Academic literature on the topic 'Colonial Armies'
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Journal articles on the topic "Colonial Armies"
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Munholland, J. Kim. "Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 4 (2006): 1151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0263.
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Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.
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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
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Molodiakov, Vassili E. "EDMOND PLAUCHUT — FRENCH APOLOGIST OF THE JAPANESE COLONIAL EXPANSION." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (21) (2022): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-3-023-028.
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One of the first descriptions of the Japanese military intervention in Taiwan in 1874 for the Western reader was an essay by the French writer Edmond Plauchut (1824–1909), published in November 1874 in the influential magazine Revue des Deux Mondes and a year later published in Russian translation in the St. Petersburg magazine Zhivopisnoe Obozrenie. If its text is known to researchers, then Plauchut’s biography and the reasons for his interest to the events in the Far East have remained unknown to the Russian reader until now. Using the memoirs and the only biography of Plauchut the author gives a brief outline of his life and literary activities. His book Armies of Civilization (Les armées de la civilisation; 1876), where an apologetic essay on the Japanese intervention in Taiwan is placed in the broad context of colonial policy, is considered in more detail. Plauchut was one of the first European authors to recognize the right of non-«white» and non-Christian but modernizing Japan to pursue a «civilizing» colonial policy on a par with the European «great powers».
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Luffin, Xavier. "Senegalese, Gurkha, Sikh . . . : The French and British Colonial Troops in the Eyes of the Arab Writers." Arabica 60, no. 6 (2013): 762–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341283.
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Abstract The former great European colonial empires had incorporated soldiers recruited in their colonies into their armies. Several Arab authors from Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Morocco remember them through their novels and short stories, giving us an interesting perception of the “Other”: strangers brought into the Arab world by other strangers. They also represent different negative faces of the colonial period: the exploitation of the indigenous population, the dilemma of Muslims forced to fight their brothers . . .
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Morrison, Alexander. "Camels and Colonial Armies: The Logistics of Warfare in Central Asia in the Early 19th Century." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 4 (September 26, 2014): 443–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341355.
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This article explores the use of camels for baggage transport by European colonial armies in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on two episodes: the Russian winter expedition to Khiva, and the march of the Army of the Indus into Afghanistan, both of which took place in 1839. However sophisticated their weapons and other technology, until at least the 1880s European colonial armies were forced to rely exclusively on baggage animals if they wanted to move around: railways arrived very late in the history of European expansion. In Central Asia this meant rounding up, loading, managing and feeding tens of thousands of camels, which could only be furnished by the pastoral groups who inhabited the region, who in some cases were also the objects of conquest. Camel transport placed certain structural constraints on European conquest in Central Asia: firstly it meant that the forces involved were almost always very small; secondly it prevented the launching of spontaneous or unauthorised campaigns by “men on the spot,” as every advance had to be preceded by the rounding up of the necessary baggage animals, and the creation of a budget to pay for then. Finally, the constraints imposed by camel transport ensured that British and Russian armies would never meet in Central Asia, and that a Russian invasion of India was a chimera.
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VARTAVARIAN, MESROB. "Pacification and Patronage in the Maratha Deccan, 1803–1818." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (May 31, 2016): 1749–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000044.
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AbstractThis article examines pacification operations conducted by British colonial armies throughout the Maratha Deccan from 1803 to 1818. The East India Company assembled concentrations of coercive force by extending patronage to loyalist elites and mobile war bands. Military contingents from allied princely states were mobilized and combined with a policy of brokerage intended to demobilize hostile forces holed up in forts or engaged in brigandage. Pacification through a mixture of negotiations and force ensured loyalist groups a privileged place in the emerging colonial order.
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Moss, Tristan. "‘Fuzzy Wuzzy’ soldiers: Race and Papua New Guinean soldiers in the Australian Army, 1940–60." War in History 29, no. 2 (April 2022): 467–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445211000375.
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This article examines the most militarily important indigenous units formed by Australia, arguing that racially based assumptions played a central role in how Papua New Guinean soldiers were conceptualized and used by the Australian Army during the 1940s and 1950s. Equally, while the perception of Papua New Guinean soldiers was heavily racialized, there was no construction of a martial race myth by Australians, in contrast to many colonial armies. Instead, Australia reluctantly recruited Papua New Guineans as a form of cheap manpower familiar with local conditions and saw them as simple soldiers who were potentially a threat to colonial rule.
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Schraeder, Peter J. "From Berlin 1884 to 1989: Foreign Assistance and French, American, and Japanese Competition in Francophone Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021431.
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In October1884, the major European colonial powers of the era were invited to a conference in Berlin by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck.1The United States also attended the proceedings as an observer nation, and its representative, John A. Kasson, signed the Berlin Convention, one of the primary purposes of which was to regulate escalating imperial conflict by officially delineating the territorial boundaries of colonial possessions. Although warfare between colonial armies in Africa during World War I underscored the failure of negotiators to avoid yet another global military conflict, the Berlin conference none the less consecrated the creation of formal European empires and ‘spheres of interest’ throughout the continent. Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, independent Africa eventually ceased to exist.
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Barany, Zoltan. "How Post-colonial Armies Came About: Comparative Perspectives from Asia and Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 49, no. 5 (November 13, 2013): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613507229.
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FitzSimons, William. "Sizing Up the “Small Wars” of African Empire." Journal of African Military History 2, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00201005.
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Abstract This short essay makes the case that the theories and practices employed by European armies during the “small wars” of nineteenth-century imperialism were military innovations produced within the distinctly modern and global context of colonial conquest. Colonial military experiences spurred new tactics and strategies which were captured in treatises written by British and French military theorists at the same time that they transformed the nature of warfare in colonized spaces—often with devastating effects. Military approaches developed in response to these “small wars” have important legacies, both in shaping the contours of military operations within postcolonial Africa and contributing to worldwide “counterinsurgency” theories of the twenty-first century. Understanding the specific historical context in which colonial violence was produced can contribute to a fuller understanding of the meaning, impact and multiple legacies of imperial warfare.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Colonial Armies"
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Soubrier, Stéphanie. ""Races guerrières" : armée, science et politique dans l'empire colonial français (années 1850-1918)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H096.
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Théorisée en 1910 par le général Charles Mangin dans le cadre du projet de recrutement d’une « force noire » en Afrique occidentale, la catégorie de « race guerrière » est utilisée en France, entre les années 1850 et la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, pour désigner certaines populations de l’empire colonial français qui possèderaient des aptitudes particulières à la guerre et au métier militaire. Cette thèse retrace l’émergence, dans la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle, de cette catégorie originale de l’ethnographie militaire. Elle interroge ses éventuelles applications, ses circulations à une échelle impériale et transimpériale, ainsi que le rôle joué par les populations désignées comme « races guerrières » dans la construction de la catégorie. Les archives militaires, celles du général Mangin, les écrits des officiers et des soldats français servant dans l’empire, et un corpus de sources savantes permettent d’étudier les différentes composantes de la catégorie de « race guerrière » et la manière dont elle se construit en lien et en opposition avec la catégorie des « races non guerrières ». Présentée par les officiers coloniaux et l’institution militaire comme un outil du recrutement, la catégorie de « races guerrières », éminemment labile, n’a en réalité jamais constitué un guide précis de sélection des recrues. Elle donne en revanche naissance à la figure ambiguë du soldat indigène, à la fois menaçante et rassurante. Enfin, l’expérience de la Première Guerre mondiale, qui constitue la première mise à l’épreuve sur le sol européen, de la catégorie de « race guerrière », lui apporte à la fois une confirmation et un démentiTheorized in 1910 by general Charles Mangin, who advocated the recruitment of a Force noire in French West Africa, the races guerrières category was used in France, between the 1850s and the end of the First World War, to designate colonized groups deemed especially warlike and prone to military service. This dissertation traces the emergence of this unique military and ethnographic category, during the second part of the XIXth century. It studies the ways in which it was put into practice, its imperial and transimperial circulations, as well as the role played by the races guerrières themselves in the construction of the category. Military archives, among which Mangin’s files, colonial officers and soldiers’ writings, and a selection of scientific sources offer insights into the internal definition of races guerrières, and its connection with races non guerrières. Although colonial officers and the military presented it as a recruitment tool, the races guerrières category was very unstable and was never used as a precise guide to select indigenous recruits. However, it gave birth to the ambiguous figure of the native soldier, both reassuring and threatening. The experience of the First World War, during which the category was first put to the test on European ground, offered both a confirmation and a refutation
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Evrard, Camille. "De l'armée coloniale à l'armée nationale en Mauritanie : une histoire militaire sahélo-saharienne, de la conquête à la guerre du Sahara (1934-1978)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010638.
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Ce travail propose une histoire de l’armée en Mauritanie, depuis la conquête militaire française dans l’Ouest saharien jusqu’à l’avènement du coup d’État du 10 juillet 1978, ouvrant sur une longue période du gouvernement de l’État mauritanien par des officiers supérieurs. L’armée coloniale, tout comme l’État colonial, a ses caractéristiques propres : elle développe, au contact du terrain, des stratégies d’adaptation, tant au plan de l’organisation qu’au plan des missions. Ses deux traits saillants sont le double recrutement – qui différencie tirailleurs subsahariens et supplétifs maures – et la multiplicité des missions – politiques, militaires, de défense et de maintien de l’ordre. Ces spécificités sont en parties léguées aux forces armées nationales à travers la transmission du domaine et du pouvoir militaire, processus particulièrement contingent qu’il faut analyser dans sa complexité. L’étude des effets des transformations institutionnelles sur le terrain, reliée à l’analyse des enjeux géopolitiques dans la sous-région, montre que les problématiques locales comptent autant que les dynamiques globales. L’examen de l’histoire de l’armée, de la gendarmerie, et de la garde nationale mauritanienne au cours des vingt années qui suivent l’indépendance du 28 novembre 1960, permet de distinguer les continuités, mais aussi la trajectoire propre de l’État mauritanien postcolonial, liée à l’agenda des acteurs locaux tout autant qu’à celui de l’ancienne puissance colonialeThis thesis proposes a multidimensional history of the army of Mauritania since the French military conquest of the Western Sahara to the coup d’état of 10 July 1978 that inaugurated a long era of military governments. The colonial army, just like the colonial state, has its own characteristics. It develops, through its experiences, multiple adaptation strategies, both in terms of its organisation and military missions. Its two salient features are the double recruitment (that differentiates between sub-Saharan tirailleurs and « suppletifs maures » and the multiplicity of its missions (political, military, defense and policing).These specificities are partly inherited by the national armed forces through the transmission of military power (and domain ?). This process is particular contingent and must be analysed in all its complexity. This study of the effects of institutional transformations, linked to the analysis of the geopolitical stakes of the sub-region, demonstrates that local issues and dynamics are as significant as global ones. The study of the history of the Mauritanian army, gendarmerie and national guard since independance until the mid 1970s allows to identify the continuities, but also the trajectory of the postcolonial Mauritanian state, whose path is linked both to the agenda of local actors and the old colonial war
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Banguiam, Kodjalbaye Olivier. "Les officiers français : constitution et devenir de leurs collections africaines issues de la conquête coloniale." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100045/document.
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Consacrée aux collections africaines des officiers coloniaux français, cette recherche soulève la question de l’exploration et de la conquête de l’Afrique à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècle. Parmi les explorateurs envoyés par les pays européens pour coloniser les populations africaines figurent des hommes de couches sociales et de professions différentes. On peut citer, par exemple, les missionnaires, les administrateurs, les militaires. Il est privilégié ici l’étude de l’action coloniale des officiers français engagés dans une série de régions (Mali, Sénégal, Congo, Tchad, République Centrafricaine…). Lors des missions d’exploration, ces hommes y découvraient un éventail d’objets (armes, instruments de musique, objets d’utilité quotidienne, objets rituels…) qu’ils collectaient sous l’incitation des instructions reçues en France avant leur départ. Il convient d’étudier les provenances géographiques et les conditions d’acquisition de ces objets afin de dégager la particularité des collections rassemblées par les officiers. Au terme de leurs périples, ceux-ci rapportaient en France ces collections qu’ils offraient aux musées comme le Musée de l’Homme et le Musée de l’Armée. Aujourd’hui, le Musée du Quai Branly conserve de précieux dossiers sur ces militaires (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho…) ainsi que les traces de leurs dons. Après avoir répertorié environ 1500 objets dont l’histoire est indissociable à celle de la colonisation de l’Afrique, on déduit que ces oeuvres constituent un véritable héritage colonial permettant d’analyser la vision européenne et la perception des militaires français par rapport à la culture matérielle africaine. Par ailleurs, l’étude de cet acquis colonial peut révéler le degré de civilisation des populations locales qui avaient fabriqué et utilisé les articles concernés à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècleThis research concerns the French officers contribution during the colonization of Africa and the quality of the african objects that they collected. It aims to study the exploration and the conquest of Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. During this period, European countries sent in the different parts of the continent many explorers to colonize the population. Those explorers had different social classes and jobs. Among them, there were, for example, religious persons, administrators and soldiers. It is the colonial action of the French officers in the different countries of Africa (Mali, Senegal, Congo, Chad, Central Africa Republic…) that is studing. During the exploration travel, the colonial officers discovered in those countries different kinds of objects. According of the instructions they received in France before their travel, they collected the local objects as the arms, the royal objects, the music objects, the cooking objects, the objects of the traditional ceremony. It’s interesting to study where the objects provided and the conditions of the collect. It’s a best way to know the particularities of the result of the officers discoveries. At the end of the journey in Africa, the officers brought to France the result of the collect and offered the objects to the French museums as the Musée de l’Homme, the Musée de l’Armée. Today, the Musée du Quai Branly is conserving the documents about the exploration travels of many officers (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho, Lenfant…) and some of the objects they had collected for studying the customs of the African populations. We interroged about 1500 objects they had collected. The history of those objects is associated to the Africa colonization history. Nowadays, those objects constitute a colonial heritage and permit to analyze the European vision and the military perception about the African material culture and to know the degree of the civilization of the African populations who made and used those objects in Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th
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Eckert, Henri. "Les militaires indochinois au service de la France (1859-1939)." Lille : A.N.R.T, Université de Lille III, 1998. http://dds.crl.edu/CRLdelivery.asp?tid=11817.
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Essono-Edzang, Aristide. "Étude d'une société : les auxiliaires "indigènes" de l'autorité coloniale en Afrique Équatoriale Française (A.E.F.)." Bordeaux 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993BOR30017.
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Toutes les administrations coloniales europeennes ont du faire appel a des elements indigenes pour jouer le role d'auxiliaires locaux de l'autorite occupante. Le systeme colonial d'afrique equatoriale francaise (a. E. F. ) n'a pas echapper a ce schema. En effet, depuis les origines de la presence francaise dans cette region, au milieu du xixeme siecle, jusqu'a l'accession a l'independance politique des quatre territoires composant l'a. E. F. En 1960, de nombreux "allies" indigenes ont ete integres dans lesservices administratif coloniaux et ont soutenu activement l'action coloniale de la france. Ce groupe des agents indigenes etait compose par divers types d'individus (chefs traditionnels et "administratifs", militaires, miliciens, interpretes, commis, infirmiers, domestiques, etc. . . ) qui se trouvaient relegues au bas de l'echelle administrative ou ils n'occupaient que des fonctions de second ordre. Cependant ils vont finir par constituer une veritable categorie sociale au sein de la societe colonisee, a tel point qu'ils se presenteront comme une reelle "force sociale" avec laquelle l'autorite coloniale devra necessairement composer. Au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce groupe d'individus profitera du mouvement de la decolonisation pour "emerger" et s'affirmer comme la nouvelle elite locale. C'est presque naturellement que ces anciens auxiliaires - dont principalement la frange "politico-administrative prendront la direction politique au moment des independances des quatres territoires de l'a. E. F. En 1960Every colonial administration used natives assistants to help it govern the colonial territories. The french colonial territories in central africa, known as french equatorial africa (a. E. F. ) as from 1910, did not escape from this rule. In fact, from the arrival of the french in the region in the middle of the nineteenth century until the four territories which made up the a. E. F. Federation (gabon, congo, central africa and tchad) became independent in 1960, many indigenous "allies" were integrated in the french colonial administration. This group of assistants was composed of differents kinds of individuals (traditional chiefs, interpreters, nurses, domestic servants, military men, militiamen, secretaries, ect. . . ). Although this group of people occupied the lowest positions in the colonial administration, they formed a distinct social category in the colonial society. To the extent that they became almost like a pressure group which the colonial authority had to take into account. After the second world war, this group of individuals benefited from the decolonization movements from which they emerged as the new local elites. In fact, it was the political-administrative assistants which later took over the direction of the four new countries of the former a. E. F. At time of independence in 1960
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Jolly, Laurent. "Le tirailleur somali : le métier des armes instrumentalisé (début XXe siècle - fin des années 60)." Thesis, Pau, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PAUU1009/document.
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Cette étude porte sur les recrues de l’armée française à Djibouti, de la Grande Guerre à la fin des années 60. Le faible nombre de recrues comparé aux autres parties de l’empire africain a occulté leur participation aux conflits mondiaux. Pourtant à la différence des autres colonies françaises, les engagements ont tous été volontaires, beaucoup des engagés ne sont pas originaires de la colonie. En apparence il s’agit donc de mercenaires engagés pour des opérations extérieures, renforçant ainsi les représentations guerrières des populations de la région, en particulier des Somali, les plus nombreux à s’être engagés. L’étude repose sur les archives françaises, notamment sur les livrets individuels de plus de 1300 tirailleurs représentant le quart des recrutements des années les plus significatives. Cette approche statistique, complétée par une enquête de terrain, permet d’aborder ces recrutements sous l’angle social, et révèle des motivations bien éloignées des clichés encore répandus tant en Occident qu’au sein des populations de la Corne. Cette double approche, quantitative et micro-historique, révèle les motivations de ces jeunes hommes engagés dans les rangs d’une armée coloniale, les migrations régionales, leurs stratégies individuelles, en relation avec le contexte socio-économique de la Corne, marqué par les crises alimentaires, l’insécurité politique et le déclin progressif du pastoralisme. Instrumentalisés par une puissance coloniale comme bien d’autres Africains au cours des différents conflits auxquels ils participèrent, ces intérimaires de la guerre ne perdirent jamais de vue leur intérêt qu’ils tentèrent de concilier avec la domination coloniale. Leur passage dans l’armée française, souvent de courte durée, fut à bien des égards une expérience de vie, une forme d’entrée en modernité. Ce travail tente de mesurer cette altérité, notamment au travers de trajectoires individuelles et familiales. S’ils furent des intermédiaires culturels, la puissance colonisatrice tenta vainement de les instrumentaliser dans le contexte de la décolonisation. L’armée fut dans ce cas productrice de nouvelles notabilités, et tenta de fidéliser le groupe des anciens combattants. Mais là encore, les individus ont adopté des postures bien plus complexes qu’il n’y parait, leur fidélité n’allant pas au-delà de leur intérêt personnel. L’instrumentalisation du métier des armes s’est donc poursuivie dans la sphère privée, mais aussi dans l’espace politique naissant après 1945This study is about the recruits of the French army in Djibouti, from the First World war until the sixties. Because of their scarce numbers, compared with those from other parts of the African empire, their part in world conflicts is less known. Though, contrary to what went on in other French colonies, the enlistments were all voluntary and many of the enlisted were not from Djibouti. So, they seem to have been mercenaries hired for operations abroad thus strengthening their image as warriors in the eyes of the people in the area, especially the Somali who enlisted the most. The study is based on the French archives, particularly on the personal records of over 1300 “tirailleurs” representing a quarter of the enlistments during the most significant years. This statistical approach, completed with field work, allows us to study these enlistments from a social point of view and reveals motivations quite different from the clichés still widely spread in the western world as well as among the population of the Horn. This double point of view, quantitative and micro-historical, reveals the motivations of these young men enlisted in a colonial army, regional migration movements, their individual strategies in relation with the socio-economical context in the Horn marked by food crisis, political insecurity and the decline of pastoralism. Being used as instruments by a colonial power like many other Africans during the several conflicts in which they took part, these temporary warriors never forgot their own interests which they attempted to conciliate with the colonial domination. Their often short stay with the French army was for many reasons an experience, a sort of step into modernity. This study attempts to measure this otherness particularly through individual and familial paths. Even though they were cultural go-betweens, the colonizing power tried to use them in the context of decolonization. In that case, the army produced new notabilities and attempt to win the loyalty of its ex-servicemen. But then, again, the different individuals adopted postures far more complex than they seem to be, their faithfulness never overstepping their personal interest. The profession of arms was thus used at a private level, but also in the new political world after 1945
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Sato, Masaki. "El cabildo eclesiástico de Lima bajo la Unión de Armas, 1639-1648." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122098.
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Historians have argued that the Peruvian church collaborated with the fiscal reform of the Spanish Monarchy under Philip IV. This article, however, revises this interpretation by examining how the cathedral chapter of Lima reacted against the Unión de Armas, the keystone of the reform. This research analyzes the disputes over enacting the reform through the opinions of the cathedral chapter and the viceroy marqués de Mancera, who had different points of view about how to collect the tithe on wine. Then, it examines one lawsuit between the tithe collector and the treasurer of the archdiocese. This allows us to see how a sector of the Church was involved in fiscal fraud and resisted the Crown reform.Los historiadores han argumentado que la Iglesia peruana colaboró con la reforma fiscal de la monarquía española durante el reinado de Felipe IV. Este artículo, sin embargo, revisa esta afirmación al examinar el comportamiento del cabildo eclesiástico de Lima frente al proyecto de la Unión de Armas, la pieza clave de dicha reforma. Esta investigación analiza las disputas sobre la aplicación de la reforma a través de las opiniones del cabildo de la catedral y el virrey marqués de Mancera que tenían puntos de vista diferentes en torno a cómo debía llevarse a cabo el cobro del diezmo sobre el vino. Además, examina un pleito entre el diezmero y el tesorero del arzobispado. Esto permite ver cómo un sector de la Iglesia estuvo involucrado en el fraude fiscal y resistió la reforma de la Corona.
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Andurain, Julie d'. "Le général Gouraud, un colonial dans la Grande Guerre." Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040132.
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Elevé dans un esprit de revanche puis devenu officier colonial, Henri Gouraud (1867-1946) a pratiqué la « petite guerre » durant vingt ans en Afrique allongeant ainsi d’autant son expérience d’entrée en guerre. De ce fait, en 1914, il dispose d’une pratique guerrière certaine lui permettant d’emblée de multiplier les expériences sur différents fronts (Argonne, Dardanelles, Champagne), avec des troupes variées (coloniaux, Garibaldiens). Gravement blessé aux Dardanelles, amputé du bras droit, le général Gouraud reprend du service en menant d’abord une opération diplomatique en Italie puis est nommé à la tête de la IVe armée sur le front. À peine installé, il est appelé à remplacer Lyautey au Maroc au moment où ce dernier est nommé ministre de la Guerre. À son retour, en 1917, il s’impose définitivement comme le chef de la IVe armée française en Champagne. En application des directives de Pétain, Gouraud met alors en place les structures permettant d’arrêter le Friedensturm ou « assaut pour la paix » de Ludendorff le 15 juillet 1918, laissant ainsi à Foch la possibilité d’engager la dernière contre-offensive alliée. En remerciement de ce combat, consécration suprême, le général obtient le droit de rentrer le premier à Strasbourg avec son armée en novembre 1918. Devenu malgré lui l’un des porte-parole des mutilés de la guerre, Gouraud ne cessera, dans une longue sortie de guerre, d’œuvrer pour la mémoire de ses soldats, en particulier Français et Américains, morts sur le front de Champagne tout en se rapprochant pour lui-même de la religion catholique. L’ossuaire de Navarin, érigé en Champagne en 1924, deviendra ainsi pour lui et ses hommes un lieu de commémoration incontournable. Ses archives privées, jusqu’alors inédites, permettent de reconstituer le parcours de cet officier supérieur durant le premier conflit mondialRaised in an ideology of retribution towards Germany for the loss of the eastern provinces, Henri Gouraud (1867-1946), a French colonial military officer, acquired his combat experience over twenty years of involvement in low-intensity conflicts in Africa. By 1914 this experience led him to significant innovations in methods of warfare on different battle fronts (Argonne, Gallipoli, and Champagne), and with different troops (colonial battalions and Garibaldian companies). After losing his right arm in the 1915 Dardanelles campaign, General Gouraud returned to active duty on a diplomatic mission in Italy, and then back to the front as head of the IVth Army. Soon after, he was ordered to Morocco to replace Lyautey who had been appointed War Minister. Upon his return to France in 1917 he was appointed head of the French IVth Army in Champagne on a permanent basis. On Petain’s directive, Gouraud built the defences that would stop Ludendorff’s Friedensturm (‘peace offensive’) on July 15, 1918 and allow Field-Marshall Foch, French Chief of Staff, to lead the last Allied counter-offensive. In recognition, General Gouraud and his troops were the first to enter Strasbourg in November 1918. Having been injured himself, he became a dedicated spokesman for wounded war veterans. He was also committed in his work to preserve the memory of French and American soldiers under his command who lost their lives on the Champagne front. At this stage of his life Gouraud returned to his Catholic faith. The Navarin ossuary, erected in Champagne in 1924, became the most important memorial for him and his men. Gouraud’s private archives, to this day unpublished, offer historians the opportunity to follow the life and career of this WWI officer in detail
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Jauffret, Jean-Charles. "Parlement, gouvernement, commandement : l'armée de métier sous la troisième République : 1871-1914." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010534.
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Cette thèse d'Etat d'histoire politique a pour but l'examen des rapports régissant pouvoirs civils et militaires, au plus haut niveau de responsabilité, lorsque la France de la revanche et de l'expansion coloniale change de structures militaires en choisissant l'armée nationale. Pour en comprendre les modalités, l'action du gouvernement, c'est-à-dire les ministres et leurs chefs de cabinet, les conseils consultatifs saisis par l'exécutif, est analysée en corrélation avec les voeux ou les ordres du législatif représenté par les deux chambres et leurs commissions ad hoc ou permanentes. Quant au commandement, véritable contre-pouvoir qui profite des faiblesses du régime d'assemblée, à travers les remarques des états-majors, des directions d'armes ou des commissions spécialisées, il sort très souvent de son rôle purement consultatif pour influer directement sur l'organisation et le recrutement des unités métropolitaines et coloniales. Le tome premier est consacré à la levée des troupes de ligne. Tout d'abord, l'étude de la période charnière 1871-72 permet de comprendre pour quelles raisons le service militaire impersonnel est abandonné. Par la suite, jusqu'en 1914, les partisans de l'armée de métier ne désarment pas. Une fraction de l'extrême gauche, avant l'aventure boulangiste, et l'essentiel des ultra conservateurs du parlement se servent des inégalités des lois sur le recrutement de 1872 et de 1889 pour défendre le modèle du vieux-soldat, selon les stipulations de la loi de 1832. Ils proposent aussi la constitution de troupes de spécialistes pour les unités de couverture, l'artillerie à cheval et la cavalerie. L'organisation de l'armée-école en 1905 leur donne l'occasion de promouvoir une armée-cadre fondée sur un solide corps de sous-officiers et de professionnels, derniers arguments techniques destinés à combattre la "démocratisation" de l'armée. Le tome deux traite du recrutement colonial, problème politique épineux, jusqu'ici occulté. L'interminable débat parlementaire relatif à la constitution des régiments coloniaux rattachés au département de la guerre (1881-1900, 102 projets et propositions de loi) cache la peur des prétoriens et le rejet d'un engagement permanent Outre-mer. L'armée de métier est aussi à la clef du recrutement et de l'organisation des unités régulières d'Afrique du Nord et de toutes les autres colonies et protectorats. Le conquis devient l'auxiliaire du conquérant en se servant, le plus souvent, du volontariat.
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Martins, Maria Antonia Dias. "Literatura portuguesa de resistência: a mulher, a guerra e o intelectual como armas de luta contra o salazarismo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06072007-113124/.
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O trabalho aborda a literatura portuguesa de resistência à ditadura imposta pelo Estado Novo português no que se refere aos temas relacionados à condição da mulher portuguesa, à guerra colonial e ao escritor militante. O período estudado se estende de 1968 à 1974 - governo Marcelo Caetano - marcado por crescente insatisfação popular que resultou na Revolução dos Cravos. As obras analisadas são: \"Novas Cartas portuguesas\", escrita por Maria Isabel Barreno, Maria Teresa Horta e Maria Velho da Costa, publicada em 1972 que trata da questão feminina; \"O capitão Nemo e eu\", de Álvaro Guerra, publicado em 1973, que retrata lembranças da guerra na Guiné de um ex-soldado português e \"Contos da Solidão\" de Urbano Tavares Rodrigues, publicado em 1970, livro escrito quando o autor encontrava-se preso acusado de conspirar contra o governo. Estas obras foram selecionadas por exprimirem sentimentos e percepções considerados significativos para a compreensão do ambiente pré-revolucionário portuguêsThis study deals with the Portuguese literature of resistance against the dictatorship imposed by the Portuguese New State, referring to the topics related to Portuguese woman status, to colonial war and to the militant writer. The studied period lasts from 1968 to 1974 - Marcelo Caetano administration - which was marked by increasing popular dissatisfaction until the coming out of the movement which resulted in the Revolução dos Cravos. The analyzed works were: \"Novas Cartas portuguesas\", written by Maria Isabel Barreno, Maria Teresa Horta and Maria Velho da Costa, published in 1972, which deals with the feminine matter; \"O capitão Nemo e eu\", by Álvaro Guerra, published in 1973, which portrays memories of the war in Guinea of a Portuguese ex-soldier and \"Contos da Solidão\", by Urbano Tavares Rodrigues, published in 1970 and written when the writer was imprisoned accused of conspiring against the government. These works were selected because they express the feelings and perceptions that are considered significant to the understanding of the Portuguese pre-revolutionary environment
Books on the topic "Colonial Armies"
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Karl, Hack, and Rettig Tobias, eds. Colonial armies in Southeast Asia. New York, NY: Routledge, 2005.
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Ubah, C. N. Colonial army and society in northern Nigeria. [Kaduna, Nigeria: Baraka Press], 1998.
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Musée des troupes de marine (Fréjus, France). Centre d'histoire et d'études des troupes d'outre-mer, ed. Forces noires des puissances coloniales européennes: Actes du colloque organisé les 24 et 25 janvier 2008 à Metz. Panazol: Lavauzelle, 2009.
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Pierre, Rosière, ed. Les spahis sénégalais: Une cavalerie africaine aux origines de l'expansion coloniale. Gorée [Sénégal]: Éditions du Musée historique du Sénégal (Gorée), IFAN Ch.A.Diop, 2007.
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Office, Great Britain Colonial. Troops (colonies): Return of the number of Her Majesty's troops who have been employed in the colonies of Great Britain in each of the years 1851 and 1852 : (in continuation of Parliamentary paper no. 566 of Session 1852). [London: HMSO, 2002.
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Great Britain. Colonial Office. Troops (colonies): Return to an address of the Honourable the House of Commons, dated 16 August 1853, for, a "return of the number of Her Majesty's troops, including artillery and engineers, who have been employed in the colonies of Great Britain in each of the years 1851, 1852, and 1853 (in continuation of Parliamentary paper no. 566 of Session 1852)". [London: HMSO, 2002.
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Taylor, Rosa Vesta López. El "ejército" en la Nueva España y México (1768-1836): Una historia a partir de los conceptos. Guadalajara, México: Universidad de Guadalajara, 2018.
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Frémeaux, Jacques. Intervention et humanisme: Le style des armees francaises en Afrique au XIXe siecle. Paris: Economica, 2006.
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Frémeaux, Jacques. Intervention et humanisme: Le style des armées françaises en Afrique au XIXe siècle. Paris: Economica, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Colonial Armies"
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Smith, Robert S. "Armies." In Warfare and Diplomacy in Pre-Colonial West Africa, 61–88. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032617138-4.
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Kiernan, V. G., and Harvey J. Kaye. "Colonial Africa and Its Armies." In Imperialism and Its Contradictions, 77–96. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315811604-4.
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Douglas, Porch. "Colonies and Coups: Portugal's Colonial Wars." In The Portuguese Armed Forces and the Revolution, 28–60. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003226376-2.
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Whisonant, Robert C. "Bullets, Firearms, and Colonel Chiswell’s Mines." In Arming the Confederacy, 61–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14508-2_6.
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Killingray, David. "Gender issues and African colonial armies." In Guardians of empire. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526121462.00017.
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"Ming Chinese Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia." In Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, 88–118. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203414668-15.
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"Imperial Systems of Power, Colonial Forces and the Making of Modern Southeast Asia." In Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, 22–55. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203414668-13.
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"Demography and Domination in Southeast Asia." In Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, 56–87. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203414668-14.
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"Ethnicity and Martial Races: The Garde Indigene of Cambodia in the 1880s and 1890s." In Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, 120–38. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203414668-17.
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"Double-edged Swords of Conquest in Indochina: Tirailleurs Tonkinois, Chasseurs Annamites and Militias, 1883–1895." In Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, 139–65. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203414668-18.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Colonial Armies"
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Малкин, С. Г. "Escalation and Colonial Control in the British Empire during the Interbellum." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.027.
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Эпоха Интербеллума сопровождалась непрекращавшимися спорами сторонников различных правовых режимов функционирования колониального порядка в условиях роста повстанческой активности в Британской империи после Великой войны. Дискуссии по этому вопросу отражали теоретические и доктринальные противоречия, а также споры военных и гражданских властей по поводу границ их ответственности в этом вопросе. В статье анализируются изменения в подходах военных к определению параметров обеспечения внутренней безопасности в империи после Великой войны в связи с ограничениями правового характера и новыми вызовами колониальному правлению, обусловленными ростом национально-освободительного движения. В фокусе исследования – взгляды военного класса на юридическую рамку механизма управления колониальными кризисами: цель, задачи, параметры и назначение введения военного и чрезвычайного положения. Такой ракурс исследования позволил по-новому поставить вопрос об эволюции управленческих практик на завершающем этапе развития Британской империи, в эпоху ее деколонизации и трансформации. Особенности развития имперской школы военной мысли Великобритании в условиях возраставшего значения вооруженных сил и одновременного сокращения возможностей использования других рычагов влияния на сохранение власти метрополии в колониях и на иных зависимых территориях также рассматриваются в данной статье. The Interbellum era was accompanied by ongoing disputes between supporters of various legal regimes of the functioning of the colonial order amid the growth of rebel activity in the British Empire after the Great War. Discussions on this issue reflected theoretical and doctrinal contradictions, as well as disputes between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility in this matter. The article analyzes changes in the military's approaches to determining the parameters of internal security in the empire after the Great War due to legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule due to the growth of the national liberation movement. The focus of the study is the views of the military class on the legal framework of the mechanism for managing colonial crises: the purpose, tasks, parameters and purpose of the introduction of martial law and emergency. This perspective of the study made it possible to raise the question of the evolution of management practices in a new way at the final stage of the development of the British Empire, in the era of its decolonization and transformation. The peculiarities of the development of the imperial school of military thought of Great Britain in the context of the increasing importance of the armed forces and the simultaneous reduction in the possibility of using other levers of influence on the preservation of the metropolis power in the colonies and other dependent territories are also considered in the article.
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Нестеров, Д. А. "FEATURES OF THE RAND CORPORATION'S INTERACTION WITH BRITISH COLONIAL SERVICE OFFICERS DURING THE VIETNAM WAR." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.15.92.024.
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Во время войны во Вьетнаме корпорация РЭНД стала играть существенную роль в полити-ческой экспертизе США, занимаясь разработкой стратегии действий американского правительства в данном вооруженном конфликте. При этом в рамках данного процесса «фабрика мысли» актив-но сотрудничала с британскими офицерами колониальной службы. Это было связано с тем, что Великобритания обладала знаниями и опытом антиповстанческой деятельности. Поэтому экспер-тов РЭНД интересовало, какую выгоду они могут получить из этих колониальных знаний и опыта в сценариях войны во Вьетнаме. В рамках данной статьи будут определены и проанализированы особенности данного взаимодействия. During the Vietnam War, the RAND Corporation began to play a significant role in the political expertise of the United States, developing a strategy for the actions of the American government in this armed conflict. At the same time, within the framework of this process, the “thought factory” actively cooperated with British officers of the colonial service. This was due to the fact that the UK had the knowledge and experience of counterinsurgency activities. Therefore, RAND experts were interested in how they can benefit from this colonial knowledge and experience in scenarios of the Vietnam War. Within the framework of this article, the features of this interaction will be determined and analyzed.
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Salvat, Ana Paula dos Santos. "Colonizada, mas não silenciada: a permanência da cultura asteca na configuração artística e arquitetônica do Zócalo, na Cidade do México." In Encontro de História da Arte. Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/eha.12.2017.4477.
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El Zócalo é o nome pelo qual é popularmente conhecida a principal praça da Cidade do México, cuja denominação oficial, desde 1812, é Praça da Constituição, devido à proclamação da Constituição Política da Monarquia Espanhola ou Constituição de Cádiz, promulgada naquele ano. No Período Colonial, a praça teve outros nomes, tais como, Plaza de las Armas, Plaza Mayor, Plaza del Palacio. Ela começou a ser chamada de "Zócalo" em 1843, quando uma base (zócalo, em espanhol) foi construída no centro da praça para receber o monumento à Independência mexicana, o qual nunca foi instalado ali. Com uma área de aproximadamente 39.600 m2, o Zócalo está, atualmente, entre as quatro maiores praças do mundo, mas suas origens remontam ao período pré-hispânico.
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Jacazzi, Danila, and Raffaela Fiorillo. "Castelli e arsenali delle isole balcaniche nella Peregrinatio di Bernhard von Breydenbach." In FORTMED2024 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2024.2024.18077.
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The voyage across the Mare Nostrum has had many meanings over the centuries: from the devotional purposes predominant in the pilgrimages of the Middle Ages, from the commercial exchanges that saw the establishment of merchant colonies in the main cities and harbour ports, to the movement of armies during the crusades and the diplomatic missions of ambassadors, nobles and knights during the Renaissance. From the 15th century onwards, relations between Italian courts and Mediterranean countries were not limited to mercantile aspects: scholars, clergymen and men of culture, driven by the Renaissance season and the rediscovery of the classical world, visited the Holy Land. Renaissance travellers of Franco-Renaissance culture left some of the most interesting depictions of the cities they visited in their diaries. The Peregrinatio in Terram Sanctam published in 1486 by Bernhard von Breydenbach, canon of Mainz, represents one of the main models of an itinerary in the Holy Land accompanied by some of the greatest expressions of the cartographic culture of the end of the century.
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Burak, Nurhilal. "Genoese Traces in the Black Sea Coast of Turkey’s Forts." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11524.
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The Black Sea is an interior sea and located between Bulgaria, Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia and Turkey. The Black Sea flows through the Bosporus and reaches the Marmara Sea. Strong winds and stream has seen in the Black Sea in most of times in a year. Because of that natural bays were preferred while the ports and settlements were established. Republic of Genoa has started to plan the trade routes that will be carried out on the Black Sea coast since the Treaty of Nymphaeum signed in 1261. The settlements of the Genoese colonies along the Black Sea coast were not simultaneous. From 1266 onwards, there had been a growth of about 200 years. They intervened in some of the defense structures in these ports. They have placed their own coat of arms on the walls of the defensive structures they had built or repaired. The information is obtained about the colonies in these ports from the trade records which kept by Genoese (Massaria di Caffa, Massaria di Pera), the maritime maps (portolans) produced in those centuries and the medieval historians. The scope of this paper is to be examined that between Bulgaria and Georgia borders the Black Sea port of Turkey’s remaining strongholds which Genoese used for trade. Historical documents and maps will be used as well. In the light of these methods, the ports used by the Republic of Genoa on the shores of the Black Sea, established colonies and construction activities in the thirteenth - fifteenth centuries will be examined.
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Yaro, Loveline Yaro. "Resilience for Academic Excellence through Distance Education Life Learning Strategies in Victims of the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon." In Tenth Pan-Commonwealth Forum on Open Learning. Commonwealth of Learning, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56059/pcf10.2103.
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During the past few years, there has been a noticeable and heightened concern on the plight of students living in the restive North-west and South-west regions of Cameroon that have been hit hard by the ongoing Anglophone crisis. The education crisis which was already a feature in many regions in the world has been exacerbated by Anglophone Crisis. The English-speaking Regions of Cameroon consisting of the Northwest and Southwest formal British Colonies have been restive since 2016. This is caused by a sociopolitical Crisis which has deteriorated overtime and led to violent clashes between armed forces and separate fighters, loss of life and property, internal displacements of inhabitants, human right abuse, climate of fear and uncertainty. Reports holds that, since the beginning of the crisis over 790, 000 people have been forcibly displaced and over 4,000 tortured and killed The crisis has specifically affected the Distance Education Program of the University of Buea whose student population consist of about ¾ of students living in these restive regions. These students have reported challenges in carrying out their academic work especially during periods of lockdown. Despite the complaints, the Program continues to run with classes going on and examination conducted even in the heart of the crisis. Notwithstanding the exposure to significant threats or severe adversity they face due to the socio-political crisis, the students remain resilient. Research has identified self-efficiency, work ethics, and internal locus of control as factors that can build resilience for academic excellence in at risk students facing such challenges. Using the convenient sampling procedure, the study adopted the survey questionnaire method aimed at highlighting supportive social actions that can contribute in building resilience for academic excellence in at-risk students studying in the Distance education program in the University of Buea. These activities will be geared towards using problem solving models of Social connections, Supportive relationships and Social agency to produce desired academic outcomes for at risk students from the restive anglophone regions enrolled in the Distance education program.
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
Full textAbstract:
"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."
Reports on the topic "Colonial Armies"
1
Moore, Mick. Glimpses of Fiscal States in Sub-Saharan Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.022.
Full textAbstract:
There is a widespread perception that taxing in sub-Saharan Africa has been and remains fraught with problems or government failure. This is not generally true. For more than a century, colonial administrations and independent states have steadily developed the capacity to routinely collect more substantial revenues than one might expect in a low-income region. The two main historical dimensions of this collection capacity were (a) powerful, centralized bureaucracies focused on achieving revenue collection targets and (b) large, taxable international trade sectors. In recent decades, those centralized bureaucracies have to some extent been reformed such that in structure and procedure they resemble more closely tax administrations in OECD countries. More strikingly, nearly all states have adopted VAT and found it to be a very powerful revenue collection instrument. However, the tax share of GDP has been broadly constant for several decades, and it will be hard to increase it. It is difficult for African governments to effectively tax transnational corporations, especially in the mining and energy sectors, which are of growing importance. Tax administrations continue to approach richer Africans with a light touch, and to exaggerate the potential for taxing small-scale (‘informal’) enterprises. The revenue operations of sub-national governments are often opaque. Ordinary people often pay large sums in ‘informal taxes’ that are generally regressive in impact. And the standard direction of travel in the reform of tax policy and administration is not appropriate to those large areas, especially in the Sahel, that are afflicted by internal and cross-border armed conflicts.