possible, de manière à ne pas entrer dans une polémique a posteriori sur le bien ou mal fondé d'une époque. Quel est l'état d'esprit de la population ? Comment et quand les français ont-ils fait leur entrée à Marrakech ? Intégrée dans le système colonial, Marrakech prendra-t-elle une autre figure ou gardera-t-elle ses vertus ? Quelle est la politique française vis-à-vis des marocains ? Quelle est la taille de la ville ? Telles sont les questions que nous avons abordées dans cette étude tout en essayant d'apporter des réponses précises et documentéesThe chronological background of this study is situated betweer nineteen twelve and nineteen forty five. It corresponds to a crucial period in the development of the city of Marrakech, due to the political, economic, demographic, urban and social transformations and upheavals which took place ther. As a consequence, a new era starts for the city and its population. The city of Marrakech has undeniable particularities. This study is an attempt to explair them, to set out and analyse the facts of the colonial period as objectively as possible in order not to enter a controversy about the validity of an epoch. What was the population' s state of mind? How and when did the french enter marrakech? Integrated in the colonial system, will Marrakech take another appearance or will it keep its virtues? What is the french policy towards moroccan people? What is the size of the city? These are the questions that we have dealt with in this study, trying to give precise and documented answers
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Navarro-Andraud, Zélie. "Les élites urbaines de Saint-Domingue dans la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle : la place des administrateurs coloniaux (1763-1792)." Toulouse 2, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007TOU20076.
Full textAbstract:
L’étude des administrateurs coloniaux de Saint-Domingue et de leur place au sein de l’élite urbaine locale se décline, dans cette thèse, en trois parties principales. La première se veut être un essai de définition de l’administration coloniale dominguoise, entre ébauche de la hiérarchie professionnelle et présentation des diverses fonctions, afin d’appréhender, dans un second temps, la catégorie socio-professionnelle dans laquelle s’inscrivent les hommes du corpus étudié. La deuxième partie tente, quant à elle, de cerner au plus près les différents marqueurs sociaux justifiant de l’appartenance des administrateurs, tant à l’élite française et métropolitaine qu’à l’élite dominguoise et coloniale, à travers la comparaison de deux échelles de classification sociale. Enfin, la troisième et dernière partie est une analyse en trois temps du groupe social se divisant entre métropolitains, créoles et individus se situant dans l’entre-deux. Il s’agit de démontrer la diversité sociale et culturelle du groupe dont une partie semble crispée sur son identité métropolitaine tandis qu’une autre a initié un processus de créolisation, des corps et des esprits, aboutissant à une acculturation originale, produit d’un syncrétisme propre au monde antillais ; si ce n’est à chaque individuThe study of the colonial administrator of Saint-Domingue and their place inside the local urban elite is developed in this thesis in three parts. The first one tries to define the colonial administration of French Santo-Domingo, between sketch of professional hierarchy and introduction of various functions to follow in a second step the socio-professional category in which are the people of the studied corpus. The second part tries to delimit so close as possible the different social markers justifying the administrator belonging as much as to the French elite than the colonial and Saint-Domingue’s elite, trough the comparison of two social classification scales. Finally, the third and last part is a three-times analysis of the social group dividing between metropolitans, Creoles and people located in the interval. The objective is to demonstrate the social and cultural diversity of the group whose a part seems to be drawn by his metropolitan identity while the other has initiated a body and spirit creolisation process, resulting to the adoption of the Saint-Domingue’s culture, this way being a product of an own syncretism to the Antillean world
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Ronsseray, Céline. ""Administrer Cayenne": Sociabilités, fidélités et pouvoirs des fonctionnaires coloniaux en Guyane française au XVIIIe siècle." Phd thesis, Université de La Rochelle, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00245846.
Full textAbstract:
L'histoire de l'administration et de son personnel a été pendant longtemps le terrain privilégié des historiens du droit. Sans remettre en cause leur apport essentiel, ces travaux ont souvent mis de côté les données humaines. Nous avons entrepris l'étude des administrateurs nommés en Guyane française au cours d'un large XVIIIe siècle. Loin de se consacrer à l'appareil de gestion, ce travail s'attache à étudier ce corpus à la manière des grands corps de l'Etat et des officiers moyens de la monarchie française. Guidée par les principes de Guy Thuillier, cette étude entend bénéficier du renouvellement épistémologique de ces dernières décennies à travers une « nouvelle » prosopographie. Documentée à partir des sources ministérielles éclairées de chroniques contemporaines, elle se base sur le traitement informatique de fiches à travers une base de données. Notre volonté est d'englober la totalité de ce personnel - du plus modeste au plus important - le considérant comme le reflet de la société coloniale qu'il administre. Cette mosaïque d'individus et de personnalités participe à la constitution du portrait des fonctionnaires envoyés en Guyane au XVIIIe siècle. Ils sont les représentants et les exécutants de l'autorité métropolitaine à Cayenne. Mais, loin des contrôles, la tentation de l'abus de pouvoir est d'autant plus forte que la vie y est difficile. L'étude sociale est donc complétée par l'analyse des rapports de pouvoir en place opposant tout aussi bien les administrateurs entre eux que ces fonctionnaires aux habitants de la colonie. L'administration coloniale va se normalises intégrant de nouveaux contre-pouvoirs : le fonctionnaire colonial du XIXe siècle apparaît.
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Mézin-Bourgninaud, Véronique. "Les gouverneurs des colonies sous l’administration royale, de 1763 à 1792." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040089.
Full textAbstract:
Le personnel des gouverneurs des colonies sous la période royale regroupe les gouverneurs généraux et particuliers qui administrent les colonies françaises de 1763 à 1792 sous l’autorité de la couronne. Le gouverneur est un homme de guerre, choisis par le ministre de la Marine et nommé par le roi. Il s’agit pour lui de défendre un empire, de contrôler les pratiques locales et de veiller à l’exécution des lois du royaume. La nature de la charge et l’étendue des pouvoirs s’adaptent aux circonstances locales, sans oublier la personnalité et l’envergure du titulaire, sa position sociale, les cumuls de fonctions dont il peut bénéficier. Si la place de premier personnage de la colonie, l’appartenance à l’élite administrative et la prérogative de représentant du roi laissent supposer un poste brillant, la réalité est moins reluisante. L’autorité du gouverneur est affaiblie par de nombreux obstacles à un exercice efficace du pouvoir. Le gouverneur tente d’asseoir sa puissance sur d’autres marqueurs distinctifs, mais la réalité de la charge reste peu enviable, faite d’un mélange d’insalubrité et de déplacements, en proie à la méfiance des élites locales ou des autres administrateurs métropolitains. Les compensations financières et l’argument de promettre une place plus avantageuse après le gouvernement sont de plus en plus illusoires au fur et à mesure que le climat se complique à l’approche de la Révolution. La charge de gouverneur des colonies, poste de passage dans une carrière à forte dimension coloniale, est une charge isolée des cercles d’influence de la cour, atypique dans son recrutement et limitée dans les perspectives de carrière qu’elle offre à la fin du XVIIIe siècleThe executive staff of colonial governors under royal period comprises governors-general and individuals who rule the French colonies from 1763 to 1792 by appointment of the crown. The governor is a man of war, appointed by the King on the advice of the Navy Minister. It is for him to defend an Empire, to control local customs and to enforce royal laws. The importance of the position and the range of power that comes with it depend on local circumstances, not to mention the personality and the scale of the holder, his social ranking, and the combining of functions he can benefit from. If being the ruler of the colony, being part of the administrative elite and representing the King suggest both a prestigious and exotic job, reality is less rosy. The governor's authority has to face numerous obstacles, which results in the weakening of the effective ruling of the country. The governor tries to assert power over other distinctive markers, however the office remains unenviable, as it implies squalor and constant travel and is plagued by distrust of local elites or other metropolitan administrators. The financial perks and the promise of a more prestigious position after serving as Colonial governor are increasingly unrealistic as the French Revolution approaches. The office of Colonial governor, one of several steps in a colonial career, is actually isolated from the power and influence which rule the court, atypical in its appointment and provides very few career opportunities
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Guilluy, Thibault. "Du "self-government" des Dominions à la dévolution : recherches sur l'apparition et l'évolution de la Constitution britannique." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020006.
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L’objet de cette étude est d’identifier une constitution « britannique » distincte de la constitution anglaise. Si le langage commun tend trop souvent à confondre une partie pour le tout, l’Angleterre pour le Royaume-Uni, cet écueil n’épargne pas les juristes. La notion de constitution britannique vise précisément à rendre compte de la manière dont le droit constitutionnel a pu appréhender et saisir la tension fondamentale qui l’anime entre deux exigences en apparence contraires, l’unité et la diversité. Depuis les lois de dévolution adoptées à la fin du XXe siècle, l’Ecosse, le Pays de Galles et l’Irlande du Nord disposent d’institutions de gouvernement autonomes, soumises théoriquement à la souveraineté du Parlement de Westminster. Le corps de lois, règles et principes qui régissent cet arrangement institutionnel permettent d’identifier un cadre constitutionnel spécifiquement britannique. Mais celui-ci n’est pas pour autant né à la fin du XXe siècle. Il nous semble en effet que cette constitution britannique trouve ses sources et son origine dans les relations qui ont pu s’établir entre le Royaume-Uni et certaines de ses colonies dotées d’un statut particulier et d’un gouvernement autonome, les Dominions. C’est dans ce cadre historique et intellectuel qu’a pu apparaître une manière spécifiquement britannique d’organiser cette tension entre l’unité et la diversité. Celle-ci puise d’ailleurs dans les ressources propres du constitutionnalisme britannique, qui résulte d’un entrelacement ingénieux de règles et principes juridiques et de pratiques institutionnalisées, les conventions de la constitution. Cette rencontre entre le droit et les conventions dessine un droit constitutionnel original et peut-être fédéralThis study aims at identifying a « British » constitution distinct from the English constitution. If popular language tends to confuse one part with the whole, England with the United Kingdom, so do jurists. The concept of a British constitution aims at capturing the way in which constitutional law may have grasped the fundamental tension between two seemingly antagonist ideas, unity and diversity. Since the devolution Acts have been enacted in the end of the XXth century, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland enjoy responsible government, under the asserted sovereignty of the Parliament of Westminster. The body of statutes, rules and principles that govern this institutional arrangement thus form a specifically British constitutional framework. But this framework was not necessarily born in the end of the XXth century. We intend to show that this British constitution can be traced back to the constitutional relations established between the United Kingdom and some of her colonies, the Dominions. It is within this historical and intellectual framework that may have appeared a specifically British way of dealing with this tension between unity and diversity. It seems to have resorted to the resources of British constitutionalism, which is produced by the ingenious imbrication of legal rules and principles and of institutionalized practices, i.e. the conventions of the Constitution. This confluence of law and conventions sketches a constitutional law that is both original and possibly federal
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Pimiento-Echeverri, Julian-Andres. "Les biens d'usage public en droit colombien." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020025.
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Les biens d'usage public sont la catégorie centrale de la construction du droit administratif des biens. L'absence d'une analyse d'ensemble de la catégorie, en droit colombien, pousse à revoir les bases sur lesquelles elle repose et ses conséquences. Plus que toute autre catégorie juridique, les biens d'usage public sont tributaires de leur histoire, c'est dans l'étude de cette dernière que se trouvent les clés d'interprétation de tout le système. Le modèle utilisé par le code civil colombien a été calqué sur la division des biens publics, opérée par le droit espagnol colonial – inspirée à son tour du droit romain. Une mise à jour s'avère nécessaire. À partir de la notion de propriété publique, et de son régime constitutionnel, il est possible de construire une définition matérielle des biens d'usage public, permettant de comprendre les caractéristiques de l'usage public. Cela implique, aussi, une révision complète du régime juridique à la lumière de l'exploitation sociale et économique – valorisation – de la propriété publique. À une triple protection, celle de la propriété publique, du bien d'usage public et de l'usager, s'ajoute une nouvelle approche des occupations privatives. Cette idée d'exploitation sociale et économique anime un nouveau régime des titres habilitant l'occupation privative, des redevances pour occupation des biens d'usage public et des droits réels administratifsRegulation of public property available for public use is at the core of administrative law. The Colombian Civil Code has copied colonial Spanish law in the matter, which in turn was inspired by Roman law. However, the absence of an exhaustive and coherent regulation in Colombia has forced the interpreter to study its foundation and further developments to interpret it. An update of this legal system is, therefore, imperative. Beginning with the concept of public property and its constitutional regulation, it is poss ible to analyze the elements of its public use, which will allow proposing a definition of those assets. It is necessary to analyze the regulation of these public properties under the light of their social and economic value. The protection granted by the law to the concepts of public property, public use and public user, has to be assessed under the new approach of the administrative authorizations pertaining to such public property. This notion of social and economic value will also allow scholars/people to have a new vision of the regulation of administrative authorizations, the exclusive rights (in rem) they confer and the income they produce
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Blunt, Alison Mary. "Travelling home and empire British women in India, 1857-1939." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/6722.
Full textAbstract:
This study focuses on the British wives of civil servants and army officers who lived in India
from 1857 to 1939 to examine the translation of feminine discourses of bourgeois domesticity
over imperial space. Three questions form the subject of this research. First, how were cultures
of domesticity and imperialism intertwined in complex and often contradicatory ways over
space? Second, did imperial rule, and the travel that it necessarily implied, challenge or reinforce
the claim that 'there's no place like home'? Third, how and why were places both like and yet
unlike 'home' produced by British women living in India? I start by examining the 'mutiny' of
1857-1858 as a period of domestic and imperial crisis, focusing on representations of and by
British women at Cawnpore and Lucknow. Then, considering the place of British women in the
post-'mutiny' reconstruction of imperial domesticity in India, I focus on two scales: first, home
and empire-making on a household scale; and, second, seasonal travels by British women to hill
stations in North India. In their travels both to and within India, British women embodied
contested discourses of imperial domesticity.
Throughout, I focus on the mobile, embodied subjectivities of memsahibs. While
imperial histories have often neglected the roles played by British women in India, revisionist
accounts have often reproduced stereotypical and / or celebratory accounts of memsahibs. In
contrast, I examine the ambivalent basis of imperial and gendered stereotypes and conceptualise
spatialised subjectivities in terms of embodiment, critical mobility, and material performativity.
As members of an official elite, the British wives of civil servants and army officers came to
embody many of the connections and tensions between domesticity and imperialism. Both
during and after the 'mutiny,' the place of British women and British homes in India was
contested. The place of British women and British homes in India reveal contradictions at the
heart of imperial rule by reproducing and yet destabilizing imperial rule on a domestic scale
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(9872855), J. Hodes. "John Douglas 1828-1904: The uncompromising liberal." Thesis, 2006. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/John_Douglas_1828-1904_the_uncompromising_liberal/13416842.
Full textAbstract:
Douglas was born in London in 1828 and migrated to New South Wales in 1851 where he represented both the Darling Downs and Camden districts in the New South Wales parliament before embarking on a lengthy parliamentary career in Queensland, one that culminated in the premiership from 1877 to 1879. He was subsequently appointed government resident for Thursday Island in 1885, a position he held until his death, nearly 20 years later, aged 76, in 1904. During this period he also served as special commissioner for the protectorate of British New Guinea, administering the territory prior to it being formally proclaimed a crown colony. Douglass involvement in Queensland public life was significant and encompassed the entire period from the colonys formation in 1859 to the federation of the Australian colonies in 1901. In this respect, his career allows, through a study of his long, eventful and varied life, for this thesis to examine aspects of the development and progression of Queenslands political system as a nascent yet robust, representative democracy, through most of the second half of the nineteenth century until the colonys incorporation in the newly formed Commonwealth of Australia. This thesis argues that John Douglas was an uncompromising Liberal in an age of Liberalism, a principled politician in an era of pragmatic factionalism and shifting political allegiances. Perhapsbecause of this he was more popular with his electorate than with his parliamentary colleagues. Douglass contribution to Queensland life was in large measure shaped by his character and the formative influences on it. This included his aristocratic upbringing, his public school and university education, his abiding religious faith, a profound sense of fair play, and a desire to participate fully and selflessly in the life of the community he lived in, despite the vicissitudes of his personal life. As this thesis further demonstrates, an examination of Douglass life affords us an insight into an energetic, accomplished, erudite, and compassionate man. Yet while his intellectual curiosity, thirst for knowledge and wide-ranging interests marked him as a Renaissance man, he also had many failings, most noticeably that of extreme obstinacy. Therefore, this thesis will analyse Douglass convictions and beliefs while examining the strengths and flaws inherent in his character. It is because Douglas lived a life characterised by complexity and contradiction, leavened by a mixture of accomplishment and failure, that his life, and the times he lived in, are worthy of examination.
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Fânzeres, Rúben de Carlos Oliveira. "António Duarte Ramada Curto, Governador-Geral de Angola (1897-1900 e 1904-1906), nos seus papéis." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/42802.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de mestrado em HistóriaNa historiografia nacional, o domínio da história colonial, em especial sobre o último império de Portugal, é um período que abarca a consolidação do liberalismo, o fim da monarquia, a 1ª República e o regime do Estado Novo, uma baliza temporal de 150 anos, que termina com a Guerra Colonial. África assume uma centralidade nesta última fase do império Português, depois da perda do Brasil. Com efeito, após a independência do Brasil, os olhos viram-se para África. Contudo, esta mudança de paradigma foi tortuosa, não só pelo fato da sociedade portuguesa possuir uma elite que procurava o que de mais moderno se fazia, escrevia e pensava, como pelas contradições de uma herança do Antigo Regime. Nesta dissertação acompanhamos o percurso de um africanista, o conselheiro Dr. António Duarte Ramada Curto. Uma figura das ciências médicas dos finais do século XIX, o qual passou longos anos como médico-naval em Angola. Um sócio ativo da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa e da Sociedade de Ciências Médicas de Lisboa. Mais, alguém que, mesmo após a sua reforma, exerceu cargos públicos de grande responsabilidade, como Diretor Geral de Saúde do Ultramar e Diretor Geral do Ultramar, o último cargo público que exerceu. Em qualquer caso, as funções que constituem o cerne desta dissertação são as de governador-geral de Angola, cargo que exerceu por duas vezes, entre 1897-1900 e entre 1904-1906. O conselheiro António Duarte Ramada Curto, no exercício das suas funções como governador-geral de Angola, revelou-se um progressista, preocupado com o desenvolvimento de infraestruturas e com a eficácia da administração pública, prudente, procurando consensos, estimado pela opinião pública e, nas palavras de Pélissier, um “pacifista”. O exercício dessas funções aconteceu, todavia, num período particularmente difícil para Portugal, marcado pela crise económica e, do ponto de vista político e ideológico, pelo Ultimatum Britânico, quer dizer, nos últimos dias da Monarquia Constitucional, o que determinou não só o alcance das medidas adotadas por ele como, inclusive, o seu próprio afastamento da vida pública.
In national historiography, the field of colonial history, especially over the last empire of Portugal, is a period that includes the consolidation of liberalism, the end of the monarchy, the 1st Republic and the Estado Novo regime, a timekeeper 150 years, ending with the Colonial War. Africa takes a central role in this last phase of the Portuguese empire, after the loss of Brazil. Indeed, after the independence of Brazil, eyes turn to Africa. However, this paradigm shift was tortuous, not only because of Portuguese society have an elite that sought what most modern it was, he wrote and thought, as the contradictions of the Old Regime heritage. In this thesis, we follow the journey of an Africanist, Dr. António Duarte Ramada Curto counselor. A figure of medical sciences of the late nineteenth century, who spent many years as a medical ship in Angola. An active member of the Lisbon Geographical Society and the Society of Medical Sciences of Lisbon. More, someone who, even after his retirement, he held public positions of great responsibility as Director General Health Overseas and General Director of Ultramar, the last public position he held. In any case, the functions that make up the core of this dissertation are the Governor General of Angola, a position he held twice between 1897-1900 and between 1904-1906. The counselor Antonio Duarte Ramada Curto, in carrying out his duties as Governor-General of Angola, proved to be a progressive, concerned about the development of infrastructure and the efficiency of public administration, prudent, seeking consensus, estimated by the public and, in Pélissier of words, a "pacifist". The exercise of these functions happen, however, a particularly difficult period for Portugal, marked by economic crisis and the political and ideological point of view, the British Ultimatum, that in the last days of the constitutional monarchy, which determined not only the scope the measures taken by him as even his own retirement from public life.
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Dennis, John Alfred. "The René Maran story the life and times of a black Frenchman, colonial administrator, novelist and social critic, 1887-1960 /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18155562.html.
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