Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Colonial Bank'

This research project aims to determine Indonesian business leaders perceptions of G7 behaviour towards Indonesia after Independence (1945/1949), at a time when the country is experiencing a severe financial and economic crisis (1997-2001). Is G7 behaviour considered colonial, economic rationalist, or collegial? Additionally, Indonesian business leaders' perceptions of economic and social development in Indonesia are measured, exploring a possible connection with perception of G7 behaviour. Within the context of this project, the researcher assumes that attitudes in Indonesia are significantly shaped by the impact of' an increasingly competitive and sophisticated global free-trade environment today versus one of exploitation and domination under past European colonial rule. The research questions on which the project is based emerged after detailed consideration of a large and varied number of publications concerning related historical and contemporary socio-economic, political issues and examination of recent inter-country comparative performance indicators (1996 to 2000). The background for the research project is framed within the context of Modern World-Systems theory which rose to prominence in the early 1970s, earlier theories about Intentional Underdevelopment, Dependency and Geography, and the more recent hypothesis on Enlightenment and Institutions theory, all attempting to explain why some countries are so poor and others are not. An exploratory study (Study 1) precedes the positivist research paradigm of the principal study (Study 2 - Stages 1 & 2), which is comprised of a pilot and a final stage.The theoretical model put forward and corresponding final stage VIII cross-sectional survey data of the second study are subjected to structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis, to test hypotheses and theory about the associations between theoretical constructs of the model. SEM is a relatively new multivariate technique, which combines aspects of multiple regression and factor analysis. The results of the research show that the impact of colonial rule; the associated exploitation and consequent poverty are still remembered by Indonesian business leaders and as such may have the potential to negatively impact on bi-lateral and multi-lateral negotiations for much needed structural reform in Indonesia, particularly if key influential participants (such as the G7 and the international institutions they control) ignore historical legacies and associated cross-cultural sensitivities. Final stage results provided strong support for two out of the five key hypotheses offered. The findings clearly suggesting that intensifying G7 behaviour as defined in this thesis would invariably further heighten existing perceptions of colonial behaviour. Less encouraging test results were obtained for the remaining hypotheses and overall only qualified support could be given to the proposed theory.The extent of which can be summarized as: "G7 behaviour is perceived as colonial, by Indonesian business leaders, and is significantly influenced by their perception of social development in Indonesia ". The research project was conceived in the absence of scholarly investigations into the historical impact of colonialism in Indonesia on present day attitudes and cultural values with respect to ready acceptance of predominantly Western concepts of globalisation, free trade, open markets and the need for crucial reform. Reforms, which often are imposed on developing nations during times of crisis by way of IMF - Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), harshly impacting on local populations.

This research project aims to determine Indonesian business leaders perceptions of G7 behaviour towards Indonesia after Independence (1945/1949), at a time when the country is experiencing a severe financial and economic crisis (1997-2001). Is G7 behaviour considered colonial, economic rationalist, or collegial? Additionally, Indonesian business leaders' perceptions of economic and social development in Indonesia are measured, exploring a possible connection with perception of G7 behaviour. Within the context of this project, the researcher assumes that attitudes in Indonesia are significantly shaped by the impact of' an increasingly competitive and sophisticated global free-trade environment today versus one of exploitation and domination under past European colonial rule. The research questions on which the project is based emerged after detailed consideration of a large and varied number of publications concerning related historical and contemporary socio-economic, political issues and examination of recent inter-country comparative performance indicators (1996 to 2000). The background for the research project is framed within the context of Modern World-Systems theory which rose to prominence in the early 1970s, earlier theories about Intentional Underdevelopment, Dependency and Geography, and the more recent hypothesis on Enlightenment and Institutions theory, all attempting to explain why some countries are so poor and others are not. An exploratory study (Study 1) precedes the positivist research paradigm of the principal study (Study 2 - Stages 1 & 2), which is comprised of a pilot and a final stage.
The theoretical model put forward and corresponding final stage VIII cross-sectional survey data of the second study are subjected to structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis, to test hypotheses and theory about the associations between theoretical constructs of the model. SEM is a relatively new multivariate technique, which combines aspects of multiple regression and factor analysis. The results of the research show that the impact of colonial rule; the associated exploitation and consequent poverty are still remembered by Indonesian business leaders and as such may have the potential to negatively impact on bi-lateral and multi-lateral negotiations for much needed structural reform in Indonesia, particularly if key influential participants (such as the G7 and the international institutions they control) ignore historical legacies and associated cross-cultural sensitivities. Final stage results provided strong support for two out of the five key hypotheses offered. The findings clearly suggesting that intensifying G7 behaviour as defined in this thesis would invariably further heighten existing perceptions of colonial behaviour. Less encouraging test results were obtained for the remaining hypotheses and overall only qualified support could be given to the proposed theory.
The extent of which can be summarized as: "G7 behaviour is perceived as colonial, by Indonesian business leaders, and is significantly influenced by their perception of social development in Indonesia ". The research project was conceived in the absence of scholarly investigations into the historical impact of colonialism in Indonesia on present day attitudes and cultural values with respect to ready acceptance of predominantly Western concepts of globalisation, free trade, open markets and the need for crucial reform. Reforms, which often are imposed on developing nations during times of crisis by way of IMF - Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), harshly impacting on local populations.

À partir du protectorat français en 1885 jusqu'à la naissance d'une banque d'émission en 1925, Madagascar eut un système bancaire et monétaire sommaire totalement contrôlé par des banques d'affaires. Pendant cette période, un réseau bancaire formé par la première banque de Madagascar "Le Comptoir National d'Escompte de Paris" s'était mis en place. Arrivée dans le pays suite à l'appel du gouvernement français, la banque parisienne apporta son soutien au projet colonial. Profitant de l'extension de l'empire colonial français à Madagascar, le CNEP avait crée un réseau d'agences et de sous-agences essaimés dans la colonie. Forte de l'expérience de son personnel et de sa connaissance des affaires locales, la banque était dans une position de monopole en ce qui concerne les activités financières de la Grande île faute de concurrent. Le CNEP devenait ainsi un élément incontournable dans la réalisation du projet de développement de la colonie. La période de la Première Guerre mondiale démontra cependant la fragilité du système bancaire et monétaire de la Colonie à cause de la coupure des communications avec la métropole. Le réseau malgache du CNEP révélait ses limites face au développement croissant de l'économie locale. Les contraintes monétaires engendrées par la guerre (la thésaurisation des pièces métalliques par les indigènes et l'arrêt des envois de billets décidé par la Banque de France) et l'acuité du problème de crédit agricole dans la colonie relancèrent le projet fort ancien d'une banque d'émission. La création de la banque de Madagascar en 1925 apporta une nouvelle politique financière à la colonie. La Banque s'occupait principalement de la circulation monétaire et du réescompte des papiers de commerce. Le bilan positif des émissions de la Banque avait permis à la colonie d'avoir une stabilité monétaire. En matière de crédit, le taux de l'argent avait beaucoup baissé (6% en moyenne alors qu'il était de l'ordre de 10 à 12%). La Banque rapportait financièrement à la colonie (redevances sur la circulation fiduciaire, impôts sur les sociétés, participations aux bénéfices, contributions financières à la caisse de crédit agricole, etc). Les statistiques commerciales et douanières de la colonie attestent le rôle économique de la Banque d'émission depuis sa création jusqu'en 1946 où une nouvelle politique coloniale fut mise en place
From the French protectorate in 1885 until the birth of a bank of issue in 1925, Madagascar was a summary banking and monetary system totally controlled by investment banks. During this period, a banking network formed by the first bank Madagascar "The National Counter Discount Bank of Paris" had set up. Arrived in the country following the call of the French government, the Paris bank gave his support to the colonial project. Taking advantage of the extension of the French colonial empire in Madagascar, CNEP had created a network of agencies and sub-agencies swarmed in the colony. With the experience of its staff and its knowledge of local affairs, the bank was in a monopoly position with regard to the financial activities of the Big Island for lack of competitor. The CNEP thus became a key element in the realization of the colony development project. The period of the First World War, however, demonstrated the fragility of the banking and monetary system of the colony because of the cut communications with the metropolis. The Malagasy network CNEP revealed its limitations with the growing development of the local economy. The monetary constraints caused by war (hoarding metal parts by indigenous and stop ticket send decided by the Bank of France) and the acuity of the agricultural credit problem in the colony relaunched the very old draft a bank of issue. The creation of the Bank of Madagascar in 1925 brought a new financial policy in the colony. The Bank was mainly involved in the circulation of money and rediscounting commercial paper. The positive results of the Bank's emissions had allowed the colony to have a monetary stability. In terms of credit, the cash rate had fallen considerably (6% on average, while in the range of 10 to 12%). The Bank financially brought to the colony (royalties in circulation, corporate taxes, profit sharing, financial contributions to agricultural credit fund, etc.). Trade and customs statistics of the colony demonstrate the economic role of the bank of issue from its inception until 1946 when a new colonial policy was implemented

En 1930, la France créa le Territoire autonome de l’Inini, colonie d’administration directe de l’hinterland de la Guyane française. Après la départementalisation de la Guyane, ce dispositif perdura en 1951 sous la forme d’un arrondissement à statut particulier, en droit jusqu’en 1961 et de fait jusqu’en 1969. La description de ce système politico-administratif, fortement inspiré de celui conçu pour les colonies d’Afrique, permet d’analyser l’ultime étape du processus d’expansion de l’État français dans un espace social et culturel amazonien. Cette intégration fut l’œuvre des fonctionnaires de terrain qui menèrent, à partir de 1936, une politique continue de contact dans le cadre d’une implantation dynamique de postes administratifs en direction de l’intérieur et des frontières. Ce personnel subalterne, fonctionnaires coloniaux et gendarmes, mit en œuvre une technique administrative d’approche et de gestion des populations - déportés indochinois des Etablissements Pénitentiaires Spéciaux, tribus de frontière et orpailleurs - dans un espace ouvert aux politiques des Etats voisins. L’histoire de l’Inini incite à ne pas limiter l’histoire de la Guyane française à celle d’une vieille colonie devenue un D.O.M. en 1946. Elle permet de dépasser cette analyse qui relève du discours politique assimilationniste. Elle nuance aussi l’interprétation par l’anthropologie d’une intégration de populations sylvicoles artificiellement et hâtivement conduite. Enfin, elle ouvre la voie à une analyse comparative de l’arrière-pays des Guyanes
In 1930, France established the Autonomous Territory of Inini, an administrative division governing French Guiana's hinterland. Once Guiana had become an overseas department, the formula was renewed from 1951 in the shape of a district with special status, remaining so officially until 1961 and in effect until 1969. Discussing this politico-administrative system - largely based on what had been worked out for French colonies in Africa – gives a key to understanding the ultimate stage of the French state's expansion process in a social and cultural Amazonian context. That effort at social integration was the work of civil servants in the field who, from 1936 on, conducted a sustained policy of contact by establishing administrative posts in the interior of the territory and at its borders. These low-ranking colonial officers and gendarmes implemented an administrative approach to the handling of various communities – deportees from Southeast Asia held in special jails, border tribes or gold-diggers – across areas under the political influence of neighbouring states. The Inini file is an encouragement not to limit the history of French Guiana to that of an old colony turned into an overseas department (D.O.M.) in 1946. It makes it possible to go beyond analyses which are linked to assimilation policies. It also tends to moderate the anthropological view of an artificial and hasty integration of forest tribes. Lastly, it paves the way for a comparative analysis of Guyanese back countries
A França criou, em 1930, o Território autónomo do Inini, colónia de administração directa dahinterlândia da Guiana francesa. Após a départementalisação da Guiana, este dispositivocontinuou em 1951 sob a forma de distrito à estatuto específico (particular), juridicamente até1961 e de facto até 1969. A descrição deste sistema politicoadministrativo, fortementeinspirado de estas concebidas para as colónias da África, permite analisar a ultima etapa doprocesso de expansão do Estado francês num espaço social e cultural amazónico. Estaintegração foi a obra dos funcionários de terreno que levaram, a partir de 1936, uma políticacontínua de contato no âmbito de uma implantação dinâmica de postos administrativos emdireção do interior e das fronteiras. Este pessoal subalterno, funcionários coloniais egendarmes, implementou uma técnica administrativa de abordagem e gestão das populações -déportados indochineses dos Estabelecimentos Penitenciários Especiais, tribos de fronteira egarimpeiros - num espaço aberto às políticas dos Estados vizinhos. A história do Inini incita anão limitar a história da Guiana francesa à essa de uma velha colónia que tornou-se, em 1946,em Departamento de Ultramar (D.O.M.). Permite ultrapassar esta análise que diz respeito aodiscurso político assimilacionista. Ela nuança também a interpretação pela antropologia deuma integração de populações silvícolas artificialmente e apressadamente conduzida. Porúltimo, abre o caminho à uma análise comparativa do interior (da hinterlândia) das Guianes
In 1930 werd door Frankrijk het zelfstandige gebied Inini gecreëerd, het onder directkoloniaal bestuur vallende achterland van Frans Guyana. Nadat Guyana een overzeesdepartement was geworden, bleef deze bestuursvorm bestaan tot in 1951 in de vorm van eenarrondissement met speciaal statuut, in rechte tot 1961 et feitelijk tot 1969. De beschrijvingvan deze bestuursvorm die sterk werd beïnvloed door het voor de Afrikaanse koloniënontwikkelde systeem, maakt het mogelijk het laatste stadium van het expansieproces van deFranse overheid te analyseren in het sociale en culturele gebied van de Amazone. Deze socialeintegratie was het werk van ambtenaren die ter plaatse, vanaf 1936, een aanhoudend contactbeleid uitvoerden bij de oprichting van administratieve posten in het binnenland van hetgebied en aan de grenzen. Dit ondergeschikte personeel, ambtenaren en politie, voerden eenbestuursbeleid uit van benadering en behandeling van de bevolking - indo-chinesegedeporteerden bewaard in speciale strafkampen, aan de grenzen levende stammen engoudzoekers – in een gebied dat open stond voor politieke invloed van de buurtstaten. Degeschiedenis van het Inini gebied nodigt uit de geschiedenis van Frans Guyana niet tebeperken tot die van een oude kolonie die in 1946 een overzees gebiedsdeel (D.O.M.) isgeworden. Zij nuanceert tevens de antropologische interpretatie van een te kunstmatige en tesnel uitgevoerde integratie van de woudbevolking. En ten laatste opent zij de weg naar eenvergelijkende analyse van de achterlanden van Guyana

This thesis examined bodied activism in Chicago's Slutwalk 2012 march, a contemporary movement initiated in Toronto, Canada that publicly challenged the mainstream sentiment that women are responsible for their own rape and victimization. Adopting an intersectional approach, I used textual analysis to discuss photographs posted on the official Chicago Slutwalk website to explore the ways this form of public bodied protest discursively engages women's empowerment from movement feminism as well as third wave and postfeminisms. I additionally analyzed the overall website and its promotional materials for the Slutwalk marches as well as how Chicago's photographic representations privilege the white female body as victim, demonstrating how the reclamation "slut" privileges whiteness. The website depictions normalize how one should react to a system of violence which provides negative implications for women and men who are situated in a postfeminist rape culture. Positioning my analysis within Communication/Cultural Studies and Women's and Gender studies, I contributed to the literature about rape culture and postfeminist activism through my analysis of Slutwalk. By employing intersectionality from feminist theory and textual analysis, I demonstrated how Slutwalk's promotion of bodied activism naturalized postfeminism and excludes Black women from participating.

The aim of this essay is to examine the tension at the heart of the British colonial discourse as it affects the relationship of Travis and Joyce in the chapter "Somewhere in England", in Caryl Phillips's 1993 novel, Crossing the River. The thesis of the essay is that the colonial discourse of the British insists on a racial signifier in the imagined community of the British, and thus resists the idea that a person can be both black and British. The postcolonial analysis shows that it is Joyce's rejection of the national discourse along with the displacement of Travis from a segregated America into a superficially kinder environment that allows their relationship to develop. Yet, along with Travis's death, the contradictions and hypocrisy of the colonial discourse serve to undermine Joyce's lack of racial prejudice and contribute to her giving up her baby at the end of the war.

Student mobility policies have become a high priority of the European Union since they are expected to result in private and social returns. However, at the same time these policies risk leading to unwanted geographical consequences, particularly brain drain from lagging to core regions, as formerly mobile students may not return on completion of their studies. Accordingly, this thesis focuses on both the private returns to student mobility and the determinants of return migration. It is important to note that, currently, the literature about the mobility of students is scarce and provides mixed evidence regarding both these issues. We contribute to the current academic debate in this field by doing a case study on the Master and Back programme, which was implemented since 2005 by the Italian lagging region of Sardinia. The programme is co-financed by the European Social Fund and consists of providing talented Sardinian students with generous scholarships to pursue Master's and Doctoral degrees in the world's best universities. Concerning the private returns to migration, we evaluate the impact of this scheme on the odds of employment and net monthly income of the recipients. Moreover, we assess whether the scheme has been able to improve their job matching. To perform this analysis we access unique administrative data on the recipients and a suitable control group, complemented by a purpose-designed web survey. In addition, we enquire into the determinants of return migration and the underlying decision-making process by using a mixed-methods approach, which is particularly well-suited for very complex phenomena like the one at hand.

Thesis (PhD (English))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis undertakes a comparative examination of South African and Kenyan auto/biographical narratives of crime and imprisonment. Although some attention is paid to narratives of political imprisonment, the study focuses primarily on autobiographical accounts by criminals, confessional narratives, popular fiction about crime and prison experience, and journalistic accounts of prison life. There is very little critical work at this moment that refers to these forms of prison writing in South Africa and Kenya. Popular prison narratives and to a certain extent the autobiographical in general are characterised by an under-theorised dialecticism. As academic concepts, both the popular and the autobiographical form are characterised by an unstable duality. While the popular has been theorised as being both a field of resistance to power and of consent to its demands, the autobiographical occupies a similar precariously divided position, in this case between fact and fiction, a place where the „I‟ that narrates is simultaneously the subject and object of the narrative. In examining an eclectic body of texts that share the prison as common denominator, my study problematises the tension between self and world, popular and canonical, political and criminal, factual and fictional. In both settings, South Africa and Kenya, the prison as a material and discursive space does not only mirror society but effects shifts and changes in society, and becomes a space of dynamic adaptation and also a locus that disturbs certain hegemonic relations. The way in which the experience of prison opens up to a fundamentally unsettling ambiguity resonates with the ambivalence that characterises both autobiography as genre and the popular as a theoretical concept. My thesis argues that during the entire historical period covered by the narratives that I examine there is a certain excess that attends on the social production of criminality and the practice of imprisonment, both as material realities and as discursive concepts, which allows them to have a haunting effect both on individuals‟ notions of „the self‟ and the constitution of national identities and nationhoods. I argue that the distinction between the colonial and the postcolonial prison is hazy. Therefore a comparative study of Kenyan and South African prison literature helps us understand how modern prisons and notions of criminality in contemporary Africa are intertwined with the broad European colonial project, reflecting larger issues of state power and control over the populace. In relation to South Africa, my study begins with Ruth First‟s 117 Days (1963), and makes a selection of other prisons narratives throughout the apartheid era up to the post-apartheid period which was ushered in by Mandela‟s Long Walk to Freedom (1994). Moving beyond Mandela, I examine other forms of South African crime and prison narratives which have emerged since the publication of Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela‟s A Human Being Died that Night (2003) and Jonny Steinberg‟s The Number (2004). In Kenya, I begin with Ngugi wa Thiongo‟s Detained (1981). I then focus on popular narratives of crime and imprisonment which began with the publication of John Kiriamiti‟s My Life in Crime (1984) up to the first decade of the 21st century, marked yet again by the publication of Kiriamiti‟s My Life in Prison (2004). Besides Kiriamiti‟s two narratives, the other Kenyan texts which I examine are John Kiggia Kimani‟s Life and Times of a Bank Robber (1988) and Prison is not a Holiday Camp (1994), Benjamin Garth Bundeh‟s Birds of Kamiti (1991), and Charles Githae‟s, Comrade Inmate (1994).
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: My proefskrif onderneem ‟n vergelykende studie van Suid-Afrikaanse en Keniaanse auto/biografiese narratiewe van misdaad en gevangeneskap. Hoewel aandag tot ‟n mate geskenk word aan verhale van politieke gevangeneskap, is die primêre fokus van die studie eerder op autobiografiese narratiewe deur misdadigers, konfessionele narratiewe, populêre fiksie met betrekking tot misdaad en gevangenis-ondervindinge, sowel as joernalistieke verslae oor gevangenes se lewens agter tralies. Min kritiese werk is tot dusver in verband met hierdie vorme van gevangenis-narratiewe in Suid-Afrika en Kenia gedoen. Populêre prisoniers-narratiewe, en tot ‟n mate autobiografieë oor die algemeen, word deur ‟n onder-geteoriseerde dialektisisme gekenmerk. As akademiese konsepte word beide die populêre en die autobiografiese vorme deur ‟n onstabiele dualisme gekenmerk. Terwyl die populêre tipe geteoretiseer word as sowel ‟n vorm van weerstand teen mag as van toegee daaraan, word aan die autobiografiese tipe ‟n soortgelyke onstabiele, verdeelde rol toegeskryf – in hierdie geval, tussen feitelikheid en fiksie, ‟n plek waar die “ek” wat vertel terselfdertyd die subjek en objek van die verhaal is. Deur middel van ‟n eklektiese versameling van tekste wat die gevangenis as verwysingspunt deel, problematiseer my verhandeling die spanning tussen self en wêreld, die populêre en die gekanoniseerde, die politieke en die kriminele, die feitelike en die fiktiewe. In beide kontekste, Suid-Afrika en Kenia, weerspieël die gevangenis as diskursiewe spasie nie alleenlik die gemeenskapsomgewing nie, maar veroorsaak dit ook veranderings en verskuiwings in die gemeenskap – sodoende word die gevangenis self ‟n ruimte van dinamiese verandering en ‟n plek wat sekere hegemoniese verhoudings versteur. Die manier waarop die ondervinding van gevangeneskap lei tot ‟n fundamentele versteurende dubbelsinningheid resoneer met die dubbelsinnigheid wat beide die autobiografiese as genre en die populêre as teoretiese konsep karakteriseer. My tesis voer aan dat, gedurende die ganse historiese tydperk wat gedek word deur die narratiewe wat ek hier betrag, daar ‟n sekere oormaat is wat die sosiale produksie van misdaad en die toepassing van gevangesetting begelei, beide as stoflike werklikhede en as diskursiewe konsepte, wat hulle toelaat om ‟n kwellende effek uit te oefen beide of individuele mense se sin van „self‟ en die samestelling van nasionale identiteite en nasionaliteite. Ek voer aan dat die onderskeid tussen die koloniale en die postkoloniale gevangenis onduidelik is, en dat ‟n vergelykende studie van Keniaanse en Suid-Afrikaanse gevangenes-narratiewe ons dus help om te verstaan hoe moderne tronke en idees oor misdaad in Afrika deureengevleg is met die breë Europese koloniale projek, en groter kwessies van staatsmag en beheer oor die bevolking weerspieël. In Suid Afrika begin my studie met Ruth First se 117 Days (1963), en maak dan ‟n seleksie van ander gevangenes-narratiewe van die apartheid-era tot en met die post-apartheid oomblik wat deur Mandela se Long Walk to Freedom ingelui word. Ek vestig dan my aandag op ander vorme van Suid-Afrikaanse misdaad- en gevangenes-narratiewe wat sedert die publikasie van Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela se A Human Being Died that Night (2003) en Jonny Steinberg se The Number (2004) verskyn het. In Kenia begin ek met Ngugi wa Thiongo se Detained (1981), en kyk dan ten slotte na populêre narratiewe van misdaad en gevangeneskap wat hulle aanvang vind met die publikasie van John Kiriamiti se My Life in Crime (1984) tot en met die eerste dekade van die 21ste eeu, nogmaals gemerk deur die publikasie van Kiriamiti se My Life in Prison (2004).

This project is a diplomatic transcription and English translation of a passage from an 18-century manuscript that chronicles a remarkable Portuguese embassy to China (Macau). The embassy embarked from Lisbon in February 1752, sailing in a luxuriously outfitted ship (Nossa Senhora da Conceição e Lusitânia Grande), in convoy with a warship (Nossa Senhora das Brotas). The English translation is important because it makes the account accessible to scholars who lack familiarity with Portuguese.This voyage to China is remarkable in light of the long history of maritime loss by the Portuguese. Although the normal projected loss of life on this route was 20%, this journey was made without one death. Some of the most fascinating aspects of the journey include the following: a) how the intrepid crew of the Nossa Senhora (most of whom were novices) and the passengers dealt with bad weather at sea; b) the religious rites conducted during the voyage by Jesuit priests en route to the Far East missions, which the passengers firmly believed mitigated the dangers and were thus responsible for their safe journey; c) the intriguing political maneuvering between the Portuguese and Chinese in Macau; and d) the meticulous descriptions of the different cultures, peoples and places encountered on the journey.

South Africa's adherence to the Gold Standard while many other countries abandoned it, placed the country in a difficult position. This was exacerbated by the worldwide economic depression that resulted in the sharp decline of primary commodity prices, a decrease in demand and unemployment. The commercial banks in South Africa were obviously also affected by the prevailing circumstances and the position of one of them, Barclays Bank (Dominion, Colonial and Overseas) will be the focus of this study. One of the most important questions that will receive attention is to what extent the bank was affected by the gold standard crisis. Linked closely to this is the question of the nature of the problems encountered by the bank and the measures, if any, it took to overcome these difficulties. In this regard it will be necessary to investigate the most important areas of the imperial banks' business and the type of customers they served. Another question or issue to be investigated is the relationship between the two British banks on the one hand and the South African Reserve Bank and the government on the other. The establishment of the Reserve Bank was not openly welcomed by the imperial banks as they feared competition from the Bank while, with their considerable balances overseas, they were not convinced that there existed a need for a central bank in South Africa. In this respect, the question of co-operation between the two banks will also receive attention.
Prof. G Verhoef

碩士
東海大學
日本語文學系
99
序論のほか、第一章は艋舺における花柳業が清朝と植民地台湾においてどのような事情があったのか、支配当局が艋舺に遊廓を設置し、梅毒描写を通して遊廓内の強制性病検診治療を定着した経緯を考察する。第二章は艋舺遊廓における「駆黴院」と「婦人病院」に入り込み、娼妓の強制性病検診治療空間の検討である。第三章は遊廓外性病検診治療制度の定着と本島人私娼や一般民衆の性病検診治療空間に関する考察である。第二章と第三章からはそれぞれ内地人本島人間医療の場における差別がみてとれる。第四章は、戦後台湾における性病予防政策および艋舺にふたたび「特殊区」として公認されるまでの考察である。植民地台湾に移植された公娼制度が戦後に引き継がれたことを明らかにする。

In order for a state to be legitimate vis-à-vis its citizens, those citizens must be reasonably able to, minimally, trust that it is both able and willing to create laws that are morally just. For liberal theories of legitimacy, generally speaking, just laws are laws that respect the individual rights of persons. The settler colonial states of Australia and the United States have throughout their history failed to respect the rights of indigenous peoples qua individuals. There exists, then, a large amount of evidence suggesting that it would be reasonable for those peoples to not trusting those states. And, in so far as it is reasonable for indigenous peoples of those states to not trust that their respective states are able and willing to create just laws for them, those states are illegitimate. Given both the size, severity, and consistency of the wrongs committed against indigenous peoples by their respective settler colonial states it is not enough for those states to simply cease in their wrongdoing. The states in question must engage in a deliberate effort to generate the trust necessary for them to become legitimate. Political reconciliation, aimed at addressing the unique historical wrongs committed against indigenous peoples, can begin to generate that trust. However, political reconciliation alone will be insufficient. Given the substantial amount of evidence against the settler colonial states, we would be wrong in assuming a priori following reconciliation that they would be capable of making just laws for their respective indigenous citizens or willing to make such laws. Moreover, reconciliation does not necessarily address the wrong of failing to respect indigenous sovereignty. In order for that wrong to be addressed, indigenous peoples must be able to collectively secede. By choosing not to secede following reconciliation, an indigenous people would signal that they do trust their settler colonial state to make just laws for them, and to that extent that it is legitimate.

博士
國立成功大學
台灣文學系
102
This thesis attempts to explore the changes of space context during the Japan-colonial period in Taiwan and to observe how native Taiwanese intellectuals to represent and imagine Taiwan. Another major aspect of the paper will focus on the cross-border mobility and travel writings of Taiwan intellectuals during the Japanese colonial era. This thesis examines the historical development of travel narratives and space experiences by use the materials of newspaper and travel writings by native Taiwanese intellectuals under the fifty years of Japanese rule. Taiwan, for being located in the relational space between Japan and China, the geopolitical imagination of in-between and articulated position was a major theme throughout the entire Japanese colonization period. That's what the paper describes as geography of in-betweenness. Meanwhile, geography of in-betweenness is a trope of landscape as the inscape of Taiwanese identity, and a production of the specificity of the local Taiwan.

碩士
輔仁大學
資訊工程學系
99
Given peoples’ changes in dietary habits and increased consumption of high-calorie food, colorectal cancer has become a common disease. When significant symptoms of colorectal cancer are neglected, carcinoma could be formed. Therefore, it is essential for physicians to diagnose colorectal cancer in a correct and timely manner. Unlike endoscopy colonoscopy imaging, narrow-band imaging improves the identification of non-neoplastic and neoplastic colonic polyps through recognizing the shape and pattern of blood vessels. The study proposes the identification of the Narrow-Band Imaging Colonic Polyps Type by Focal Zone Features of Vascular Shapes and Patterns. This imaging system identifies different types of polyps through the selection of focal zone images and the feature extraction of vessels, which further assists in establishing a decision-making model. According to the results of experiments, the sensitivity of the system in identifying different types of polyps is greater than 95 %.