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Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial administrators'
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1
Slobodkin, Yan. "State of Violence." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254607.
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AbstractThis article highlights a moment in the history of French West Africa when violence was both ubiquitous and forbidden. During the interwar period, French reformers pushed for the elimination of the routine use of violence by colonial administrators. The intervention of activist journalists and human rights groups put pressure on colonial policy makers to finally bring administrative practice in line with imperial rhetoric. Local administrators, however, felt that such meddling interfered with their ability to govern effectively. A case of torture and murder by French functionaries in the Ivory Coast village of Oguiédoumé shows how struggles over antiviolence reform played out from the ground up.Cet article souligne un moment dans l'histoire de l'Afrique-Occidentale Française où la violence a été à la fois omniprésente et interdite. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, des réformistes français ont lutté pour éliminer la violence quotidienne commise par les administrateurs coloniaux. L'intervention des journalistes militants et des organisations des droits de l'homme a poussé l'Etat colonial à réaliser les promesses de la mission civilisatrice. Par contre, les administrateurs locaux sentaient que ce discours contre la violence limitait leur capacité de gouverner avec efficacité. Une affaire de torture et de meurtre commis en 1933 par des fonctionnaires français dans le village d'Oguiédoumé en Côte-d'Ivoire montre comment la lutte contre la violence a influencé la situation coloniale sur place.
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Lyall, Andrew. "Gwao Bin Kilimo: The Administrators' Reaction." Journal of African Law 32, no. 1 (1988): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300010226.
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The case of Gwao bin Kilimo v. Kisunda bin Ifuti decided by the colonial courts of the then Tanganyika has always held a certain fascination for those interested in the process of law under colonial rule. This is for a variety of reasons. The case seems to put into sharp focus the conflict between the imposed common law system and the indigenous customary law. This in turn stimulates questions as to the social values that lay, and probably still lie, behind the two systems and the extent to which those values reflect actual differences between the societies in which they developed. Since the conflict arose in a colonial context, the case also raises the question of the rôle of law in such a society and therefore, to some extent, the rôle of law in relation to ideology and political economy in this and in other contexts also. What is less well known is that the case was the subject of comment by colonial administrative officers at the time, comments which point up many of the issues involved and provide some insight into the different perceptions of African society on the part of administrative officers on the one hand and the judiciary on the other.
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Lukong, Napoleon Konghaban. "Colonial and Post-Colonial Administrations and Fulani Rights in the Bamenda Grass fields of Cameroon, 1916-2020." East African Scholars Multidisciplinary Bulletin 5, no. 11 (November 27, 2022): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/easjmb.2022.v05i11.005.
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The British colonial administration in implementing various Fulani cattle herder schemes in the Bamenda Grass fields of Cameroon created a cleavage between the Fulani and the indigenous communities. This cleavage made it impossible for the new people to acquire local citizenship anywhere. This eventually was used by the unscrupulous and exploitative post-colonial administrators to deprive the herdsmen of their financial and judicial rights in the Bamenda Grass fields. Oftentimes, the same was used as a wedge by the administrators against inter-ethnic solidarity between the Fulani and the indigenous communities during anti-government political developments in the region. In either case, the rights of the Fulani people were abused by the administrators. That is, without ethnic citizenship, the Fulani were easily frightened by these administrators and forced to pay in kind or in cash for their land disputes with the locals to be annulled, shelved or abandoned. The same was used to obtain Fulani support during political upheavals in the region. The rights of Fulani can only be rendered less susceptible to abuse by bridging the differences created by the British colonial administrators between the indigenous peoples and the herdsmen in the Bamenda Grass fields.
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Dimier, Veronique. "For a New Start: Resettling French Colonial Administrators in the Prefectoral Corps." Itinerario 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019124.
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This could be considered as the ‘swan song’ of a French colonial administrator in Tropical Africa. Between 1958 and 1961, most of these colonial administrators had to leave what was soon to be considered one of the major sins committed by France in the twentieth century: the Empire. For some of them it was a real shock, from which they never recovered. Of course, it was the normal outcome of the very process they had prepared: to teach the African peoples how to rule themselves. But: ‘Did it not come too early leaving the new African elite insufficiently prepared?’ If this were so, was ‘the great sin of France not to colonise but to decolonise too quickly?’
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Muldoon, Andrew. "Politics, Intelligence and Elections in Late Colonial India: Congress and the Raj in 1937." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044403ar.
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This article addresses questions of political reform and colonial intelligence collection in 1930s India. It focuses on the expectations British colonial officials had of the impact of the 1935 Government of India Act reforms on Indian political behaviour, especially regarding the creation of largely autonomous provincial assemblies. The 1937 provincial elections put these colonial suppositions to the test, and found them wanting. The article outlines the flawed and blinkered nature of colonial information gathering, demonstrating how the election results, particularly the very strong showing by an organized Indian National Congress, came as a real surprise to colonial administrators. However, the article also shows that these results did not necessarily change colonial opinions about Indian politics overmuch, as administrators and governors sought to frame what had happened within their existing understanding of India. Overall, this piece argues for the persistence of certain ways of colonial thinking in India, driven by ideological or cultural biases, as well as by the real limitations on the capability of the colonial state.
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Turner, Matthew D. "Livestock mobility and the territorial state: South-Western Niger (1890–1920)." Africa 87, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000134.
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AbstractColonial rule in West Africa initiated the incorporation of mobile people, particularly pastoralists, into Western territorial states. This article reports on the early period of French colonial rule of the area that is now South-Western Niger – a strategically important area with respect to territorial competition among the French colonies of Dahomey and Soudan (later the colonies of Senegambia and Niger) as well as the British colony of Nigeria. Building from the study of contemporary patterns of livestock mobility and their logics, archival and secondary literatures are used to develop an understanding of dominant herd mobility patterns at the time (transhumance for grazing and trekking to distant markets); the importance of livestock as a source of tax revenue; colonial anxieties about the loss of livestock from within their borders; and efforts of colonial administrators to reduce the potential loss of livestock from their territories. This case illustrates the limitations of the territorial state model where the state lacks sufficient power over mobile subjects utilizing a sparse and fluctuating resource base. The actions of French administrators and Fulɓe pastoralists worked as a form of ‘hands-off’ negotiation, with each group monitoring and reacting to the actions of the other. Due to the limitations of colonial state control, the existence of boundaries elicited greater monitoring of livestock movements by colonial administrators but also increased the leverage held by mobile pastoralists as the French sought to increase the attractiveness of their territory to the principal managers of its wealth (livestock). The proximity of borders to the study area complicated the task of French colonial administrators, who necessarily became increasingly focused on monitoring the movements of their subjects (labour and capital) to avoid their possible escape as they moved within the borderlands of what is now South-Western Niger. The limits of colonial power to monitor and control these movements led administrators to initiate policies favouring pastoralists.
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Earle, Jonathon L. "Political Activism and Other Life Forms in Colonial Buganda." History in Africa 45 (June 2018): 373–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2018.19.
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Abstract:This article uses recently unearthed private papers and ethnographic fieldwork to explore the intersection of political practice and environmental ideation in colonial Buganda. In the early to mid-1900s, colonial administrators sought to draw Ganda interlocutors into abstract conversations about a natural world that was devoid of political power. Through Witchcraft Ordinances, imperial administrators sought to distance spirits, rocks, trees, snakes, and other life forms from the concrete world of social movement and dissent. But in late colonial Uganda, the trade unionist Erieza Bwete and the influential spirit prophet Kibuuka Kigaanira navigated environmental spaces that were imbued with political significance. Uganda’s economic and national histories, informed by methodologies that privileged philosophical materialism, overlooked how interactions with multispecies animated anticolonial politics and larger debates about authority. To challenge these earlier assumptions, this article shows how colonial literati and a late colonial prophet interacted with a natural world that was deeply political to conceptualize independence and challenge colonial power.
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Kua, Ee Heok. "Amok as viewed by British administrators in colonial Malaya." British Journal of Psychiatry 200, no. 3 (March 2012): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.111.100784.
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Nikolic, Anja. "Similarities and differences in imperial administration Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1878-1903." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647177n.
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This article discusses the similarities and differences of the position of Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the age of New Imperialism. Comparative approach will allow us to put both situations in their historical context. Austria-Hungary?s absorption of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of colonial involvement throughout the world. Egypt and Bosnia-Herzegovina were formally parts of the Ottoman Empire, although occupied and administrated by European Powers. Two administrators, Evelyn Baring as consul-general in Egypt and Benjamin von K?llay as civil administrator of Bosnia-Herzegovina, believed that it was their duty to bring ?civilization?, prosperity and western culture to these lands - a classic argumentation found in the New Imperialism discourse. One of the most important tasks for both administrators was fighting the national movements, which led to the suppression of political freedoms and the introduction of a large administrative apparatus to govern the newly-occupied lands. Complete control over political life and the educational system was also one of the major features of both administrations. Both Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina never tackled the agrarian question for their own political reasons. British rule in Egypt and Austro-Hungarian in Bosnia-Herzegovina bore striking resemblances.
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Lämmert, Stephanie. "Only a misunderstanding? Non-conformist rumours and petitions in late-colonial Tanzania." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 2 (March 14, 2020): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894420910905.
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The rich and nuanced literature on African intermediaries has shed new light on the colonial encounter from the perspective of African interlocutors, but has often neglected to study failed acts of communication between colonial administrators and non-elite African intermediaries. This article fills in some gaps by focusing on non-successful communications. Analysing rumours and non-conformist modes of petitioning, the article explores misunderstandings between Tanzanians and representatives of the late-colonial state. While the British could afford to ignore idiosyncratic messages when they did not clash with their own operational interests, they had to act upon others, and their responses were not always those desired by the Tanzanian senders. Despite communicating in relative proximity, the close distance between Tanzanians who were not fluent in the bureaucratic idiom of the colonial state and British administrators could not always be bridged.
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Roque, Ricardo. "Mimetic Governmentality and the Administration of Colonial Justice in East Timor, ca. 1860–1910." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 1 (January 2015): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000607.
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AbstractThis article explores the mimesis of indigenous “customs and law” as a theory of and strategy for colonial government in the period of late imperialism. I draw on the case of colonial administration in the Portuguese colony of Timor during the second-half of the nineteenth century. I introduce the concept of “mimetic governmentality”: the art of governing the Other through the productive inclusion of institutions, symbols, cultural materials, or social forms understood as other than one's own. In Timor, the imperial establishment was characterized by fragility and isolation, and a pragmatic style of colonial action thrived. In Europe, modern doctrines of colonial law rejected assimilationist policies and advocated “specialization.” In this context, between 1860 and 1910, administrators on Timor devised a system of colonial justice that required the colonizers to slip into the indigenous world and govern others from the others' position and perspectives. To efficiently govern the “natives” and apply colonial justice in courts—the so-calledjustiças—Europeans had to release themselves from European principles and embrace indigenous law, as they understood it. The essay uses the case of Timor to assert the analytic importance and potential of mimesis for the comparative study of colonial administrations during the period of imperial expansion.
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Lanzillo, Amanda M. "Prison Papermaking: Colonial Ideals of Industrial Experimentation in India." Technology and Culture 65, no. 1 (January 2024): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2024.a920516.
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abstract: This article questions the economic rationale of colonial experimentation and prison labor, arguing that for many administrators a prison-based experiment's success mattered less than its existence. It examines the position of convict labor and penal discipline within colonial industrial experiments in colonial India, where convicts performed experiments for what one administrator described as "the most penal" form of labor, papermaking. The belief that Indian fibers could open a new export market for global papermaking meant that prisons became prominent sites of experimentation with new pulps. Regional prisons gained state monopolies for handmade paper, often decimating local independent producers. Yet prison and industrial officers counterintuitively positioned the frequent failures of papermaking experiments as a continuing potential source for industrial improvement. They argued that the failures demonstrated the need to improve discipline and supervision. Prison experiments slotted convicts into repetitive, mechanized roles that served European investigations into the utility of Indian products.
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Biggs, David. "Problematic Progress: Reading Environmental and Social Change in the Mekong Delta." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2003): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000055.
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Colonial engineers and administrators often referred to the pre-colonial Mekong Delta landscape as a vast solitude yet to be reorganised through their hydraulic technology. However, the environmental history of the Delta's waterways is more complex, suggesting that colonial projects were to some extent embedded within an existing infrastructure. This problematises the rhetorical concept of Progress within a colonial context and its value as a metaphor to understand human changes to the landscape.
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Gilmartin, David. "Scientific Empire and Imperial Science: Colonialism and Irrigation Technology in the Indus Basin." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 4 (November 1994): 1127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059236.
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In the eyes of many colonial administrators in the nineteenth century, the advance of science and the advance of colonial rule went hand in hand: Science helped to secure colonial rule, to justify European domination over other peoples, and to transform production for an expanding world economy (Adas 1989). The history of irrigation in India, where the British built large new irrigation works to increase colonial revenues and expand commercial production, provides a dramatic illustration of this.
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à Campo, Joseph N. F. M. "Discourse without Discussion: Representations of Piracy in Colonial Indonesia 1816-25." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (June 2003): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000201.
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In colonial sources the designation and condemnation of certain indigenous acts of maritime violence as piracy are presented as self-evident. This confronts modern historiography with many problems of conceptualisation, interpretation and assessment. Discourse analysis may be an effective tool. Comparing divergent representations of piracy by Dutch administrators in colonial Indonesia shows how piracy was constructed in the confrontation of colonial and indigenous states.
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Selvaratnam, Viswanathan. "The Economy of Colonial Malaya: Administrators versus Capitalists (Book review)." Kajian Malaysia 40, no. 2 (October 31, 2022): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2022.40.2.12.
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Hopkins, Benjamin D. "The Frontier Crimes Regulation and Frontier Governmentality." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815000030.
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From the invention of imperial authority along the North-West Frontier of British India, subjects were divided between the “civilized” inhabitants populating the cultivated plains and the “wild tribes” living in the hills. The problem of governing this latter group, the “independent tribes,” proved a vexed one for the British Raj. The mechanism developed by imperial administrators to manage the frontier inhabitants was the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), first promulgated in 1872 and still in effect today. The FCR was designed to exclude the Frontier's inhabitants from the colonial judiciary, and more broadly the colonial sphere, encapsulating them in their own colonially sanctioned “tradition.” Exploring the use of the FCR as an instrument of governance from its first inception into the twentieth century, this article argues that it was key to shaping the nature of frontier rule, which in turn shaped the very nature of the colonial state itself.
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Kwami, Robert. "Music education in Ghana and Nigeria: a brief survey." Africa 64, no. 4 (October 1994): 544–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161373.
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This brief historical survey of music education in Ghana and Nigeria encompasses three periods—the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras. Its main aim is to search for explanations of an apparent dichotomy between African and Western musics in the curricula of schools in both countries. It shows that, during the pre-colonial and colonial eras, some missionaries, colonial administrators and teachers encouraged the use of indigenous musics in the formal, Western, education systems, whilst, in the post-colonial period, initiatives to include more indigenous African musics have put some pressure at lower levels of the curriculum. Consequently, it may be necessary to reassess the content, methods and resources of music education in both countries.
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Kirk-Greene, A. H. M. "Colonial Service biographical data: the published sources." African Research & Documentation 46 (1988): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00012723.
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A consistent feature of contemporary research into the colonial period is the emphasis on personalities. The modern historian is increasingly aware of how cogently he may need to identify and interpret who was who before he can start to explain why was what. In support of this human approach, one may cite the view of the most recent historian of empire. “Personality not policy”, argues Martin Daly in the first volume of his history of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Empire on the Nile (1986), “determined the course of the Condominium” (p.452). The same thesis underlay my own earlier profile of Africa's administrators: “Only when we are intimately acquainted with who the imperial administrators are can we proceed to a soundly-based study of imperialism” (The Sudan Political Service, 1982, 1). Robert Collins’ interpretation of the Sudan's administration was postulated on a similar hypothesis:Without some understanding of the imperialists themselves, it is impossible to examine imperialism, to assess its impact, or to comprehend the social and political relationships, attitudes, and states of mind it created (African Affairs, 1972, 71, 293).
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Moberg, Mark. "Crown Colony as Banana Republic: The United Fruit Company in British Honduras, 1900–1920." Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1996): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00013043.
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AbstractIn much historiography of the colonial Caribbean, British administrators are portrayed as mediators between domestic elites, foreign capital, and the working class. Such scholarship converges with popular belief in Belize, whose institutions are seen as a legacy of ‘impartial’ British rule. This article examines the relationship between the United Fruit Company and the colonial government of British Honduras. Contrary to claims of administrative impartiality, colonial officials facilitated the company's monopoly over the banana industry and acted as company advocates before the Colonial Office, actions that ultimately undermined the colony's independent banana producers.
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BROWN, MARK. "Ethnology and colonial administration in nineteenth-century British India: the question of native crime and criminality." British Journal for the History of Science 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087403005004.
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This paper examines the central role of ethnology, the science of race, in the administration of colonial India. This occurred on two levels. First, from the late eighteenth century onwards, proto-scientists and administrators in India engaged with metropolitan theorists through the provision of data on native society and habits. Second, these same agents were continually and reciprocally influenced in the collection and use of such data by the political doctrines and scientific theories that developed over the course of this period. Among the central interests of ethnographer-administrators was the native criminal and this paper uses knowledge developed about native crime and criminality to illustrate the way science became integral to administration in the colonial domain.
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Phatshwane, Percy M. D. "Reflections on the Contributions of Sir Charles Rey to the Development of Financial Control and Accountability in the Bechuanaland Protectorate (1929-1937)." International Business & Economics Studies 3, no. 1 (December 9, 2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ibes.v3n1p1.
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This essay examines the diaries of Sir Charles F. Rey, Resident Commissioner of Bechuanaland, covering the years 1929-1937. The paper summarizes and reviews the accounting thoughts, activities and practices during a period of British colonial rule in Bechuanaland Protectorate. It illustrates early accounting and budgetary practices, as well as their role in influencing and shaping political and socio-economic development. The paper reveals that nuances of accounting history are contained in literary and archival documents, and that accounting practitioners and researchers should explore these scripts in order to understanding the introduction and development of accounting in the African continent. It further suggests that Sir Charles Rey’s memoirs show him to be a financial manager and administrator of note, albeit one who used financial management techniques to maintain control over natives, European businesses, and colonial administrators. This notwithstanding, this paper encourages researchers and practitioners to locate accounting history from such writings.
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LEES, LYNN HOLLEN. "Discipline and delegation: colonial governance in Malayan towns, 1880–1930." Urban History 38, no. 1 (April 5, 2011): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926811000034.
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ABSTRACT:British colonial administrators had two strategies for governing towns in Malaya during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They used Sanitary Boards to improve public health and to control populations indirectly, and they relied on police forces for direct forms of discipline. Both strategies reveal the overall weakness of the British colonial regime in that region.
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Miller, Karen. "Agents of the Settler State: Incarcerated Filipino Workers, Conjugal Migration, and Indigenous Dispossession at the Iwahig Penal Colony." American Quarterly 76, no. 1 (March 2024): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2024.a921579.
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Abstract: This essay examines a conjugal migration program at the Iwahig Penal Colony in the early twentieth-century Philippines that was designed by American colonial administrators and built by incarcerated Filipino men. The penal colony was part of a settler colonial project that was pushing to transform Indigenous spaces into terrains primed for the influx of land-seeking migrants from Hispanicized islands. Before the prison was opened, Indigenous Tagbanua lived at the site, which had never been governed by Euro-American colonizers. US officials cast Tagbanua families as impediments to development. The penal colony's incarcerated men were from lowland areas that had come under colonial rule for centuries. Colonial administrators saw their labor, conversely, as the linchpin that would turn the land, and eventually the entire island, into a terrain for commercial agriculture. Bureaucrats worked to transport women to Iwahig who had been in romantic relationships with prisoners before their arrests in order to support this project. Even though only 10 percent of incarcerated men were ever joined by their female partners, state agents cynically characterized the nuclear families formed through conjugal migration as institutions that sat at the foundation of the penal colony's settler colonial goals. Ultimately, American colonizers used these logics to confiscate Indigenous land that they identified as "underutilized," and integrate it into the colonial political economy.
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Reid, Darren. "Imperial or Settler Imperative? Indigenous Reserves as a Case Study for a Transcolonial Analysis of British Imperial Indigenous Policy." Arbutus Review 8, no. 1 (October 30, 2017): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar81201716801.
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My paper presents a comparative analysis of the development of Indigenous reserve systems in British North America and Western Australia across the nineteenth century. The existing historiography seeks to comprehend the relationship between the British metropole and the colonial periphery, and two opposing frameworks of colonial governance have been developed. One holds that the British Empire operated as an interdependent system, in which colonial Indigenous policies were determined by overarching imperial imperatives based upon imperial capitalism and liberal humanitarianism. The other holds that the explosive growth of settler communities undermined these imperial imperatives and facilitated governance guided by the settlers' need for land, labour, and security. This paper seeks to end the tension between these two frameworks by using Indigenous reserve systems as a case study for understanding colonial governance. Through an analysis of correspondence between local and imperial administrators, this paper argues that the development of Indigenous reserve systems reveals an entrenched conflict between imperial and local administrators lasting throughout the nineteenth century, a conflict in which the local governments of British North America and Western Australia subordinated imperial imperatives of imperial capitalism and liberal humanitarianism to local concerns of security and sovereignty.
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Bazarbaev, Akmal. "The Turkestan Statute and the Reorganization of Administrative Divisions in Central Asia, 1886-1917: a Case Study of Jizzakh District." Oriente Moderno 102, no. 2 (January 19, 2023): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340287.
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Abstract For both political and economic reasons, the Russian Empire sought to establish administrative units in Central Asia based on taxonomic principles relating to governmental control, taxation, and land use. From the first years after the conquest, the colonial authorities introduced various new types of political divisions in the region. But the most foundational step in this process was the Turkestan Statute of 1886, which formally enumerated the requirements and naming conventions for establishing official administrative units. It is clear from the available sources that, before the 1886 statute, colonial efforts to establish administrative control, taxation, and regulated land use were sporadic and imprecise at best. For this reason, the Turkestan statute pressured colonial administrators to reconstitute administrative units that did not meet the requirements of the new Russian statutes. In this respect, the colonial officials tried to find a balance between the law and political-economic interests in reorganizing political divisions. This paper examines the reasons for the rearrangement of administrative units and the differences between the law and the bureaucratic views of colonial officials in this process. Its primary objective is to delineate ways in which colonial administrators used laws to consolidate administrative control, taxation, and land use in the process of redistribution of administrative-territorial units. My argument is that colonial officials implemented reorganization in some administrative units but not in others: in some cases, redistribution took place in administrative units that did not meet the political and economic interests of the colonial authorities, or colonial officials flouted the law altogether. In other cases, the colonial administration did not engage in redistribution of administrative units that did not pose a problem in governance and tax collection despite the fact that they were in violation of the requirements of the Turkestan statute.
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Máthé, László. "‘We shall probably call the place Zaria, as it is such a pretty name’ – Medical discourse and town planning in Northern Nigeria, 1899–1914." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 17, no. 1 (October 30, 2023): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2023.17.1.6.
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Early colonial administrations faced multiple challenges in their daily work. In specific areas, administrators reached out to science as a tool to understand and support their decisions. Town planning was an issue that brought together Europeans and Africans, and therefore created common living and working spaces for them. It became an important issue immediately after the conquest of Northern Nigerian territories, especially because a growing number of Europeans started living in the region on a more permanent basis. Town planning often seemed an arbitrary policy, yet, as it is demonstrated in this paper, daily administration reached out to science as helping tool to guide and validate their goals. Segregating Europeans from Africans was a question that very soon became a hotly debated topic, that was supported or rejected by some governors. This contested question shows that colonial policy was not by default racial based, let alone racist.
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SHADLE, BRETT L. "‘CHANGING TRADITIONS TO MEET CURRENT ALTERING CONDITIONS’: CUSTOMARY LAW, AFRICAN COURTS AND THE REJECTION OF CODIFICATION IN KENYA, 1930–60." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007513.
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If the aim of British colonizers, Frederick Lugard wrote, was to civilize Africans ‘and to devote thought to those matters which…most intimately affect their daily life and happiness, there are few of greater importance than the constitution of native courts’. Moreover, he argued that only from native courts employing customary law was it ‘possible to create rudiments of law and order, to inculcate a sense of responsibility, and evolve among a primitive community some sense of discipline and respect for authority’. Britain had not the manpower, the money nor the mettle to rule by force of arms alone. Essentially, in order to make colonial rule work with only a ‘thin white line’ of European administrators, African ideas of custom and of law had to be incorporated into the new state systems. In a very real way, customary law and African courts provided the ideological and financial underpinnings for European colonial rule.In Kenya from at least the 1920s, but especially in the 1940s and 1950s, administrators struggled with the question of how customary law could best be used in African courts. Prominent among their concerns was the codification of customary law, against which most administrators vigorously fought. British officials believed that reducing African custom to written law and placing it in a code would ‘crystalize’ it, altering its fundamentally fluid or evolutionary nature. Colonizers naturally harbored intentions of using the law to shape society (as Cooper has demonstrated for the Kenya coast) but a fluid, unwritten law provided much greater latitude to pursue these goals. It was necessary, as one administrator put it, to allow ‘changing traditions to meet current altering conditions’.This case study of Kenya offers a different understanding of the history of customary law.
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O'Leary, Jessica. "Governadoras: Women Administrators, Gender, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Portuguese America." Renaissance Quarterly 77, no. 1 (2024): 130–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2024.20.
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In sixteenth-century Brazil, several European women governed the captaincies of their late or absent husbands during the first century of Portuguese colonization. A contextual and lexical analysis of the male-authored sources reveals that these women acted decisively to protect and expand familial patrimonies and, in doing so, were part of the colonizing movement. Although extensive written evidence survives that attests to their authority and agency over colonial affairs, their importance has been overlooked in the scholarship. Therefore, this essay argues that a small group of elite European women became imperial agents who wielded power against colonial subjects in select circumstances.
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Jeater, Diana. "The Transformation of Imperial Administrators into African Rulers in Colonial Natal." Journal of Southern African Studies 37, no. 4 (December 2011): 870–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2011.617939.
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Keese, Alexander. "Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about “Vagrancy”, “African Laziness”, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965." International Review of Social History 59, no. 3 (December 2014): 377–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000431.
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AbstractAfter World War II, French and British administrations in the African continent were in theory obliged to end forced labour. According to the rhetoric, compulsory labour practices disappeared altogether. However, the scrutiny of processes on the ground, comparing French Equatorial Africa and Northern Rhodesia under British rule, shows that the practicalities of the abolition of such labour practices were far more complex. In the French case, colonial officials actively planned for the reorganization of compulsory labour through the back door, mainly through the battle against “vagrancy” and “African laziness”. British administrators continued with practices organized by “native chiefs”, and attempted to maintain involuntary labour through a generous definition of “emergency situations”. In both cases, more profound analysis of the late colonial mind shows interesting continuities in the commitment of European officials to forced labour, which are likely to have been transferred, in part, into the views of the agents of postcolonial states.
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Sicking, Louis. "France and the Dutch Colonial Empire in the Nineteenth Century." Itinerario 22, no. 1 (March 1998): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012419.
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In the historiography of the colonial empires in the nineteenth century, much attention has been paid to the large European powers Britain and France. When the Dutch colonial empire is studied in an international context it is mostly in relation to the British empire. However, little or no attention has been given by scholars to Franco-Dutch colonial relations. This is surprising given the fact that after Britain, France and the Netherlands were the second and third largest colonial empires. Three Franco-Dutch colonial frontiers existed: in South America between French Guyana and Surinam, in the Caribbean on the island of St Martin and in Africa on the Gold Coast. In Asia, where the most important Dutch colony, Indonesia, was located, the French and Dutch did not have neighbouring possessions. Nonetheless, because of its location, Indonesia was highly important for navigation between France and Indo-China. In each of the regions mentioned above, French colonial administrators or private individuals developed plans to extend French territory at the expense of the Dutch: on St Martin from 1843 to 1853, on the Gold Coast from 1867 to 1871, in South America from 1887 to 1891 in Indonesia in 1888. This article will focus on nineteenth century France-Dutch colonial relations and will. address such questions as: what were the motives of the French administrators and how effectively did they exert pressure on the metropolitan government in order to effect their schemes? What was the role of special interest groups? And finally how did the Netherlands react? Being a small European power, how were they able to resist the French?
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Simelane, Hamilton S. "Colonial administrators, indigenous leaders, and missionaries: Contesting the education of the Swazi child, 1921-1939." New Contree 80 (July 30, 2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v80i0.77.
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The study of Swazi historical affairs in the colonial period has remained patchy. The historian is confronted by numerous gaps that make it difficult to get a comprehensive view of the development of the history of the country during this period. One of the neglected subjects is the nature of the relations between indigenous rulers who were allowed to exercise some authority by the British policy of Indirect Rule, colonial administrators, and missionaries who promoted western education for Swazi children. This article interrogates such relations in the 1920s and 30s arguing that between 1928 and 1937 the education of Swazi children was intensely contested by groups whose main aim was power and control over the indigenous population. The article shows that indigenous leaders challenged western education as advanced by missionaries because it was viewed to be undermining the power and authority of the Swazi monarchy. Colonial administrators were part of the contest as they wanted an education system that would further the ends of British colonialism. For their part, the missionaries became part of the contest as they believed that western education was a good instrument for evangelization.
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Gocking, Roger. "British Justice and the Native Tribunals of the Southern Gold Coast Colony." Journal of African History 34, no. 1 (March 1993): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033016.
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As a result of the policy of indirect rule which British administrators introduced into the Colony of the Gold Coast at the turn of the twentieth century, customary courts, or what were called Native Tribunals, became important venues of adjudication for the indigenous population. As a result, however, of the powerful impact of British justice on the Colony, the judicial responsibilities, procedure, personnel and the nature of the customary law that these courts applied underwent profound changes. It was an excellent example of how important was the cultural interchange between European and African ideas during the colonial period, which, however, both academic lawyers and historians have neglected. The former have preferred to focus on the superior courts as venues of juridical interaction while the latter have focused far more on ‘what was said about change than what was said about order’. By looking, however, at this example of cultural interaction on a fundamentally popular level, we can see that this ‘transforming moment’ in the colonial situation can be seen neither as something ‘imposed’ on African society by colonial administrators nor as simply generating new mechanisms for privileged groups to take advantage of. The Native Tribunals never fully came up to what British administrators or African lawyers considered the highest standards of British rule of law. Nevertheless, their most important function was to popularize recourse to judicial institutions which increasingly adopted more and more of the features of the British legal system.
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Samarskaia, Liudmila. "British Project in Palestine: Colonial “National Home”." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2021): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640017183-9.
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Mandatory Palestine proved to be a unique example of an attempt to create a “national home” within the framework of the colonial system. The present article aims to analyse the combination of the national and the colonial in the implementation of the “home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, as well as the role of cultural-religious narratives in the mindset of both the British administrators and the Zionist settlers. The research is based on British official documents and archive materials, as well as on the memoirs of Jewish settlers in Eretz Yisrael, some of which are introduced into the Russian academic circulation for the first time. Many British politicians viewed the return of the Jews to their historical homeland as a specific noble mission, which fit both into the framework of “Christian Zionism” and the notion of the civilizing nature of imperial colonialism. Palestine, along with its religious and cultural significance, was at the same time playing a thoroughly practical strategic role, and in that sense served as a highly convenient “foothold”. The British politicians and administrators perceived the Zionists as loyal agents of European colonial influence in the Middle East region. Based on the conducted research, the author reached the following conclusions. Even before ethnic confrontation in mandate Palestine intensified, some representatives of the British Empire anticipated that the Jews would not be a loyal minority, always ready to act in the Empire’s interests to the full extent. The main finding of the research is that despite the superficial similarity between the outlooks of the European Zionists and the official representatives of the British Empire, their perceptions of Palestine and their aims and purposes there were fundamentally different. On the one hand, the notions of the leaders of the Zionist movement about Eretz Yisrael were indeed in many respects close to the positions of British politicians and administrators. Jewish nationalism emerged under the influence of European ideas and concepts, and even orientalism influenced it to a certain degree. On the other hand, the Zionists perceived the Europeans as situational allies, therefore their interests coincided only in the short-term perspective. The idea of the national revival of the people of Israel in its historical homeland played a key role for them. This laid the foundation of the new Jewish identity, which also included multiple elements of religious traditions and legal bases of Judaism.
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MCCULLERS, MOLLY. "‘WE DO IT SO THAT WE WILL BE MEN’: MASCULINITY POLITICS IN COLONIAL NAMIBIA, 1915–49." Journal of African History 52, no. 1 (March 2011): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000077.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines struggles for masculinity among Herero elders, South African colonial administrators, and the Otruppa, a Herero youth society that appropriated a German military aesthetic, in Namibia between 1915 and 1949. As previous scholars have argued, masculinities are mutually constituted through competitions for authority, though dominance is rarely achieved. Such contestations were integral to processes of Herero societal reconstruction following German rule and during South African colonial state formation, beginning in 1915. Different generational experiences of colonial violence and the destruction of the material resources that undergirded elders' authority led to conflicts between elders and youths over how to define Herero masculinity and negotiate authority in a rapidly changing colonial milieu.
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Doolittle, Amity. "Colliding Discourses: Western Land Laws and Native Customary Rights in North Borneo, 1881-1918." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2003): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000067.
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A comparison of European tobacco plantations and native shifting cultivation in North Borneo between 1881 and 1928 illustrates the discursive and political strategies through which colonial administrators justified intervention into native land matters and articulated their vision of ‘appropriate’ land management. The discourse of rational law, scientific agriculture and commercialisation provided the tools of colonial power that pushed native people and their customary laws into an increasingly peripheral position in relationship to the centralising state.
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Barnes, Andrew. "'religious Insults': Christian Critiques of Islam and the Government in Colonial Northern Nigeria." Journal of Religion in Africa 34, no. 1-2 (2004): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006604323056723.
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AbstractThis article discusses two Christian critiques of Islam published during the colonial era, and the response by the colonial government to each. The first goal of the article is to characterize Christian criticisms of Islam during the colonial era. The second is to demonstrate how conflict over Islam could shape relations between British administrators and Christian missionaries. The third goal is to narrate the history of a religious controversy as it developed over two generations. As will be seen, the war of words over government religious policy toward Islam could become quite vicious, even without any active participation by Muslims.
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Diagne, Dimitri. ""The cultivator is tired": Senegalese Councilors and the Struggle over Development in the Late Colonial Senegal River Valley." L'Esprit Créateur 64, no. 1 (March 2024): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.2024.a929203.
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Abstract: In an extraordinary April 1956 meeting, Senegalese territorial councilors confronted French colonial administrators over a massive agricultural project designed to transform the Senegal River Valley. The Mission d'Aménagement du fleuve Sénégal (MAS) was one of several postwar colonial development initiatives that France pursued to bolster its economy and reassert political authority over its empire. I argue that in the 1956 meeting, the councilors did more than critique the impact of one project on the rural communities they represented. They articulated a vision of agrarian political economy that diverged dramatically from the aims and infrastructures of French colonial capitalism.
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Kari, Ville. "Freebooters and Free Traders: English Colonial Prize Jurisdiction in the West Indies 1655–1670." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 21, no. 1 (May 30, 2019): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340102.
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Abstract Colonial prize courts provided two significant contributions to the English imperial efforts in the West Indies. First, they played a key role in the enforcement of the new colonial power’s own trade monopoly against foreign interlopers and smugglers. Secondly, they helped the newcomer empire to rein in the buccaneers and capers who had populated the Caribbean for decades and to re-deploy them as commissioned privateers. This paper explores in detail the emergence of the British colonial prize jurisdiction after the English conquest of Jamaica in 1655. It shows how colonial prize courts emerged organically from the English expansion in the West Indies, with powers and duties assigned incrementally to colonial administrators to address the practical needs of the growing empire in breaking the Spanish trade monopoly and establishing its own.
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Hawkins, Sean. "Disguising chiefs and God as history: questions on the acephalousness of LoDagaa politics and religion." Africa 66, no. 2 (April 1996): 202–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161317.
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AbstractThis article examines two periods in the historiography and ethnography of the LoDagaa of northern Ghana and analyses the similarities between them. In the late 1920s the institution of chieftaincy was written into LoDagaa history by colonial administrators, only two decades after they themselves had created that institution in a society they had once considered bereft of political authority. By the early 1930s colonial administrators had created a historical fiction, namely that chiefs had always existed among the LoDagaa, despite the view of a generation of earlier officers that there had been no chiefs prior to the arrival of the British. Administrators needed to finesse the past, not to convince the LoDagaa of the legitimacy of the chiefs, but in order to continue ruling through chiefs once indirect rule had been introduced. Colonial political engineering had to be indigenised in order to survive under the terms of indirect rule. This finessing of the past has bequeathed ambiguities and contradictions evident in contemporary attitudes toward the position of chiefs among the LoDagaa.Similarly, in the 1970s and 1980s the indigenous clergy among the LoDagaa, who had taken over from the missionaries in the 1960s, began to reassess the nature of god in indigenous religious thought in order to narrow the distance between LoDagaa culture and Catholicism. The idea of inculturation, which grew after the Second Vatican Council, was the specific impetus for such enquiries. LoDagaa priests reexamined indigenous religion and discovered the existence of belief in and worship of a single, absolute deity which had been neglected by earlier missionaries and ethnographers. The latter had argued that there was only a diffuse or otiose notion of an absolute god in LoDagaa culture and thought. The once otiose god was repatriated, as if it had been exiled by earlier observers, in ways and circumstances similar to the invention of chieftaincy as an indigenous pre-colonial reality. While earlier political revisions were finessed by colonial officers, with the acquiescence of colonial chiefs, bent on changing LoDagaa culture and history for administrative convenience, the latter revisionists were seemingly concerned with defending and preserving indigenous culture rather than changing it. However, the notion of the pre-missionary worship of god is as much a historical fiction as the idea of the existence of chiefs in the pre-colonial period.
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Brunelle, Gayle K. "Ambassadors and Administrators: The Role of Clerics in Early French Colonies in Guiana." Itinerario 40, no. 2 (August 2016): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000358.
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Of all of France’s early modern colonial ventures, the least studied and most obscure are the French efforts to establish settlements, missions, and plantations in Guiana. Still, the seventeenth-century French colonies in Guiana had much in common with the sixteenth-century French efforts to colonize Florida and Brazil, and their trajectories were every bit as dramatic and their outcomes equally dismal. Although not sponsored as Huguenot refuges in the New World from Catholic oppression in the Old, and thus not burdened with the fierce competition between Protestant and Catholic colonists that plagued the sixteenth-century ventures, the Guiana colonies were also prey to deep internal divisions over piety and morality, and even more over power and the purpose of the colony. Were they primarily missions to the Native peoples, plantations, or commercial ventures focused on locating sources of precious metals or establishing plantations? This paper examines the role of clerics in the genesis, financing, trajectories, and collapse of the earliest French colonies in Guiana, in particular two colonies founded about ten years apart, in 1643 and 1652. I will the argue that whereas historians have often assumed that missionaries and evangelizing were often little more than an encumbrance to early colonial ventures, useful mostly for raising funds in France, in reality clerics played a central role in shaping chartered colonial companies and the colonies they founded, for good and for ill.
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Colombijn, Freek. "Colonial heritage as bricolage: Interpreting the colonial built environment in Surabaya, Indonesia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 53, no. 4 (December 2022): 617–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463422000807.
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One of the most visible and enduring vestiges of colonialism is its buildings. In this article I address the question of how current approving references to the colonial buildings in Indonesia should be explained, looking at one particular city, Surabaya. The cheerful, innovative adoption of colonial themes defies an analysis in terms of ‘imperial debris’. I propose to borrow the term ‘bricolage’ from Claude Lévi-Strauss to describe this process in which people make new associations between selected colonial buildings and their own present lives. Bricolage is the selective conceptual appropriation of the colonial buildings for whatever objective the user finds convenient: objects to boost city marketing, a company advertisement, stops on a heritage tour, amusing backdrops for pictures and selfies, a counterpoint to a consumerist lifestyle in shopping malls. For colonial building enthusiasts, the love of colonial design and old urban quarters is more than a matter of the aesthetics of urban spaces, but also, indirectly, a critique of the transformation of modern cities by short-sighted real-estate developers and city administrators, who demolish irreplaceable buildings in acts of ‘architectural suicide’.
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Stockwell, A. J. "John Gullick, 1916–2012." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 22, no. 3-4 (October 2012): 593–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000387.
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John Michael Gullick (who died at his home in Woodford Green, Essex, on 8 April 2012, aged 96) had careers in the colonial service, business and the law, and was the last in a remarkable line of Malayan scholar-administrators.
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Tracol-Huynh, Isabelle. "The Shadow Theater of Prostitution in French Colonial Tonkin." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 10–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2012.7.1.10.
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Prostitution in French colonial Tonkin was highly regulated and closely monitored by vice-squad police, physicians, administrators, and even by journalists. As a result, reports from these sources have preserved a wealth of information on the subject. Yet the records present prostitutes as faceless, nameless figures. They lived in the shadows of colonial cities, were forced to work in brothels or in their homes, not in the streets, and forced to hide from the police for fear of being locked up. Their stories now live on in the shadows of the colonial archives where the historian sifts through the fragmentary and often distorted traces of their existence.
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Sengupta, I. "Culture-keeping as State Action: Bureaucrats, Administrators, and Monuments in Colonial India." Past & Present 226, suppl 10 (January 1, 2015): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtu026.
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Roberts, Nicholas E. "Dividing Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 42, no. 4 (2013): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.42.4.7.
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British administrators employed urban planning broadly in British colonies around the world, and British Mandate Palestine was no exception. This article shows how with a unique purpose and based on the promise of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, British urban planning in Jerusalem was executed with a particular colonial logic that left a lasting impact on the city. Both the discourse and physical implementation of the planning was meant to privilege the colonial power's Zionist partner over the indigenous Arab community.
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Bhattacharya, Nandini. "The Logic of Location: Malaria Research in Colonial India, Darjeeling and Duars, 1900–30." Medical History 55, no. 2 (April 2011): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300005755.
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This article explores the scientific and entrepreneurial incentives for malaria research in the tea plantations of north Bengal in colonial India. In the process it highlights how the logic of ‘location’ emerged as the central trope through which medical experts, as well as colonial administrators and planters, defined malaria research in the region. The paper argues that the ‘local’ emerged as both a prerequisite of colonial governance as well as a significant component of malaria research in the field. Despite the ambiguities that such a project entailed, tropical medicine was enriched from a diverse understanding of local ecology, habitation, and structural modes of production. Nevertheless, the locality itself did not benefit from anti-malarial policy undertaken either by medical experts or the colonial state. This article suggests that there was a disjuncture between ‘tropical medicine’ and its ‘field’ that could not be accommodated within the colonial plantation system.
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Olupayimo, Dolapo Zacchaeus. "Judicial Intervention in Selected Colonial Boundary Disputes in South West Nigeria: Surveying the Provenance and Effects of Procedural Errors." Utafiti 13, no. 1 (March 18, 2018): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01301003.
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Boundary disputes form an integral part of regular disputes commonly found across the world. There is no doubt that such disputes have occurred in both pre-colonial and colonial Nigerian societies, and more generally in both agrarian and nomadic economies around the African continent where land has been central to culture, political and family survival. Arguably, when these conflicts took place in pre-colonial polities of South-West Nigeria, they were settled. However, when the British colonial administration attempted to adjudicate in this kind of disagreement, they committed a number of procedural errors. This essay examines selected cases adjudicated by the colonial administrators who doubled as judicial officers during the colonial period with specific focus on these procedural issues. In some cases protocols were respected; but there were also cases where the procedures were relaxed in the interest of British colonial economy. It is argued here that where the procedures were followed, there was a fair resolution; whereas when procedures were relaxed, issues still remain unresolved very many years after.
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Guha, Abhijit. "Colonial, Hindu and Nationalist Anthropology in India." Sociological Bulletin 68, no. 2 (June 21, 2019): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919848193.
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The long-standing critique of Indian Anthropology advanced by some notable anthropologists held that Indian Anthropology is the product of a colonial tradition and the anthropologists in India for various reasons followed their colonial masters in one way or the other. There also exists a view of Hindu Anthropology which holds that an Indian form of Anthropology could be found in many ancient Indian texts and scriptures before the advent of a colonial anthropology introduced by the European scholars, administrators and missionaries in the Indian subcontinent. Both the views ignored the materialistic, socially committed, secular and nationalist trends of Indian Anthropology which was growing in the hands of some remarkable anthropologists before and after the Independence of the country.