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1

TROCKI, CARL A. "Chinese Revenue Farms and Borders in Southeast Asia." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003393.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of Chinese revenue farmers in defining the borders of the various colonial territories and the states of Southeast Asia during the nineteenth century. Their significance has largely been neglected in writing on the formation of state boundaries. Nicholas Tarling notes, ‘Between the late eighteenth and the early twentieth almost all southeast Asia was divided into colonies or protectorates held by the Western powers, and new boundaries were drawn with the object of avoiding conflict among them’ (Tarling, 2001:44). This paper argues that Chinese revenue farmers were of considerable significance in giving substance to the formalistic pronouncements of remote diplomats and statesmen.
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2

Booth, Anne. "Colonial Revenue Policies and the Impact of the Transition to Independence in South East Asia." Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 169, no. 1 (2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-12340022.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is twofold. The first part examines trends in revenue policies across South East Asia in the early decades of the twentieth century. It is argued that, by the 1920s, there were quite striking differences in revenue policies and performance across the region. The paper examines the reasons for these differences, paying particular attention to the conflicting demands placed on the various colonial administrations by conditions within the colonies, as well as by the changing priorities of the metropolitan governments. The second aim of the paper is to examine the impact of the transition to independence on revenue policy and performance. It is often thought that in most parts of Asia, the advent of political independence led to a greatly expanded role for government in the economy. While it is true that many newly independent countries had ambitious plans for government as the lead actor in promoting rapid economic development, in fact in several countries in South East Asia, it proved very difficult to increase revenues in real terms. The reasons for this are explored in the paper.
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3

Kandiyoti, Deniz. "POST-COLONIALISM COMPARED: POTENTIALS AND LIMITATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND CENTRAL ASIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802002076.

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The term “post-colonial” is a relative newcomer to the jargon of Western social science. Although discussions about the effects of colonial and imperialist domination are by no means new, the various meanings attached to the prefix “post-” and different understandings of what characterizes the post-colonial continue to make this term a controversial one. Among the criticisms leveled against it, reviewed comprehensively by Hall (1996), are the dangers of careless homogenizing of experiences as disparate as those of white settler colonies, such as Australia and Canada; of the Latin American continent, whose independence battles were fought in the 19th century; and countries such as India, Nigeria, or Algeria that emerged from very different colonial encounters in the post-World War II era. He suggests, nevertheless, that “What the concept may help us to do is to describe or characterise the shift in global relations which marks the (necessarily uneven) transition from the age of Empires to the post-independence and post-decolonisation moment” (Hall 1996, 246). Rattansi (1997) proposes a distinction between “post-coloniality” to designate a set of historical epochs and “post-colonialism” or “post-colonialist studies” to refer to a particular form of intellectual inquiry that has as its central defining theme the mutually constitutive role played by colonizer and colonized in shaping the identities of both the dominant power and those at the receiving end of imperial and colonial projects. Within the field of post-colonial studies itself, Moore-Gilbert (1997) points to the divide between “post-colonial criticism,” which has much earlier antecedents in the writings of those involved in anti-colonial struggles, and “post-colonial theory,” which distinguishes itself from the former by the incoporation of methodological paradigms derived from contemporary European cultural theories into discussions of colonial systems of representation and cultural production. Whatever the various interpretations of the term or the various temporalities associated with it might be, Hall claims that the post-colonial “marks a critical interruption into that grand whole historiographical narrative which, in liberal historiography and Weberian historical sociology, as much as in the dominant traditions of Western Marxism, gave this global dimension a subordinate presence in a story that could essentially be told from its European parameters” (Hall 1996, 250). In what follows, I will attempt a brief discussion of some of the circumstances leading to the emergence of this concept and interrogate the extent to which it lends itself to a meaningful comparison of the modern trajectories of societies in the Middle East and Central Asia.
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Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.
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5

Assié-Lumumba, N’Dri T. "Africa-India Connections in Historical Perspectives." African and Asian Studies 16, no. 1-2 (March 16, 2017): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341371.

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It is a well-established historical fact that Africa and India have cultivated continuous connections for thousands of years. Exchanges of commodities produced on each side of the Indian Ocean in specific political, administrative, and geographic spaces have constituted the guiding thread of these relations. In the modern and contemporary periods, these relations have been shaped through European colonial establishments and their legacies in both sides. Past policies of forced migration and resettlement for economic exploitation of the British colonies in Africa, especially East and Southern Africa, became determinants of the Africa-India relations. The anti-colonial and decolonization struggles in Asia in general and specifically in India and Africa throughout the 20th century created opportunities for a new Africa-India cooperation. In these new relations, formal education, especially higher education, have been playing a prominent role. The thrust of this paper is to analyze the important role of higher education in a South-South cooperation framework between India and Africa as a continent or individual countries. The fluctuating or declining patterns of the number of African students pursuing their education in India in the past decade or so are analyzed.
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6

Eke, Joseph N. "Skopos translation theory, text-types, and the African postcolonial text in intercultural postcolonial communication." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 62, no. 3 (November 21, 2016): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.62.3.01eke.

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The Postcolonial text is a political and ideological text that is differentiable in translation. This is because of its location in the dialogic and discursive communicative exchange between former coloniser and former colonised cultures and societies. This communicative exchange takes place in the situation and condition of asymmetrical relations and relations of inequality and involves the contestation of histories, cultures, meanings, identities and representations. The functionality of the postcolonial text with its message is fixated on this dialogue and discourse; and each postcolonial text is a single statement directly and specifically responding to this dialogue and discourse in some way. This paper examines the African postcolonial text* and its communicative location in the light of postcolonial theory and the possibility offered by the skopos functional theory in translation to set aside the purpose and function of the source text intended by the author. Using Chinua Achebe’s texts, It would conclude that the mediatory role of the translator in the dialogic and discursive exchange between former coloniser and former colonised cultures and societies need not become interference in the application of the skopos theory.
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7

Weber, Nicolas. "Securing and Developing the Southwestern Region: The Role of the Cham and Malay Colonies in Vietnam (18th-19th centuries)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 5 (2011): 739–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x614037.

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Abstract This article traces the history of the Cham and Malay military colonies in the southwestern provinces of Vietnam, from their creation in the eighteenth century to their dismantling during the last decades of the nineteenth century. The colonies were meant to protect the Khmero-Vietnamese border and secure Vietnamese positions in the southwestern regions (formerly part of Cambodia), as well as in eastern Cambodia. The study of the Chams and Malays in southern Vietnam sheds new light on the dynamics of power, the struggles for supremacy, and inter-ethnic associations during the process of state-building in Southeast Asia.
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8

Akami, Tomoko. "Imperial polities, intercolonialism, and the shaping of global governing norms: public health expert networks in Asia and the League of Nations Health Organization, 1908–37." Journal of Global History 12, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000310.

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AbstractThis article stresses the role of colonial governments, not only national sovereign states, in Asia (and to a lesser extent, Africa) at the League of Nations in shaping global governing norms. It emphasizes the significance of lateral and horizontal cooperative actions across colonial governments, especially intercolonial networks of public health experts. It argues that the League of Nations Health Organization (LNHO) accepted these intercolonial practices in Asia in the 1920s, and that this led it to recognize colonial governments as formal and legitimate units in its intergovernmental conferences held in the mid 1930s. In the process, the LNHO provided an intercolonial channel for ‘national’ experts from colonial Asia to participate directly in regional and global governing norm-making processes. In turn, this highlights both the ambiguous nature of national experts and the intercolonial legacy in international health programmes in developing countries in the post-war period.
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9

Reid, Anthony. "Female Roles in Pre-colonial Southeast Asia." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (July 1988): 629–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009720.

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Relations between the sexes are one of the areas in which a distinctive Southeast Asian pattern exists. Even the gradual strengthening of the influence of Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Confucianism in their respective spheres over the last four centuries has by no means eliminated this common pattern of relatively high female autonomy and economic importance. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the region probably represented one extreme of human experience on these issues. It could not be said that women were equal to men, since there were very few areas in which they competed directly. Women had different functions from men, but these included transplanting and harvesting rice, weaving, and marketing. Their reproductive role gave them magical and ritual powers which it was difficult for men to match. These factors may explain why the value of daughters was never questioned in Southeast Asia as it was in China, India, and the Middle East; on the contrary, ‘the more daughters a man has, the richer he is’ (Galvão, 1544: 89; cf. Legazpi, 1569: 61).
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10

Tofighian, Nadi. "Mapping ‘the whirligig of amusements’ in colonial Southeast Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 2 (June 2018): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246341800022x.

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This article assesses the interconnected nature of Southeast Asia around 1900, the transnational entertainment scene in Southeast Asia, and the role of Singapore as a hub for commerce, shipping, and entertainment. The global and regional development of transportation and communications technology and networks facilitated the movement of people, goods, ideas, and amusement forms. The article is based primarily on archival research from colonial newspapers in the region. It surveys and maps more than one hundred itinerant entertainment companies that travelled throughout Southeast Asia around the turn of the century, thereby creating and visualising a circuit of entertainment.
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11

Laramée, François Dominic. "Migration and the French Colonial Atlantic as Imagined by the Periodical Press, 1740–61." Journal of European Periodical Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v4i1.10119.

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Why did the French show so little enthusiasm for emigration to their early modern colonies, compared to other European peoples? In 2006, historian Yves Landry proposed that the image of America communicated to the French reading public by print media might have played a role in this phenomenon. This article examines this question by showing how America in general, and French colonies in particular, were represented in the Ancien Régime's three most prominent periodicals: the weekly news Gazette, the literary Mercure de France and the learned Journal des Savants. Through a combination of distant reading methods, the article builds a three-layered portrait of the New World as displayed to French readers. The first layer, made up of references to America in theater, games and other cultural artefacts built upon common knowledge, shows an unchanging, alien land filled with riches and glory for the few, mortal threats for the many, and the best, perhaps, set aside for foreigners. A second layer, made up of the periodicals' coverage of the slow production of knowledge through science and exploration, edulcorates this picture to some extent by showing that the New World is in the process of being domesticated, but that this process is very much still in its infancy. Finally, the top layer, represented by the Gazette's news coverage, shows a French colonial world that is dominated by Britain, virtually invisible in peacetime, and fraught with chaos at every moment. This top layer is especially important since it was the only one visible to the majority of readers, as the Gazette reached an audience perhaps ten times larger than the other periodicals. Therefore, the article largely supports the original hypothesis.
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12

Dwisusilo, Syahrur Marta, and Lucitra A. Yuniar. "Mobility and Ideological Perspective of Asano Akira in Java During Period of Japan Occupation." MOZAIK HUMANIORA 20, no. 1 (August 31, 2020): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mozaik.v20i1.16831.

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The period of Japanese occupation for 3 years in Indonesia is sort when compared to the Dutch colonial period. However, at that time it was a critical time for the formation of various ideological thoughts. One of the ideologies that emerged in the Japanese colonial era was the ideology of "Greater Asia", which is known as the ideology of unification of Asia. During the Pacific War, Japanese writers who underwent military service in Indonesia published many of his writings for the purposes of Japanese military propaganda, especially those related to prapaganda of Greater Asia ideology. One of the most active writers in spreading this ideology was Asano Akira. This research clarifies the role of Asano Akira in spreading the ideology of Greater Asia through its activities and mobility in Java with the approach of new historicism and orientalism.
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13

de Valk, J. P. "Sources for the History of the Dutch Colonies in the Ecclesiastical Archives of Rome (1814–1903)." Itinerario 9, no. 1 (March 1985): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003430.

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The source material for the history of Catholic missionary activities in the Dutch colonies during the last century is hardly available in much abundance in the mother country. The Dutch archivist and bibliographer, Marius Roessingh, had to make do in his U.N.E.S.C.O. archival guide on Netherlandish Latin American materials with a “memorandum,” in which he signalled utility of the Vatican archives. Another author in the same series, Frits Jaquet, in his second volume on Asia and Oceania, could be more explicit: he pointed to the materials kept in the state archives at Utrecht, in the Catholic Documentation Centre at Nijmegen University, and in various ecclesiastical archives. In nearly all cases, his emphasis falls within the first half of the 20th century. Such is also true with the detailed survey of materials available in the Catholic Documentation Centre that was featured two years ago in Itinerario, with only one important exception: the archive of the apostolic prefecture, later Apostolic Vicarate of Batavia (1807–1949, on microfiche), that obviously forms an essential source for the mission history of the Netherlands Indies.
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14

Upadhyay, Surya Prakash. "Secular Democracies, Governance and Politics of Religion in South Asia." Society and Culture in South Asia 3, no. 2 (June 12, 2017): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861717703859.

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South Asian countries have a lot of commonalities exhibited through socio-political and economic situations. The cultural as well as political dynamics within the countries form more or less a similar pattern. These are closely related to colonial pasts, post-colonial histories, polyethnic population, political leadership and governance. These commonalities are also related to political instability, ethnic violence and a greater role of religion in the formation of secular democracies. Scholars have observed that in the post-colonial period, religion has played an important role in political formations in South Asian countries. This article looks at political situations, since the early 1950s, and traces the trajectory of religions’ association in formation of secular democracies in these countries. The article looks at available literature on South Asia and discusses two key ideas: how and why religion and politics are intertwined in South Asian countries, and ramifications of such association in the expansion of secular democracy. The article argues that religion has always been a potent force in South Asian countries and secularisation, in the Western sense, has never been achieved. Therefore, formations of secular democracy take different trajectories in South Asia.
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Fanselow, Frank. "The anthropology of the state and the state of anthropology in Brunei." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (January 10, 2014): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000611.

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This article provides a detailed account of the process of invention of a nationalist tradition for Brunei, the most tradition-conscious nation in Southeast Asia. It shows how Brunei's nationalist tradition emerged at the interface of colonial records, indigenous oral and written sources, ethnographic fieldwork, and anthropological theories. For this purpose the article traces the history of anthropological research in northern Borneo from its colonial beginnings to its postcolonial role in nation-building and shows how anthropology and anthropologists have — sometimes unknowingly, sometimes deliberately — played an active role in the shaping of Negara Brunei Darussalam.
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Miranda, Susana Münch. "Fiscal System and Private Interests in Portuguese Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 60, no. 3 (March 7, 2017): 202–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341424.

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By examining the main features of the fiscal system of Portuguese Asia and the private interests that clustered around it, this article contributes to the recent historiography on the pluralistic and negotiated dimensions of the colonial government. It argues that, in the context of the European power struggle that opposed the Dutch and the English against the Spanish Habsburgs, the financial needs of the Portuguese crown deepened pre-existing political and social arrangements, with the result that royal officials and colonial elites increasingly gained a role in imperial governance and in preserving the Portuguese empire in Asia. The alignment of interests here can be observed by looking at the extraordinary taxation introduced between 1617 and 1623, which provided added opportunities to co-opt local elites.
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Laffan, Michael. "“Another Andalusia”: Images of Colonial Southeast Asia in Arabic Newspapers." Journal of Asian Studies 66, no. 3 (August 2007): 689–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911807000939.

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This essay discusses changing images of island Southeast Asia and its Muslim populations in the modern Arabic press during the late colonial period. It commences by surveying the general informational letters sent to the largely pro-Ottoman papers of Beirut and Cairo during the 1890s by increasingly vocal local Arabs who were seeking to redress their situation as second-class colonial citizens. Thereafter, it considers the role played by Malays, Javanese, and other Southeast Asians in the globalizing Arabic media. In doing so, it demonstrates that although many Southeast Asians bought into and actively participated in the often Arabocentric program for Islamic reform in their homelands, they were by no means in agreement that their situations were any worse than those of other Muslims or that they could all be treated under one ethnic rubric.
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich, Sergey Olegovich Buranok, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial empires and USA policy in the South-East Asia after the 1945." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094207.

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The following paper analyzes the characteristics of the US foreign policy decision-making process at the beginning of the Cold War, due to the active appeal of representatives of the political establishment, the military and the countrys expert community to the colonial experience of the European powers in terms of the prospects of applying their experience in ensuring colonial control in Southeast Asia before and after the end of the World War II as part of the US political course in this region. In addition, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the role and, therefore, to the prosopographic profile of the experts (in the broad sense of the word), who collaborated with the departments responsible for the development of American foreign policy, such as the Department of State and the Pentagon, and formulated many of the conclusions, which, at least rhetorically, formed the basis of Washingtons course in Southeast Asia after 1945. Special attention is paid to interpretations of the role of colonial knowledge in the light of the unfolding Cold War in the third world, proposed by British diplomats and the military to their American colleagues in the logic of the special relations between Great Britain and the United States.
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Gamito-Marques, Daniel. "Defending metropolitan identity through colonial politics: The role of Portuguese naturalists (1870–91)." History of Science 56, no. 2 (July 30, 2017): 224–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275317722240.

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This paper explores how João de Andrade Corvo and José Vicente Barbosa du Bocage, two nineteenth-century Portuguese naturalists, were able to reach prominent political positions in their country by means of their work in, respectively, botany and agriculture, and zoology. The authority they derived from their scientific activities and the knowledge they acquired in the process, favored by their proximity to particular political quarters, elevated them to important governmental offices, in the context of which they implemented policies that reinforced Portugal’s identity as an imperial nation. The colonial policies and agreements signed by Corvo and Bocage aimed at securing Portuguese colonial territories, which, aside from their economic relevance, constituted a symbol of power that reinforced the sovereignty of a small nation in a Europe dominated by the rule of increasingly vaster and stronger states. In spite of their different scientific careers and personal interests, both naturalists played key roles in Portuguese foreign affairs and colonial negotiations of the late nineteenth century, especially during the Scramble for Africa.
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Sohoni, Pushkar. "Translocated Colonial Subjects in Collaboration." Transfers 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2018.080102.

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The domestication and use of animals is an integral part of the history of technology, as beasts were used to improve the efficiency of agricultural, military, and transportation activities. Individuals and social groups often had to be introduced along with animal technologies, as the domestication, breeding, training, and handling of animals was a culture that could not be immediately learned. In the age of European empires, several ethnic groups were imported along with the animals that they tended. This article highlights the role of humans as part of animal technologies, as an important anthropological component when technologies that involve animals are introduced to new settlements and areas. Using three case studies in which animal technologies from Asia were introduced to other parts of the world, it can be seen that humans are an essential and integral component of animal technologies.
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LEAKE, ELISABETH. "AT THE NATION-STATE’S EDGE: CENTRE–PERIPHERY RELATIONS IN POST-1947 SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 509–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000394.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines centre–periphery relations in post-colonial India and Pakistan, providing a specific comparative history of autonomy movements in Nagaland (1947–63) and Baluchistan (1973–7). It highlights the key role played by the central government – particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto – in quelling both insurgencies and in taking further steps to integrate these regions. It argues that a shared colonial history of political autonomy shaped local actors’ resistance to integration into the independent nation-states of India and Pakistan. This article also reveals that Indian and Pakistani officials used their shared colonial past in very different ways to mould their borderlands policies. India's central government under Nehru agreed to a modified Naga State within the Indian Union that allowed the Nagas a large degree of autonomy, continuing a colonial method of semi-integration. In contrast, Bhutto's government actively sought to abandon long-standing Baluch political and social structures to reaffirm the sovereignty of the Pakistani state. The article explains this divergence in terms of the different governing exigencies facing each country at the time of the insurgencies. It ultimately calls for an expansion in local histories and subnational comparisons to extend understanding of post-1947 South Asia, and the decolonizing world more broadly.
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Lightfoot-Rueda, Theodora. "Education for a competitive Asia: Questioning the discourse of human capital." Policy Futures in Education 16, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210317736208.

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This article looks at the concept of education for human capital from its origins in the US and Britain as part of a neo-colonial effort, to its current role in dominating educational discourse across Asia. It argues that although there is nothing wrong with promoting education for career success, this should not be the only lens through which we view schooling.
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TOYOYAMA, AKI. "Visual Politics of Japanese Majolica Tiles in Colonial South Asia." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2020): 2050010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541320500102.

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This paper examines the political, socio-economic, and cultural aspects of Japanese decorative tiles or the so-called majolica tiles widely diffused in colonial South Asia in the early twentieth century. A tile became a popular building material in European countries by the first half of the nineteenth century, and European tiles spread over the world with the expansion of colonialism. Japan in the making of a modern nation established domestic manufacturing of tiles mainly after British models, and the industry’s rapid development was helped by the First World War (1914–1918) and the Great Kanto Earthquake (1923). The Japanese tile industry successfully entered into foreign markets, among which India was the largest and most important market that resulted in developing a variety of new Indian or Hindu designs associated with the rise of nationalism and mode of consumption. Not only within India, tiles, however, also played a crucial role in formulating cosmopolitan identities of migrant mercantile networks exemplified by the Chettiar architecture in South and Southeast Asia. However, in the late 1930s, cosmopolitanism shared by different communities in colonial urban settings became overwhelmed by nationalisms as seen in Sri Lanka where Japanese majolica tiles were differently used as a means to express religiously-regulated nationalisms in the Chettiar and Sinhalese Buddhist architecture. Thus, the analysis reveals visual politics of different religious nationalisms symbolized by Japanese majolica tiles in the interwar period that still structure the present visualscapes.
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Boaden, Sue. "Art information networks in Asia and the Pacific." Art Libraries Journal 11, no. 4 (1986): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200004855.

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As former colonial links and reliance on a technologically-developed ‘West’ recede into the past, Asian and Pacific countries, including Australia, are becoming increasingly aware of one another as neighbours. Circulation of exhibitions, artists’ visits, cultural festivals, government and UNESCO activities, and art publishing, provide a network for sharing art and art information between countries in this region. Among art libraries, those in Australia and New Zealand participate in the network represented by ARLIS/ANZ; the IFLA Section of Art Libraries and its global role offers scope for further developments. An Asian/Pacific ‘ARLIS’ is proposed.
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PUROHIT, TEENA. "Identity Politics Revisited: Secular and ‘Dissonant’ Islam in Colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (November 10, 2010): 709–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000181.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes the political project of secular Islam as outlined by the Indian political and religious leader, Muhammad Shah—also known as Aga Khan III (1877–1957). As first president of the All India Muslim League, Muhammad Shah facilitated the installation of separate electorates for Muslims as well as the call for Partition. The reformist notion of Islam he invoked for this separatist programme was informed by the secular and modernizing projects of the colonial public sphere. Simultaneously, however, Muhammad Shah claimed a divine role as Imam of the Ismaili Muslim community—a position validated by Ismaili beliefs and teachings of messianic Islam. The paper engages Muhammad Shah's writings and the devotional texts of the Ismailis to illustrate how the heterogeneous forms of practices peculiar to the vernacular history of Islam in early modern South Asia were displaced by the discourse of religious identity in the colonial period.
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Taylor, Jeremy E. "“Not a Particularly Happy Expression”: “Malayanization” and the China Threat in Britain's Late-Colonial Southeast Asian Territories." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 789–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000561.

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Drawing on archival sources in Britain, Singapore, Malaysia, and the United States, this article explores late-colonial anxieties about the influence of Chinese nationalism in Malaya (and especially among students in Chinese-medium schools) in the lead up to self-government in 1957. It demonstrates that the colonial fear of communism in Malaya was not always synonymous with the fear of cultural influence from “new China” and that the “rise of China” in the mid-1950s was viewed as a challenge to colonially sanctioned programs for “Malayanization.” More importantly, in exploring some of the ways in which the colonial state mobilized anti-communist cultural workers from Hong Kong to help counter the perceived threat from China, the article argues that more focus should be placed on the role of colonial agency in shaping “Sinophone” cultural expression in Southeast Asia during this period.
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Stern, Philip J. "Soldier and Citizen in the Seventeenth-Century English East India Company." Journal of Early Modern History 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006511x552769.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of fortifications, garrisons, and militia service in the English East India Company’s early settlements in Asia and the Atlantic. Affecting everything from the physical space of such a settlement to the status and rights of its inhabitants, the institutions and ideologies of a variety of forms of military service revealed the degree to which Company leadership had early on come to understand their settlements in Asia not as mere trading factories, but as colonial plantations, and their role as a government in Asia. Even if their lofty ambitions rarely met expectations, the Company sought within them to cultivate law, jurisdiction, and a robust civic life that could in turn ensure an active, obedient, and virtuous body of subjects and, in a sense, citizens. The attitudes toward and policies concerning soldiering also revealed the degree to which the Company’s seventeenth-century regime, so often treated as unique amongst English overseas ventures and Europeans in Asia, in fact drew and innovated upon models of governance across Europe, the Atlantic, and Asia.
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Wheeler, Charles. "Buddhism in the re-ordering of an early modern world: Chinese missions to Cochinchina in the seventeenth century." Journal of Global History 2, no. 3 (November 2007): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002306.

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AbstractIn the seventeenth century, Chan Buddhist masters from monasteries in South China boarded merchant ships to Chinese merchant colonies in East and Southeast Asian port cities to establish or maintain monasteries. Typically, Chinese seafarers and merchants sponsored their travel, and sovereigns and elites abroad offered their patronage. What were these monks and their patrons seeking? This study will investigate the question through the case of one Chan master, Shilian Dashan, who journeyed to the Vietnamese kingdom of Cochinchina (Dang Trong) in 1695 and 1696. In Dashan, we see a form of Buddhism thought to have vanished with the Silk Road: that is, Buddhism as a ‘missionary religion’ able to propagate branch temples through long-distance networks of merchant colonies, and to form monastic communities within the host societies that welcomed them. This evident agency of seafaring Chan monks in early modern times suggests that Buddhism’s role in commerce, diaspora, and state formation in early modern maritime Asia may compare to religions like Islam and Christianity, and deserves further study.
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Thapan, Meenakshi. "The New Missionaries: Spiritual Striving and Political Engagement in India." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 2 (July 4, 2018): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022918775498.

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In its search for a meaningful disciplinary enterprise, anthropology focuses on those ‘others’ who live at the edge of civilisational chaos, the marginalised, underprivileged, those cast aside or abandoned, as well as the middle classes and the elite, as they construct their social worlds. In Asia, or at least in India, our anthropological gaze is not focused on those Westerners (in the twentieth century) who aspire to fulfil their goals through an imagining of a social and ‘spiritual’ landscape in India. In this article, I argue that Western imaginings of spiritual India rest not merely on their efforts to embed themselves in a local spiritual enterprise. More importantly, it rests on their understanding of their active role, as they envisage it, in the context of a changing India. I refer to these Western, single women protagonists as the ‘new missionaries’ who seek responsibility, and simultaneously fulfilment, through their participation in spiritual living. In this manner, the colonial gaze and the ensuing privilege are reproduced and enable them to act in particular ways. No doubt, gender, sexuality, rejection, and fulfilment and the inevitable place of charismatic others are all part of this significant process of becoming in India.
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Lecourt, Sebastian. "Idylls of the Buddh': Buddhist Modernism and Victorian Poetics in Colonial Ceylon." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 3 (May 2016): 668–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.3.668.

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This essay explores how Edwin Arnold's epic poem The Light of Asia (1879) popularized a formal analogy between Buddhism and Christianity. The poem was based on a series of missionary texts that had reshaped the Buddha's career into a close approximation of Jesus's in order to frame Buddhism as a fit object of Protestant conversion. Early anglophone readers in Sri Lanka, however, took it as evidence of Buddhism's equal stature and thus helped make The Light of Asia an international best seller and a touchstone for popular Buddhist nationalisms in the twentieth century. In this way Arnold's poem allows us to develop a more complex sense both of how literary forms globalize—how a literary construct can take on global purchase precisely because readers disagree over its meaning—and of the powerful role that specific literary media play in influencing these different interpretations.
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Febriza, Ami, Rosdiana Natzir, Mochammad Hatta, Suryani As'ad, Budu, Cahyono Kaelan, Vivien Novarina Kasim, and Hasta Handayani Idrus. "The Role of IL-6, TNF-α, and VDR in Inhibiting the Growth of Salmonella Typhi: in vivo Study." Open Microbiology Journal 14, no. 1 (April 23, 2020): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874285802014010065.

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Background and aim: The prevalence of typhoid fever is reportedly high, especially in Asia. When a pathogen enters the human body, there are markers in the form of molecules that will be known by the innate immune system. Specific molecular markers of gram negative bacteria, which are Lipopolysaccharides (LPS) and Toll-Like receptors-4 will interact with LPS. The binding between LPS and TLR-4 will give rise to activation signals that will activate innate immune cells. Immune cells will release a number of proinflammatory cytokines, such as TNF-α, IL-1, and IL-6. While Vitamin D Receptors (VDR) are expressed in large amounts in tumor tissue and infected cells. This study aimed to prove the role of IL-6, TNF-α, and VDR in inhibiting bacterial growth in mice that have been induced by S.Typhi. Methods: This research was a real experimental pre-post test design to investigate the level of IL-6, TNF-α and VDR in suppressing the growth of bacteria in the peritoneal fluid of S. Typhi, male, mice BALB/c. Mice were divided into three groups comprised of 10 mice each. All mice in groups A and B were intraperitoneally inoculated with S. Typhi strain Thy1 in study day 0. Group A was treated with antibiotic Levofloxacine, on study day 4th. Another study group, group B, was used as a placebo and received aquades on study day 4th. While group C as a control was not inoculated with S. Typhi. Blood samples from three groups for the calculation of serum Il-6, TNF-α, and VDR were collected. This examination was taken four times; at baseline, 4th day, 10th day, and 30th day. For the calculation of bacterial colony, peritoneal fluid retrieval was collected three times, which is on 4th day, 10th day, and 30th day. Results: A repeated measure ANOVA in group A (antibiotic) and group B (placebo) group showed that mean IL-6, TNF-α, and VDR level differed statistically significant between times (p-value 0.000). There was a strong negative correlation between bacterial colony count and VDR level, which was statistically significant in both groups (group A; r = -0.875, p-value = 0.000 vs group B; r = -0.470, p-value = 0.002). IL-6 and TNF-α didn't give significant statistical correlation with bacterial colony count. Conclusion: VDR, IL-6, and TNF-α play an important role in killing bacteria. From the results of this study, IL-6 level is related to the number of bacterial colonies, the lower the IL-6 level, the less the number of bacterial colonies. Similarly, TNF-α levels have a positive correlation with the number of bacterial colonies. While VDR levels are also related to the number of bacterial colonies, the higher the VDR level, the lower the number of bacterial colonies.
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Diakov, Nikolai. "Islam in the Colonial Policy of France: from the Origins to the Fifth Republic." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015901-0.

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History of relations between France and the Islamic world goes back to the first centuries of Hijra, when the Franks first faced the Caliphate and its troops in the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. On the eve of the New times Paris had already developed its numerous contacts with Turkey, Iran and the Arab West — the Maghreb area. The conquest of Algeria (from 1830) formed a basis of the French colonial empire in Africa and Asia with the growing role of Islam in political activities and ambitions of Paris. Millions of Muslims in French colonies contributed to growth of political and economic progress of their metropoly with its pretensions to become a great Muslim power. Meanwhile, thousands of them lost their lives during two great world wars of the 20th century. Waves of immigration gave birth to an impressive Islamic community (‘umma), in France, reaching about a million of residents by the middle of the 20th century. With the growth of Muslim immigration from Africa and the Middle East a number of Muslims among the natives of France also augmented. By the end of the last century the Muslims formed as much as about 10 % of the whole population of France. The “French Islam” born at the dawn of the 20th century. after a century of its evolution became an important civilizational reality of Europe, at times more attractive for the local youth than traditional Christian values, or the new ideals, brought with the winds of globalism, multiculturalism and a “non-stop consumerism”.
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Al Qurtuby, Sumanto. "Catholics, Muslims, and Global Politics in Southeast Asia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 50, no. 2 (December 27, 2012): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2012.502.391-430.

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<p>This article discusses the role of catholics, muslims, and civic associations in the global politics of the Philippines and Indonesia. The two countries have shared in common with regard to the geographical feature (both are archipelagic countries), the diversity of societies and cultures, and the history of colonialism, dictatorship, ethno-religious violence, and political movement, to name but a few. In addition to their similarities, both countries also have significant differences in particular pertaining to religious dominance (the Philippines dominated by Catholicism, while Indonesia by Islam) and the structure of their societies: while the Philippines is a class-stratified society, Indonesia has long been ideologized by colonial and post-colonial religious and political powers. Apart from their parallels and distinctions, religion --both Catholicism and Islam-- has marvellous role, negatively or positively, in global politics and public cultures, indicating its vigor and survival in global political domains. This comparative paper, more specifically, examines the historical dynamics of the interplay between religion, civil society, and political activism by using the Philippines and Indonesia as a case study and point of analysis.</p><p>[Artikel ini mendiskusikan peran Katolik, Muslim dan asosiasi warga dalam politik global di dua negara; Indonesia dan Filipina. Kedua negara tersebut memiliki kesamaan, baik dalam hal ciri geografis sebagai negara kepulauan, keragaman masyarakat dan budayanya, sejarah kolonialisme, pemerintahan diktator, kekerasan etnik-agama, serta gerakan keagamaan. Terlepas dari kesamaan tersebut, keduanya memiliki perbedaan, utamanya menyangkut agama dominan (di Filipina didominasi oleh Katolik, sementara di Indonesia oleh Islam) dan struktur masyarakatnya (Filipina ditandai dengan stratifikasi masyarakat berdasarkan klas sosial, sementara di Indonesia ditandai dengan ideologi agama kolonial, paska-kolonial, politik). Terlepas dari kesamaan dan perbedaan antara keduanya, agama -baik Katolik maupun Islam- memainkan peran penting, baik negatif maupun positif, dalam politik global dan budaya publik. Ini menandai kuatnya peran agama di kedua negara itu. Artikel ini menggunakan analisis perbandingan, utamanya terhadap dinamika sejarah hubungan antara agama, masyarakat sipil, dan aktifisme politik.]</p>
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34

Nurulla-Khodzhaeva, N. T. "Central Asia, Euro-centrism and Colonialism." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-51-63.

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The following article should not be dismissed as yet another attempt to construct a renewed round ofrevisionism in history. On the contrary, it aims to explore the possibility of scaling down the dominant Eurocentric epistemology that served as a basis for a stereotypical frame of knowledge about Central Asia. The majority of researchers of the region do not deem the need to review the scale of contradictory clashes created by the notion of Eurocentrism. The latter is reflected in numerous articles about the frozen (and sadly deadlock) dilemma on why and how were the lands of Tajiks, Uzbeks and Kazakhs divided. By publishing conventional analyses on the region's "clumsy separation", experts illustrate their subaltern, narrowly framed by the colonial world, knowledge and hence, remain as gravestones of the Eurocentric methodology. In the process of such explication, the most important role is allocated to the modern culture, which encouraged the formation of the paradox, represented to us via the paraphrased Soviet aphorism: modernity and coloniality are twin brothers. The initiation of the process of decolonizing the mind within the five republics of the region is possible. One of the solutions involves recognizing the integrity of the pluralist-cycled culture and philosophy of the region. The proposed act will allow shrinking the focus on the knowledge within the limited national units and frames (thus, lessening the degree of'fetishism of the national identity'), and rather creating conditions for designing the "bridge", linking different cultures, ideologies and institutional spaces in Central Asia, as a transnational intellectual matrix. The aforementioned theory will provide a basis and structure for empirical facts, and, therefore, drive the researchers from merely constituting to critically thinking, and consequently, inspire to come upon new approaches and fields of study, connecting them with the existing, colonial experiences. It is essential to highlight that based on this, a new dialogue may commence, where Central Asian scholars are regarded as equals to those of other research schools (both within and outside the region).
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35

TRAVERS, ROBERT. "Indian Petitioning and Colonial State-Formation in Eighteenth-Century Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000841.

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AbstractThis article explores the role of Indian petitioning in the process of consolidating British power after the East India Company's military conquest of Bengal in the late eighteenth century. The presentation of written petitions (often termed‘arziin Persian) was a pervasive form of state-subject interaction in early modern South Asia that carried over, in modified forms, into the colonial era. The article examines the varied uses of petitioning as a technology of colonial state-formation that worked to establish the East India Company's headquarters in Calcutta as the political capital of Bengal and the Company as a sovereign source of authority and justice. It also shows how petitioning became a site of anxiety for both colonial rulers and Indian subjects, as British officials struggled to respond to a mass of Indian ‘complaints’ and to satisfy the expectations and norms of justice expressed by petitioners. It suggests that British rulers tried to defuse the perceived political threat of Indian petitioning by redirecting petitioners into the newly regulated spaces of an emergent colonial judiciary.
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36

Mordi, Emmanuel Nwafor. "‘Sufficient Reinforcements Overseas’: British PostWar Troops' Recruiting Policy in Nigeria, 1945–53." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (July 10, 2019): 823–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419855417.

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This article critically examines Britain's postwar recruitment policy in Nigeria, 1945–53. It is a subject that has not been studied by scholars. As the Second World War drew to a close, the Nigerian colonial military had declared that it had sufficient illiterate, ‘pagan’ infantrymen of northern Nigerian ‘tribal,’ including Tiv, origin to meet any but unforeseen demands of troops for service in the South East Asia Command (SEAC). Yet, recruitment of the same category of infantrymen, as well as ex-servicemen, was resumed after the war. The critical/analytic historical method is deployed to interrogate Nigerian and British archival sources on the subject. The study shows that, unlike the case of the High Commission Territories Corps (HCTC), Nigeria's postwar recruitment was not meant for overseas deployment. It was primarily driven by Britain's objectives of restoring the army to its pre-war role of enforcing colonial law and order in furtherance of its resolve to maintain its colonial state in Nigeria despite postwar militant nationalism.
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37

Susilowati, Endang, Singgih Tri Sulistiyono, and Yety Rochwulaningsih. "Coastal civilization and maritime diplomacy in premodern Southeast Asia." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 4 (November 2018): 649–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418804494.

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This article explores maritime diplomacy as a relatively new field of research in the maritime history of Southeast Asia. It is argued that maritime diplomacy was an important element in the history of the region, whose natural character places the sea as a key factor in its historical evolution. The significant role of the sea in the past shaped coastal civilizations, which in turn preconditioned the development of maritime diplomatic links between political centres in Southeast Asia, leading to the integration of this region. During the premodern period, coastal civilizations were the means through which diplomatic negotiations between political powers were conducted in Southeast Asia. Although coloured by conflicts and competition, such diplomatic ties did not result in colonial relationships, as which occurred during the early modern era, when Europeans succeeded in gaining control of almost all of Southeast Asia’s political and economic centres.
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38

Blussé, Leonard. "Testament to a Towkay: Jan Con, Batavia and the Dutch China Trade." Itinerario 9, no. 2 (July 1985): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016090.

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Among historians, Southeast Asia's Overseas Chinese have never enjoyed much popularity. They are in many respects a “People without a History,” having left behind no substantial deposit of experience and having failed to produce a school of historians to write their own history from an insider's perspective. Apart from their ethnic and cultural background, what distinguishes the hua-chiao from the indigenous peoples of Southeast Asia is the intermediary role that these immigrants have continued to play within the different territories, colonies or states of the area over the last few centuries. Acting as middlemen and brokers – and therefore necessarily discreet in the handling of personal relations – they have traditionally hidden their own aims and motives from the “outer world”, and thus eluded the understanding of their contemporaries.
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39

Hewa, Soma. "Civil Society Organizations and Global Health." Revista História: Debates e Tendências 21, no. 3 (August 24, 2021): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.21n.3.12856.

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Civil society organizations are playing a vital role in capacity building at the grassroots level around the world. Rockefeller philanthropy pioneered this civic responsibility, both at home and abroad, in controlling epidemic disease and developing public health. Since its inception in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation had been involved in a wide range of public health programs in Sri Lanka (previously known as Ceylon), which was regarded as the key to the Foundation’s activities in Asia. Rockefeller philanthropy arrived in Sri Lanka during the European colonial rule in the early twentieth century and received a hostile reception from the colonial administration. The Foundation’s officials acted cautiously and listened to local citizens in developing public health strategies. Such efforts succeeded not only in combating disease and promoting health, but also achieving sustained community support. This paper is a critical inquiry of the program and its role in the development of a modern public health network in Sri Lanka.
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40

Hardy, Andrew. "The Economics of French Rule in Indochina: A Biography of Paul Bernard (1892–1960)." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1998): 807–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002911.

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This article uses a biography of banker and economist Paul Bernard to describe the debates that influenced economic policy makers and business circles during the last quarter century of French rule in Indochina. Bernard, from the Great Depression through to his death in 1960, exercised considerable influence on the way French leaders thought about the economy of their Southeast Asian colony and of their overseas territories as a whole. As a financier, he also played a part in its shaping. This article outlines his business activities, especially as managing director of the French and Colonial Finance Company (SFFC), an important colonial finance house, and is to this extent a business history. Bernard, finally, participated in the state planning of the colonial economy during the heyday of French interventionism. From the point of view of his involvement, the article describes the role of the state in colonial economic development. His involvement was both constructive, in the drawing up of Indochina's industrialization plans, and critical, in repeated attacks on what he saw as misguided or irrelevant policy. He did not confine his comments to economic matters, and his criticism of the administration of Indochina may be taken as a running commentary of the final decades of France's colonial engagement in Southeast Asia.
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41

Lanzillo, Amanda. "Translating the Scribe: Lithographic Print and Vernacularization in Colonial India, 1857–1915." Comparative Critical Studies 16, no. 2-3 (October 2019): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2019.0331.

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Focusing on the lithographic print revolution in North India, this article analyses the role played by scribes working in Perso-Arabic script in the consolidation of late nineteenth-century vernacular literary cultures. In South Asia, the rise of lithographic printing for Perso-Arabic script languages and the slow shift from classical Persian to vernacular Urdu as a literary register took place roughly contemporaneously. This article interrogates the positionality of scribes within these transitions. Because print in North India relied on lithography, not movable type, scribes remained an important part of book production on the Indian subcontinent through the early twentieth century. It analyses the education and models of employment of late nineteenth-century scribes. New scribal classes emerged during the transition to print and vernacular literary culture, in part due to the intervention of lithographic publishers into scribal education. The patronage of Urdu-language scribal manuals by lithographic printers reveals that scribal education in Urdu was directly informed by the demands of the print economy. Ultimately, using an analysis of scribal manuals, the article contributes to our knowledge of the social positioning of book producers in South Asia and demonstrates the vitality of certain practices associated with manuscript culture in the era of print.
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Ravndal, Ellen J. "Colonies, semi-sovereigns, and great powers: IGO membership debates and the transition of the international system." Review of International Studies 46, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000408.

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AbstractHow did the transition from a world of empire to a global international system organised around the sovereign state play out? This article traces the transition over the past two centuries through an examination of membership debates in two prominent intergovernmental organisations (IGOs). IGOs are sites of contestation that play a role in the constitution of the international system. Discussions within IGOs reflect and shape broader international norms, and are one mechanism through which the international system determines questions of membership and attendant rights and obligations. The article reveals that IGO membership policies during this period reflected different compromises between the three competing principles of great power privilege, the ‘standard of civilisation’, and universal sovereign equality. The article contributes to Global IR as it confirms that non-Western agency was crucial in bringing about this transition. States in Africa, Asia, and Latin America championed the adoption of the sovereignty criterion. In this, paradoxically, one of the core constitutional norms of the ‘European’ international system – the principle of sovereign equality – was realised at the hands of non-European actors.
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43

Ansari, Jamal H. "Improving access of the poor to serviced urban land in India." Social Change 30, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570003000209.

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Free land market operations, and land development and disposal processes (whether carried out by public or private sector) have been deficient in securing access of the poor to serviced urban land. The poor have thus resorted to informal and mainly illegal methods of gaining a foothold on land for building shelters for themselves, giving rise to squatter settlements and unauthorized colonies. This paper reviews various aproaches for increasing the access of the poor to serviced urban land. Experiences relating to secure land tenure, land sharing, and incremental development approaches as practiced in India and other developing countries of Asia have been discussed. The role of NGOs and CBOs has also been highlighted. In the end, suggestions have been made regarding measures to be undertaken by planners and policy makers to improve accessibility of the poor to serviced urban land.
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SEHGAL, MANU, and SAMIKSHA SEHRAWAT. "Scandal in Mesopotamia: Press, empire, and India during the First World War." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 5 (October 24, 2019): 1395–445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000215.

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AbstractBy providing the first comprehensive account of the role of the British and Indian press in war propaganda, this article makes an intervention in the global history of the First World War. The positive propaganda early in the war, intertwined with a rhetoric of loyalism, contrasted with how the conservative British press affixed blame for military defeats in Mesopotamia upon the colonial regime's failure to effectively mobilize India's resources. Using a highly emotive and enduring trope of the ‘Mesopotamia muddle’, the Northcliffe press was successful in channelling a high degree of public scrutiny onto the campaign. The effectiveness of this criticism ensured that debates about the Mesopotamian debacle became a vehicle for registering criticism of structures of colonial rule and control in India. On the one hand, this critique hastened constitutional reforms and devolution in colonial India and, on the other, it led to demands that the inadequacy of India's contribution to the war be remedied by raising war loans. Both the colonial government and its nationalist critics were briefly and paradoxically united in opposing these demands. The coercive extraction of funds for the imperial war effort as well as the British press's vituperative criticism contributed to a post-war, anti-colonial political upsurge. The procedure of creating a colonial ‘scandal’ out of a military disaster required a specific politics for assessing the regulated flows of information, which proved to be highly effective in shaping both the enquiry that followed and the politics of interwar colonial South Asia.
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45

Wong Tze Ken, Danny. "The Papar Land Protest, 1910–11." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 422–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246341200032x.

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One of the recurring problems that emerged during the height of European expansion into Southeast Asia was the encroachment of European enterprises into indigenous lands. In most cases, problems existed especially in the manner that landholdings were understood by the natives vis-à-vis the new land laws introduced by the colonial powers. This often led to disputes which resulted in the natives being deprived of their rights. This paper looks into a case where the Dusun in Papar, North Borneo — an indigenous people — took the European colonial government to court over land rights which involved land encroachments by European enterprises and railways. The event took place barely 30 years after the first contact with European civilisation took place. The paper will examine the nature of the case and also investigate the role played by the Dusun and their fight against the government. The paper will also investigate the role of an English lawyer retained by the Dusun for the case, and that of the Roman Catholic Mission in championing the affairs of the indigenous people.
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Zinchenko, Irina. "The Problem of Implementing the Francophone Policy in the Field of Education in the Countries of Asia and Africa (1958-1969)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2020): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.30953.

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The article discusses the issues related to the implementation of the Francophone policy in African and Asian countries. The author examines France's methods of cooperating with its former colonies; which countries received more attention; why specifically education played an important role in the implementation of the Francophone policy, and how did the financial support for this field change during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. In the presented work, the policy of Francophonie is understood as the totality of France&rsquo;s actions towards creating privileged political and economic ties with foreign states through the means of the French language and culture.In accordance with the latest methodological developments, foreign cultural policy is viewed as a group of measures developed and implemented by a state on an external level in order to promote national culture and language. The perception of the problems of foreign cultural policy was significantly influenced by the concept of "soft power" elaborated by political scientist J. Naya. This study applied several research methods: the system analysis method and the comparative analysis method. Topics related to the political implementation of Francophonie are little studied in Russian historiography. The article uses documents from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs previously unfamiliar to the general public. The implementation of the Francophone policy in the countries of Asia and Africa in 1958-1969 resulted in the extensive cultural, economic and political cooperation between France and its former colonies. Despite the numerous successes in implementing the Francophone policy, by 1969, the government of the Fifth Republic had failed to restore the French cultural influence on the territories that had gained independence from France in a non-peaceful way.
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47

Sicking, Louis. "France and the Dutch Colonial Empire in the Nineteenth Century." Itinerario 22, no. 1 (March 1998): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012419.

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In the historiography of the colonial empires in the nineteenth century, much attention has been paid to the large European powers Britain and France. When the Dutch colonial empire is studied in an international context it is mostly in relation to the British empire. However, little or no attention has been given by scholars to Franco-Dutch colonial relations. This is surprising given the fact that after Britain, France and the Netherlands were the second and third largest colonial empires. Three Franco-Dutch colonial frontiers existed: in South America between French Guyana and Surinam, in the Caribbean on the island of St Martin and in Africa on the Gold Coast. In Asia, where the most important Dutch colony, Indonesia, was located, the French and Dutch did not have neighbouring possessions. Nonetheless, because of its location, Indonesia was highly important for navigation between France and Indo-China. In each of the regions mentioned above, French colonial administrators or private individuals developed plans to extend French territory at the expense of the Dutch: on St Martin from 1843 to 1853, on the Gold Coast from 1867 to 1871, in South America from 1887 to 1891 in Indonesia in 1888. This article will focus on nineteenth century France-Dutch colonial relations and will. address such questions as: what were the motives of the French administrators and how effectively did they exert pressure on the metropolitan government in order to effect their schemes? What was the role of special interest groups? And finally how did the Netherlands react? Being a small European power, how were they able to resist the French?
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48

Masyitah, Putri Maya, Endang Susilowati, and Singgih Tri Sulistiyono. "The Trade of Sago in Ambon, 1880-1900." Indonesian Historical Studies 4, no. 2 (December 7, 2020): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ihis.v4i2.7625.

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Abstract:
During the late 19th century, sago in Ambon turned out not only to be a subsistence crop used as a staple food, but also as a commercial crop. Historical sources shown that sago became one of the important commodities in trade in the 19th century, as one of the commodities that affected the economy of the Ambonese people and the colonial government. Sago became a prominent commodity when the spices trade decreased. So, there is commercialization process of sago as an important trade commodity. In this connection, this article examines several issues, the sago became a strategic commodity and the role of sago in the Ambonese economy during 1880-1900. It is analyzed by using the historical method, which emphasized on primary sources based on official reports in the form of colonial publications. According to the study, between 1880 -1900 it was known that the local community and colonial government traded the sago. One interesting thing is that aside from being a staple food, sago is also used as a currency that is bartered with other commodities that have the same value. For the colonial government, sago became a commercial commodity that was quite productive, even having become an export commodity to various countries, such as Singapore and Europe. The colonial government sold sago in various forms such as bundles, basketry, slabs, flour, and grains. In addition, the government also rents sago lands to Christians and Muslims merchants for a specified period and cost.
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49

Suzuki, S. "Determinants of civil war in post-colonial Asia, 1950-1992: the role of trade openness and economic development." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lci102.

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50

Washbrook, David. "India in the early modern world economy: modes of production, reproduction and exchange." Journal of Global History 2, no. 1 (May 2007): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022807002057.

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India played a leading role in the growth of the early modern world economy. Yet its historiography has been dominated by forebodings of the colonial conquest and decline, which were to overtake it at the end of the eighteenth century. This essay seeks to explore the strengths rather than weaknesses of the Indian economy between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries when the goods which it produced were in heavy demand in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. However, it also points to ways in which specific features of India’s commercial development created vulnerabilities to conquest from overseas, which would be exploited later on.
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