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Journal articles on the topic 'Colonial state'
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1
Slobodkin, Yan. "State of Violence." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254607.
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AbstractThis article highlights a moment in the history of French West Africa when violence was both ubiquitous and forbidden. During the interwar period, French reformers pushed for the elimination of the routine use of violence by colonial administrators. The intervention of activist journalists and human rights groups put pressure on colonial policy makers to finally bring administrative practice in line with imperial rhetoric. Local administrators, however, felt that such meddling interfered with their ability to govern effectively. A case of torture and murder by French functionaries in the Ivory Coast village of Oguiédoumé shows how struggles over antiviolence reform played out from the ground up.Cet article souligne un moment dans l'histoire de l'Afrique-Occidentale Française où la violence a été à la fois omniprésente et interdite. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, des réformistes français ont lutté pour éliminer la violence quotidienne commise par les administrateurs coloniaux. L'intervention des journalistes militants et des organisations des droits de l'homme a poussé l'Etat colonial à réaliser les promesses de la mission civilisatrice. Par contre, les administrateurs locaux sentaient que ce discours contre la violence limitait leur capacité de gouverner avec efficacité. Une affaire de torture et de meurtre commis en 1933 par des fonctionnaires français dans le village d'Oguiédoumé en Côte-d'Ivoire montre comment la lutte contre la violence a influencé la situation coloniale sur place.
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Martin, Jason. "Colonial State Papers." Charleston Advisor 12, no. 4 (April 1, 2011): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.12.4.24.
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Lange, Matthew. "Embedding the Colonial State." Social Science History 27, no. 3 (2003): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001258x.
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This article explains Mauritius’s exceptional state building and development during late colonialism as the product of a conjuncture of two separately determined historical processes. The first causal chain involves the creation of a bureaucratic state, which was built over two centuries of French and British colonial rule. The second main causal path concerns the development of a society with dense associational ties. This process was set into motion by land distribution that occurred in the late nineteenth century and resulted in the emergence of several villages of small landholders. The essay argues that a prolonged period of labor riots beginning in the late 1930s and the more interventionist policy of the British government after World War II combined to initiate a “critical-juncture period” that increased relations between state and societal actors. This increased embeddedness made possible state-society synergy, which promoted broad-based development by engaging and strengthening both state institutions and societal associations, thereby endowing Mauritius with the institutions necessary for broad-based development after colonial independence as well.
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Butler, Larry J. "Industrialisation in Late Colonial Africa: A British Perspective." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002461x.
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Among the most entrenched criticisms of the record of European colonial rule in Africa is that it discouraged, or actively obstructed, the emergence of diversified colonial and post-colonial economies. Specifically, it is normally argued, the colonial state failed to create the climate in which industrialisation might have been possible. The two basic explanations advanced for this policy of neglect were a desire to ensure that the colonies continued to provide the metropolitan economies with a steady supply of desirable commodities, and a concern to protect the market share of metropolitan exporters. Critics of the colonial legacy, across the ideological spectrum, have often assumed that ‘development’ was a condition which could only be achieved through the process of industrialisation, and that specialisation in commodity production for export could not have been in the colonies' long-term interests. Moreover, in the late colonial period, industrialisation had come to be seen by many as a measure of a state's effective autonomy and economic ‘maturity’, as witnessed by the sustained attempts by many former African colonies to promote their own industrial sectors, often with substantial state involvement or assistance. While it cannot dispute the obvious fact that in most of late colonial Africa, industrialisation was negligible, this paper will offer a refinement of conventional assumptions about the colonial state's attitudes towards this controversial topic. Drawing on examples from British Africa, particularly that pioneer of decolonisation, West Africa, and focusing on the unusually fertile period in colonial policy formation from the late 1930s until the early 1950s, it will suggest that the British colonial state attempted, for the first time, to evolve a coherent and progressive policy on encouraging colonial industrial development.
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OSBORN, EMILY LYNN. "‘CIRCLE OF IRON’: AFRICAN COLONIAL EMPLOYEES AND THE INTERPRETATION OF COLONIAL RULE IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (March 2003): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008307.
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This article investigates the role of African colonial employees in the functioning of the colonial state in French West Africa. Case studies from the 1890s and early 1900s demonstrate that in the transition from conquest to occupation, low-level African colonial intermediaries continually shaped the localized meanings that colonialism acquired in practice. Well-placed African colonial intermediaries in the colonies of Guinée Française and Soudan Français often controlled the dissemination of information and knowledge in the interactions of French colonial officials with local elites and members of the general population. The contributions of these African employees to the daily operations of the French colonial state show that scholars have long overlooked a cadre of men who played a significant role in shaping colonial rule.
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Seda, Abraham. "Fighting in the Shadow of an Apartheid State: Boxing and Colonialism in Zimbabwe." Kronos 48, no. 1 (September 5, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2022/v48a3.
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Boxing was arguably the most popular and controversial sport in colonial Zimbabwe. To tame the sport's violence, which was considered too extreme, colonial officials in Zimbabwe sought guidance and advice from South Africa from the mid-1930s on how best to regulate the sport. South Africa occupied a unique position in this regard, not only because of the relationship it had with colonial Zimbabwe as a neighbouring white settler colony, but also because of how sections of its white settler community responded to the triumphs of Black boxers over white opponents around the world. The colony of South Africa played a significant role in shaping the control of boxing in colonial Zimbabwe. The relationship between the two colonies culminated in the passage of the Boxing and Wrestling Control Act of 1956 in colonial Zimbabwe, an identical version to a similarly named law that South Africa had passed just two years prior.
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Turner, Matthew D. "Livestock mobility and the territorial state: South-Western Niger (1890–1920)." Africa 87, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 578–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000134.
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AbstractColonial rule in West Africa initiated the incorporation of mobile people, particularly pastoralists, into Western territorial states. This article reports on the early period of French colonial rule of the area that is now South-Western Niger – a strategically important area with respect to territorial competition among the French colonies of Dahomey and Soudan (later the colonies of Senegambia and Niger) as well as the British colony of Nigeria. Building from the study of contemporary patterns of livestock mobility and their logics, archival and secondary literatures are used to develop an understanding of dominant herd mobility patterns at the time (transhumance for grazing and trekking to distant markets); the importance of livestock as a source of tax revenue; colonial anxieties about the loss of livestock from within their borders; and efforts of colonial administrators to reduce the potential loss of livestock from their territories. This case illustrates the limitations of the territorial state model where the state lacks sufficient power over mobile subjects utilizing a sparse and fluctuating resource base. The actions of French administrators and Fulɓe pastoralists worked as a form of ‘hands-off’ negotiation, with each group monitoring and reacting to the actions of the other. Due to the limitations of colonial state control, the existence of boundaries elicited greater monitoring of livestock movements by colonial administrators but also increased the leverage held by mobile pastoralists as the French sought to increase the attractiveness of their territory to the principal managers of its wealth (livestock). The proximity of borders to the study area complicated the task of French colonial administrators, who necessarily became increasingly focused on monitoring the movements of their subjects (labour and capital) to avoid their possible escape as they moved within the borderlands of what is now South-Western Niger. The limits of colonial power to monitor and control these movements led administrators to initiate policies favouring pastoralists.
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Taddia, Irma. "Modern Ethiopia and Colonial Eritrea." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.450.
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The article develops some reflections on present-day Eritrea in the light of the colonial past and in the context of modern Ethiopia. If we consider Eritrea and its path towards independence, some differences and analogies emerge in comparison with other African colonies. The Eritrean independence is taking place today in a very specific context in post-colonial Africa. It is not a simple case of delayed decolonization, postponed by 30 years with respect to other former African colonies. The history of Eritrea must be studied within the colonial context: colonialism created a national identity, but Eritrea is a colony that did not become an independent state. This phenomenon can be attributed to various causes which I will try to underline. The process of state formation in Eritrea raises some problems for historians. The construction of a new political legitimacy is strictly connected to the birth of a national historiography in the country. I would like to examine in a critical way the process of writing history in contemporary Eritrea. Reconstructing the history of the past goes beyond the reconstruction of the history of the Eritrean state today. We have to consider the entire area – the Horn of Africa – in the pre-colonial period. The paper discusses the interrelation between the creation of the state and the national historiography.
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Darwin, John. "What Was the Late Colonial State?" Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024578.
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The historiography of the late colonial era has had a love-hate relationship with the colonial state. In the early years of post-colonial independence, much history was written to record and celebrate the achievements of ‘nation-building’. The founding fathers of independence had defeated the colonial state in their struggle against its oppressions. The old state, now under new management, but with the same boundaries, language and (usually) administrative structure, had become a nation, with an undisputed claim to the loyalty of its former colonial subjects. The task of the historian was to show how a national identity had emerged ineluctably from the bundle of districts cellotaped together by colonialism into a dependency, and how it had been mobilised to throw off colonial rule and create a sovereign nation. Subsequently, as this version of the recent colonial past was undermined by the difficulties and divisions of the independent present, and, in some cases, by disillusionment with its ruling elite, the focus shifted towards the sources of popular resistance in the colonial period. In this ‘subaltern’ history, the emphasis was upon uncovering rural struggles, local solidarities, and ‘hidden’ communities of belief that colonial rulers had ignored, or suppressed but which had played a key part in destroying the legitimacy and exercise of their power. The implication here was that the colonial state was an alien coercive force whose continuation into the post-colonial era (even with a change of crew) had frustrated social justice and the achievement of an authentic post-colonial identity.
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Kohl, Christoph. "The Colonial State and Carnival." Social Analysis 62, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 126–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2018.620206.
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Carnival performances and their political implications underwent significant transformations in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Guinea-Bissau, West Africa. By focusing on two periods of colonization, this article examines carnival as an event that involves a multitude of meanings and forms of imitation that could imply resistance to colonialism, but were by no means limited to critique and upheaval. Colonizers, colonized, and the people mediating and situated between these overarching categories could ascribe various meanings to specific performances, thereby underlining the multi-dimensional character of carnivalesque rituals and their heterogeneous significations. In these performances, mimicking the colonizers was an active, creative, and ambiguous undertaking that repeatedly and increasingly challenged colonial representation. However, the colonial state proved to be far less controlling and totalizing than is often assumed.
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Wertheimer, Eric. "State Magic and Colonial History." Early American Literature 40, no. 3 (2005): 555–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2005.0059.
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Young, Crawford. "The African Colonial State Revisited." Governance 11, no. 1 (January 1998): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0952-1895.591998059.
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GAILMARD, SEAN. "Building a New Imperial State: The Strategic Foundations of Separation of Powers in America." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (July 11, 2017): 668–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000235.
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Separation of powers existed in the British Empire of North America long before the U.S. Constitution of 1789, yet little is known about the strategic foundations of this institutional choice. In this article, I argue that separation of powers helps an imperial crown mitigate an agency problem with its colonial governor. Governors may extract more rents from colonial settlers than the imperial crown prefers. This lowers the Crown’s rents and inhibits economic development by settlers. Separation of powers within colonies allows settlers to restrain the governor’s rent extraction. If returns to settler investment are moderately high, this restraint is necessary for colonial economic development and ultimately benefits the Crown. Historical evidence from the American colonies and the first British Empire is consistent with the model. This article highlights the role of agency problems as a distinct factor in New World institutional development, and in a sovereign’s incentives to create liberal institutions.
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Kim, Jaeeun. "The Colonial State, Migration, and Diasporic Nationhood in Korea." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 1 (December 19, 2013): 34–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000613.
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AbstractStudies of European colonialism have long documented how colonial states served as incubators of nationhood, yet the literature has limited its analytic scope largely to the encounters and ethnic mixings that took place within the territorial boundaries of colonies. This article examines a hitherto understudied phenomenon, the colonial state's trans-border engagement with its subjects who left the territorial unit of the colony and its impact on the contested development of diasporic nationhood. My empirical focus is the shifting trajectories of the classification struggles over Korean migrants in Manchuria during Japan's occupation of Korea. I identify the tumultuous and uneven development of specific legal, organizational, and bureaucratic infrastructures that helped the colonial state extend its trans-border reach and define and identify these migrants as “its own,” often against suspicion, sabotage, hostility, and resistance on the part of other states, indigenous populations, or migrants themselves. I argue that the colonial state's extensive and intensive transborder engagement provided a critical institutional scaffolding for the imagined community of the Korean nation, which came to be conceived as transcending the geographical boundary of the colony. This article contributes to the comparative studies of empire, migration, diaspora, and nationhood formation by challenging the prevalent sedentary bias of the existing literature, by elucidating the critical infrastructural underpinning of the formation of diasporic nationhood, and by extending the horizon of comparison to the political dynamics and long-term ramifications engendered by the migration of, not only metropolitan settlers, but also colonial subjects, within and beyond the ambit of the empire.
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Mark Brown. "Colonial States, Colonial Rule, Colonial Governmentalities: Implications for the Study of Historical State Crime." State Crime Journal 7, no. 2 (2018): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/statecrime.7.2.0173.
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Ricœur, Paul. "La cuestión colonial." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2021): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2021.553.
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In this anti-colonial treatise, Ricœur reflects on the responsibility of every French citizen and of the French state with respect to colonialism. He establishes five principles that should guide his readers in their reflection on this issue and expresses his support for the independence of the colonies.
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Ross Hardesty, Jared. "An Ambiguous Institution: Slavery, the State, and the Law in Colonial Massachusetts." Journal of Early American History 3, no. 2-3 (2013): 154–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00301002.
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This essay examines the impact the state had in shaping slavery in colonial Massachusetts. Like other parts of the early modern English-speaking world, there was no legal precedent for slavery, meaning that positive law had to enforce and define the institution. Even more problematic for Massachusetts, however, the colonial assembly passed few statutes regarding slavery, leaving it to the courts and town selectmen to govern slavery on an ad hoc and informal basis. As opposed to strict slave codes in the Southern colonies, the legally ambiguous status of slavery in Massachusetts allowed slaves to make use of a legal system that granted them the right to a fair trial and full legal recourse. By using the courts, then, African-Americans created an innovative and effective path to freedom by the late colonial period.
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Sanjeev Kumar H. M. "The Colonial Genealogies of Political Decay and Legitimation Crises: An Enquiry into the Predicament of State-construction in Post-colonial South Asia." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 2 (April 26, 2020): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917802.
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This article is an attempt to conceptualise and theoretically explain the colonial genealogies of the processes of state-making and state-construction in post-colonial South Asia. In pursuit of this, the article seeks to theorise the colonial ways of providing a sense of fixity of political territoriality, held together by colonially crafted institutions of metropolitan governance, as an independent variable in determining the nature of the processes of state-making and state-construction in the region. On this count, an enquiry into the complex trajectory of these post-colonial political processes, which are the dependent variables for this article, is the fundamental problematic of analysis. This problematic would be decoded with the help of a dual conceptual framework, involving what Samuel Huntington designates as political decay and the legitimation crisis given by Jurgen Habermas. In the context of South Asia, the predicaments of political decay and legitimation crisis, according to this article, manifest as after-effects of engagement on the part of the region’s post-colonial polities with the imported values of colonial modernity and neoliberal economic reforms. By drawing instances from two countries of the Indian subcontinent, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the article tries to show how these after-effects have played out in the form of a tumultuous political history of the processes of state-making and state-construction. The article, in this way, is an attempt to theorise the inter-sectionalities between the colonial and post-colonial periods of South Asia. This has been done here by problematising such a historical inter-sectionality from the perspective of the two intervening variables—the received values of colonial metropolis and the morals of modernity—mediated through neoliberal economic reforms.
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Котов, Сергей, and Sergey Kokotov. "Establishment of Canada as a sovereign state: from dominion to kingdom." Services in Russia and abroad 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2015): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11716.
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The history of the establisment of Canada as a sovereign state is inseparably linked with the history of the English (later British) colonial empire. Initially land amounting then to Canada, are peripheral areas of the continental possessions of the British Crown in North America. First of all, they include the possession of Hudson´s Bay, Nova Scotia peninsula and the island of Newfoundland. A stronghold of the British presence in the New World colonies were New England, which followed the metropolis actively at odds with the neighboring colonies of France. The long period of Anglo-French wars culminated in the defeat of France and inclusion of its holdings (Louisiana, New France) to the British colonial empire. The territory of the future of Canada became part of a vast political and legal space, which some researchers call the British-American colonial empire. On the socio-economic point of view nothing has changed - these lands were still underdeveloped periphery of the colonies of New England. There had no prerequisites to the formation here of their own institutions of statehood. In the course of the war for the independence of the inhabitants of the colony of Quebec (the former New France), the peninsula of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, for various reasons did not support the rebellious colonies, so many supporters of the unity of the British Empire (the so-called loyalists) moved to these areas. This led to the formation of a number of new colonies, such as Upper Canada, Nyubransuik, Prince Edward Island. Together, they accounted for British North America - in contrast to the United States. It is important to emphasize that even in the middle of the XIX century British North America remained a conglomerate of disparate, sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped areas, both in the immediate possession of the British Crown, and under the control of private companies. Their transformation into a self-governing federation certainly reflected the interests of the nascent trade and economic elite of these colonies. However, this was no less exposed to "US factor" and the liberal-democratic changes that took place in the metropolis itself. Exploring the complex of concrete historical factors that determine the character of the process of establishing Canada as a sovereign state, the author of this article analyzes the formal and legal aspects of the system of power and administration, established under the British colonial empire, as well as the key points of the doctrine of English law, refers to the institution of the Crown, Parliament and the status of imperial colonial government. Emphasized is the idea that the evolution of Canada from the set of "royal" to the self-governing colonies of the federation in the status of dominion and then gaining the status of the kingdom carried out on the basis of gradual development of constitutional conventions of political practice that leaves open to interpretation the question of when exactly Canada acquired the status of a sovereign state.
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Katz, Ethan B. "Jewish Citizens of an Imperial Nation-State." French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920464.
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Abstract This article draws on the work of recent years on Jews and Algeria to map a French-Algerian frame as a new approach to French Jewish history. The article thinks through the implications of two key ideas from the “new colonial history” for the history of Jews in France and Algeria and posits that Jews in French Algeria can profitably be understood as colonial citizens. After focusing briefly on the French-Algerian War and decolonization, a period for which recent scholarship has developed robustly in suggestive ways, the article turns to a case study from a different era: World War II and the Holocaust. It addresses the history of the majority-Jewish resistance movement in Algiers that paved the way for the success of Operation Torch. Finally, the article considers how this French-Algerian framework might reshape our thinking about certain basic issues in the field of French Jewish history. Cet article s'appuie sur les travaux des dernières années sur les juifs et l'Algérie pour tracer un modèle franco-algérien comme nouvelle approche de l'histoire des juifs en France. L'article examine les implications de deux idées clés de la « nouvelle histoire coloniale » pour l'histoire des juifs en France et en Algérie, et pose comme principe que les juifs de l'Algérie française peuvent à juste titre être compris comme des « citoyens coloniaux ». Cet article commence par aborder brièvement une période que l'historiographie récente a développé de manière suggestive—la guerre franco-algérienne et la décolonisation—avant de passer à l'étude d'une autre époque, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et l'Holocauste. L'article analyse l'histoire du mouvement de résistance à majorité juive qui a ouvert la voie au succès de l'opération Torch. Enfin, l'article discute de la manière dont ce cadre franco-algérien pourrait modifier notre réflexion sur certaines questions fondamentales pour l'histoire des juifs en France.
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Sutton, Christopher. "Britain, the Cold War, and ‘the importance of influencing the young’: a comparison of Cyprus and Hong Kong." Britain and the World 7, no. 1 (March 2014): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0121.
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This article reasserts the significance of colonial youth and imperial ideology in the cultural Cold War. It explores Britain's perceptions of colonial youth – both as its most dangerous potential enemy and as the subgroup of colonials which required the most protection against communist indoctrination – and how these shaped policy, by comparing two case studies, Cyprus and Hong Kong. Britain's tactics revealed its general understanding of the Cold War as a true total war – against an enemy from within and out and through high politics, military action, and culture – and how to win it. In the colonies, this centred largely on the differences between negative and positive policy (the former prohibited undesirable action usually through repressive legislation, while the latter provided a pro-democratic and pro-British alternative). Moreover, Britain's Cold War battles cannot be separated from its imperial aims. Its policies regarding colonial youth aimed also at pro-British state formation. Lastly, while positive, pro-democratic policies were considered to be ideal, this article argues that Britain's reliance on repression in the Cold War ‘Youth Race’ reflected its declining imperial power.
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Maćkowska, Katarzyna. "PRZESTĘPSTWA I KARY W REGULACJACH PRAWNYCH NOWOANGIELSKICH KOLONII W AMERYCE PÓŁNOCNEJ W XVII WIEKU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.2.14.
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CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS IN LEGAL REGULATIONS OF NEW ENGLAND COLONIES IN THE 17TH CENTURY Summary The subject of this article pertains to a colonial criminal law of New England colonies in 17th century. There are few studies on this matter, however the dominating aspects relates to a history of constitutional solutions. Comparison between normative aspect and examples of their application undoubtedly confirms some undemocratic background of colonial life. Moreover, contemporary interest in historical sciences seems to be increasing what should be sufficient reason for refreshing the older researches. Although New England colonies were founded under specific circumstances implied by relation between state and religion, they manager to set up a public system of criminal law. Nonetheless, colonists, while mainly focused on constitutional basis for their self-government, they used English and biblical paradigms for criminal regulations. One may find, however, that colonial documents consisted of rules describing a meaning of selected crimes and created relatively systematic catalogues. Detailed problems here analyzed are as following: general features of colonial criminal laws, crimes against a state and a government, against religion, against an individual and a property, against a family, crimes connected to administrative indications and selected instances of penalties.
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Maundeni, Zibani. "State culture and development in Botswana and Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 1 (March 2002): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003834.
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This article makes two major claims. The first is that independent Botswana was able to generate and sustain a type of developmental state because of the presence of an indigenous initiator state culture that was preserved by the Protectorate state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The second is that the non-emergence of the developmental state in post-colonial Zimbabwe is explained by the presence of a non-initiator indigenous state culture which was preserved by the Rhodesian colonial state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The article briefly reviews the literature, analyses the Tswana and Shona pre-colonial state cultures, and shows that these were preserved by the colonial states and inherited by the nationalist politicians.
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Rigg, Jonathan, and John Overton. "Colonial Green Revolution? Food, Irrigation and the State in Colonial Malaya." Geographical Journal 162, no. 1 (March 1996): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3060226.
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Airriess, Christopher A., and J. Overton. "Colonial Green Revolution? Food, Irrigation and the State in Colonial Malaya." Geographical Review 86, no. 1 (January 1996): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/215158.
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Courtenay, P. P. "Colonial green revolution? Food, irrigation and the State in Colonial Malaya." Journal of Rural Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1996): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0743-0167(96)90051-0.
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Serapiao, Luis B. "International Law and Self-Determination: The Case of Eritrea." Issue 15 (1987): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700505976.
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Writing about the Eritrean conflict in the Horn of Africa is a difficult task, because it involves the issue of dismembership of a state. From the Greek Empire to the Roman, from the feudal era to the colonial times, and now in the post-colonial era, dismembership of the state has been a highly controversial and emotional issue. From the colonial era to decolonization, Africans did not have to face this problem. In fact, not only did they applaud the dismembership of the colonial empire, they worked hard to insure the disintegration of the colonies. In their optimism for the future of Africa, they developed a rhetoric that went beyond cooperation among future independent states to continental political unity. “Africa must unite” said the vibrant and dynamic leader of Ghana, Nkrumah.
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Nguyen, Martina Thucnhi. "French Colonial State, Vietnamese Civil Society." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 11, no. 3-4 (2016): 17–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2016.11.3-4.17.
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In 1937, leading members of the Self-Strength Literary Group [Tự Lực Văn Đoàn], together with a number of Hà Nội’s Western-educated architects and intellectuals, founded the League of Light [Hội Ánh Sáng or Đoàn Ánh Sáng] to combat unsanitary housing. This study traces the league’s brief history, from its inception in December 1936 to its gradual demise sometime in the early 1940s. It argues that the leaders of the League of Light were interested in more than simply improving the living conditions of impoverished Vietnamese; they aspired to carve out a pluralistic public space for civic collective action, where one had barely existed before. For the peasant masses, the league wanted to change how they thought and behaved by manipulating the physical space in which they lived. For educated urban elites, their participation in the organization served to generate modern ideas of community, civic duty, and social responsibility. Through the restructuring and regulation of everyday life, the league’s founders aspired to shape social order through the establishment of a Vietnamese civil society.
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Kalpagam, U. "The colonial state and statistical knowledge." History of the Human Sciences 13, no. 2 (May 2000): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09526950022120665.
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Austin, Dennis. "What happened to the colonial state?" Round Table 74, no. 295 (July 1985): 206–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538508453702.
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Lodge, Tom. "The Southern African post‐colonial state." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 36, no. 1 (March 1998): 20–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662049808447759.
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Byfield, Judith A. "Taxation, Women, and the Colonial State." Meridians 3, no. 2 (March 1, 2003): 250–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-3.2.250.
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Hudson, Peter. "The state and the colonial unconscious." Social Dynamics 39, no. 2 (June 2013): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2013.802867.
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Siddiqi, Majid. "The Colonial State. Theory and Practice." South Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (February 21, 2017): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2017.1282011.
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Jacobs, Margaret D. "Seeing Like a Settler Colonial State." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (March 16, 2018): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.5.
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In 1998, the Canadian historian and politician Michael Ignatieff wrote: “All nations depend on forgetting: on forging myths of unity and identity that allow a society to forget its founding crimes, its hidden injuries and divisions, its unhealed wounds.” Ironically, Ignatieff's home country has belied his assertion. Canada has engaged in collective remembering of one of its hidden injuries—the Indian residential schools—through a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) from 2009 to 2015. Australia, too, has reckoned since the 1990s with its own unhealed wounds—the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, or, in common parlance, the “Stolen Generations.”
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Majumdar, Aparajita. "The Colonial State and Resource Frontiers." Indian Historical Review 43, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616628383.
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Aquilino, Aquilino. "The Land Law Reform in the Philippines State." Jurnal Akta 9, no. 1 (March 4, 2022): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v9i1.20491.
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This research aim to know the land reform in the Philippines has long been a contentious issue rooted in the Philippines's Spanish Colonial Period. Some efforts began during the American Colonial Period with renewed efforts during the Commonwealth, following independence, during Martial Law and especially following the People Power Revolution in 1986. This research used the qualitative with normative approach especially the regulation of Land in Philippines. The current law, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, was passed following the revolution and recently extended until 2014. Much like Mexico and other Spanish colonies in the Americas, the Spanish settlement in the Philippines revolved around the encomienda system of plantations, known as haciendas. As the conclusion explained that in the 19th Century progressed, industrialization and liberalization of trade allowed these encomiendas to expand their cash crops, establishing a strong sugar industry in the Philippines, especially in the Visayan island of Negros.
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MACPHERSON, ANNE S. "Citizens v. Clients: Working Women and Colonial Reform in Puerto Rico and Belize, 1932–45." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 2 (May 2003): 279–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0300676x.
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Marked differences in mid-twentieth-century reformers' approaches to politically active working women in Belize and Puerto Rico help to explain the emergence of colonial hegemony in the latter, and the rise of mass nationalism in the former. Reformers in both colonies were concerned with working women, but whereas British and Belizean reformers treated them as sexually and politically disordered, and aimed to transform them from militant wage-earners to clients of state social services, US and Puerto Rican reformers treated them as voting citizens with legitimate roles in the economy and labour movement. Although racialised moralism was not absent in Puerto Rico, the populism of colonial reform there helped cement a renegotiated colonial compact, while the non-populist character of reform in Belize – and the wider British Caribbean – alienated working women from the colonial state.
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Lee, Alexander. "Land, State Capacity, and Colonialism: Evidence From India." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 3 (March 19, 2018): 412–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758759.
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Many authors have argued that colonial institutions influenced contemporary economic outcomes by influencing levels of economic inequality and political conflict. Such accounts neglect an additional important mechanism, differences in state capacity. These two mechanisms of colonial persistence are examined in the context of India, where colonial land tenure arrangements are widely thought to influence contemporary outcomes through class conflict. However, land tenure institutions were also associated with differences in state capacity: In landlord-dominated areas, the colonial state had little or no presence at the village level. An analysis of agricultural outcomes in Indian districts, using a set of original measures of colonial state capacity, shows that while land tenure in isolation is a surprisingly weak predictor of agricultural success, state capacity has a strong and consistent positive association with 20th-century economic activity. The findings reinforce the importance of colonial rule in influencing contemporary state capacity and the importance of state capacity for development.
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Stein, Burton. "State Formation and Economy Reconsidered." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 3 (July 1985): 387–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00007678.
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For too long, considerations of state formation in India have divided on the colonial threshold of history, and the British regime in the subcontinent has been treated as completely different from all prior states. The most important reason for this seems to be that the historiography of the British empire was created by those who ruled India; it was therefore a kind of trophy of domination. Other reasons include the vast and accessible corpus of records on the creation of the British colonial state, the recency of its emergence, and the foundational character of the colonial state for the independent states of the subcontinent. Continuity of the British colonial state with its predecessors is acknowledged only in the case of the Mughals owing, in part, to the prolonged process of separation of the Company's government from its Mughal imperial cover before the Mutiny. Thus, long after they had ceased as a governing regime, the Mughals were considered by contemporaries and subsequently by historians to be the old regime of India.
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MOORMAN, MARISSA J. "GUERRILLA BROADCASTERS AND THE UNNERVED COLONIAL STATE IN ANGOLA (1961–74)." Journal of African History 59, no. 2 (July 2018): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000452.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between Angolan guerrilla broadcasts and their effects on the Portuguese counterinsurgency project in their war to hold on to their African colonies. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA'sAngola Combatente) and National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA'sVoz de Angola Livre) broadcasts allowed these movements to maintain a sonic presence in the Angolan territory from exile and to engage in a war of the airwaves with the Portuguese colonial state with whom they were fighting a ground war. First and foremost, it analyzes the effects of these rebel broadcasts on listeners, be they state or non-state actors. A reading of the archives of the state secret police and military exposes the nervousness and weakness of the colonial state even as it was winning the war.
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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "Imperial Myth as a National Idea: Explicit and Hidden Meanings of the 1931 International Colonial Exhibition in Paris." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016273-9.
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The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.
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Fanselow, Frank. "The anthropology of the state and the state of anthropology in Brunei." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (January 10, 2014): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000611.
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This article provides a detailed account of the process of invention of a nationalist tradition for Brunei, the most tradition-conscious nation in Southeast Asia. It shows how Brunei's nationalist tradition emerged at the interface of colonial records, indigenous oral and written sources, ethnographic fieldwork, and anthropological theories. For this purpose the article traces the history of anthropological research in northern Borneo from its colonial beginnings to its postcolonial role in nation-building and shows how anthropology and anthropologists have — sometimes unknowingly, sometimes deliberately — played an active role in the shaping of Negara Brunei Darussalam.
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BENTLEY, TOM. "The sorrow of empire: Rituals of legitimation and the performative contradictions of liberalism." Review of International Studies 41, no. 3 (December 11, 2014): 623–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210514000394.
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AbstractUnexpectedly, several prominent European countries have begun to issue official state apologies to their former colonies. What does this proliferation of official colonial sorrow from such countries as Germany, Belgium, Italy, and Britain reveal about the normative tenets of the contemporary international order? This article analyses colonial apologies as crucial symbolic and ritualistic sites where state elites project liberal credentials and affirm liberal normative tenets in the international system. Specifically, the article demonstrates how these apologies for colonial atrocity appear to reinforce liberal conceptions of human rights, the renunciation of violence, cordial relations with formerly colonised states, and commitments to state accountability and transparency. Yet, textual analysis of several state apologies reveals that these performatives simultaneously contradict each of these liberal tenets. It finds that – even in apology – political elites reflect ambivalence about certain human rights violations; persist in glorifying or sanitising the violent colonial past; recycle paternalistic and hierarchical discourses and policies towards the apology's recipients; and offer contradictory notions of the state's historical responsibility. In exposing these performative contradictions of empirical sorrow, the article seeks to expand the discipline's understandings of, and dilemmas within, a key performative and ritualistic legitimation strategy whereby liberalism reproduces itself in the international system.
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Frankema, Ewout. "Raising revenue in the British empire, 1870–1940: how ‘extractive’ were colonial taxes?" Journal of Global History 5, no. 3 (October 27, 2010): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022810000227.
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AbstractColonial tax systems have shaped state–economy relationships in the formative stages of many present-day nation-states. This article surveys the variety in colonial tax systems across thirty-four dominions, colonies, and protectorates during the heyday of British imperialism (1870–1940), focusing on a comparison of colonial tax levels. The results are assessed on the basis of different views in the literature regarding the function and impact of colonial fiscal regimes: are there clear differences between ‘settler’ and ‘non-settler’ colonies? I show that there is little evidence for the view that ‘excessive taxation’ has been a crucial characteristic of ‘extractive institutions’ in non-settler colonies because local conditions (geographic or institutional) often prevented the establishment of revenue-maximizing tax machineries. This nuances the ‘extractive institutions’ hypothesis and calls for a decomposition of the term ‘extractive institutions’ as such.
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Mmassy, Thadeus Pius, Joram Mitumba Ombeni, Adella O. Nyello, and Gasper Michael Kissoka. "Colonial Origins of Postcolonial Authoritarianism in Tanzania: The Reflection on Democracy." Journal of African Politics 2, no. 1&2 (December 29, 2022): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.58548/2022jap212.97126.
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The authoritarian style of rule and democratization in Tanzania after independence cannot be understood without analyzing the colonial state and the nature of its administration. The colonial state was alien, illegitimate, and established to facilitate the exploitation of Tanzanians and their resources. It was also compounded with highly centralized power, suppression and coercion, and imprisonment of anyone threatening the authority of the state. These features were against democratic principles thus, facilitated resistance to colonial rule. Political opposition was forbidden. Civil liberties were not respected. Coercion was the order of the day, and the colonial state did not hesitate to deport or imprison anyone threatening its authority. Independence was cheered by the masses as a new chapter in the road towards democracy and development. But to their disappointment, the postcolonial state was of similar caliber to the colonial state. As such, colonial legacies of authoritarianism continued to dominate. This has not changed to date, posing a threat to building a developmental and democratic state. This paper discusses the colonial heritage of authoritarianism and its reflection to “democratic” Tanzania. It argues that the administrative structure of post-colonial government in Tanzania, imitated the colonial administrative styles of rule, which works against contemporary democratic ideals.
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Owusu-Ansah, David, and T. C. McCaskie. "State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169534.
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Louis, Wm Roger, and Crawford Young. "The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective." American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (October 1996): 1257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169763.
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Silverman, Raymond A., and T. C. McCaskie. "State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2, no. 2 (June 1996): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034121.
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Lonsdale, John, and Crawford Young. "The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220421.
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