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Journal articles on the topic 'Commedia dell'arte – Italie'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Katritzky, M. A. "How did the Commedia dell'arte cross the Alps to Bavaria?" Theatre Research International 16, no. 3 (1991): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330001498x.

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The commedia dell'arte is a type of improvised acting based around the masked stock characters of the merchant, lawyer and servant, whose earliest names were Magnifico, il Dottore and Zanni (Plate I). From 1571 onwards, it was spread throughout Europe by visiting troupes of professional Italian actors, whose members, activities and travels are, for the most part, well-documented. The way in which it reached Bavaria is less clear. Records, including three festival books, suggest that already as early as February 1568, when crown Prince Wilhelm married Princess Renée of Lorraine in Munich, the c

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2

Winet, Evan. "The Commedia dell'Arte in Naples: A Bilingual Edition of the 176 Casamarciano Scenarios. 2 vols. Edited and translated by Francesco Cotticelli, Anne Goodrich Heck, and Thomas F. Heck. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2001; pp. 1,168. $99.50 cloth." Theatre Survey 45, no. 1 (2004): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557404350088.

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In 1896, Benedetto Croce donated to Naples's Biblioteca Nazionale two manuscript volumes from the late seventeenth century. These books had been prepared by Annibale Sersale, Count of Casamarciano, and contained 183 canovacci (scenarios) of the commedia dell'arte. Today, this Casamarciano zibaldone (collection) comprises the largest extant collection of commedia canovacci with nearly a quarter of the total surviving scenarios from any source. By contrast, Flaminio Scala's Il teatro delle favole rappresentative (first published in 1611, and translated into English by Henry F. Salerno in his inf

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3

Koman, Aleksandra. "Komedia dell'arte: między lokalnością a globalnością." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 17 (October 12, 2018): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20811853.17.21.

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Commedia dell’arte: between localism and globalismAbstractSubject to the present review is Lokalność i mobilność kulturowa teatru. Śladami Arlekinai Pulcinelli of Ewa Bal. The author analyzes Italian dialectical theatre from a doubleperspective: local and global mobility of culture. She observes how two principal masks ofcommedia dell’arte – Harlequin and Pulcinella – evolved over the years, by investigating theirrelation to political context that may result in domestication or foreignization.Keywords: Ewa Bal, commedia dell’arte, intercultural transfer, cultural mobility, localism andglobalis

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4

Henke, Robert. "The Italian Mountebank and the Commedia dell'Arte." Theatre Survey 38, no. 2 (1997): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400002052.

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The Italian mountebank of the early modern period was a figure of great power and fascination, both to Italians themselves and to English audiences via Thomas Coryate's documentary account and Ben Jonson's fictional portrayal of Scoto of Mantua in Volpone. Italian and Spanish antitheatrical clerics, prompted by San Carlo Borromeo to extend Counter-Reformation cultural critiques to the increasingly successful commedia dell'arte, were quick to identify the mountebank—an itinerant doctor/pharmacist who typically enticed potential patrons with an array of musical and theatrical entertainments—with

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5

Royce, Anya Peterson. "The Venetian Commedia: Actors and Masques in the Development of the Commedia dell'Arte." Theatre Survey 27, no. 1-2 (1986): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400008802.

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The commedia dell'arte, which spanned three centuries from the sixteenth to the beginning of the nineteenth and nationalities as diverse as Italian, French, Austrian, Polish, and English, went through a number of metamorphoses before it attained the form we now associate with it. Very briefly, that form is based on stock characters (Arlecchino, Pantalone, Il Dottore, Pedrolino or Pierrot, etc.), improvisation around standard plots, and the use of masks. In Italy, this kind of commedia was established by the end of the sixteenth century. In this paper, I would like to explore the developments t

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6

Henke, Robert. "REPRESENTATIONS OF POVERTY IN THE COMMEDIA DELL' ARTE." Theatre Survey 48, no. 2 (2007): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740700066x.

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This essay explores the socioeconomic resonance of Italian professional theatre in the early modern period by considering a few records of performance by indigent entertainers, and by exploring the persistent theatrical and textual presence of poverty and hunger in texts both central and adjacent to the professional actors. Whether or not a given troupe or actor directly experienced or even cared about poverty, famine, destitution, or other social issues, by the time of the commedia's “golden age” these themes had by dint of theatrical tradition and performance sedimentation become part of the

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7

Basini, Laura. "Masks, Minuets and Murder: Images of Italy in Leoncavallo's Pagliacci." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 133, no. 1 (2008): 32–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/fkm012.

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This article interprets Leoncavallo's opera Pagliacci (1892) as a voicing of Italy's ‘Southern Question’ – the problem of the underdeveloped and socially troubled Italian South. Pagliacci juxtaposes cultural symbols that include a commedia dell'arte figure representative of the Italian South and antique genres perceived to be emblematic of ‘civilized’ northern culture. By interpreting the interaction of costumes and musical styles, I argue that the work incorporates images of southern Italy – that ‘violent’, ‘uncontrollable’, yet ‘picturesque’ region – into a broader, northern-dominated concep

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8

Im, Jeong Mi, and Hwang Oak Soh. "A Comparative Study on Costume design of Mask Play -Focusing on Korean Mask Play and Italian 'Commedia dell'arte'-." Journal of the Korean Society of Costume 64, no. 8 (2014): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7233/jksc.2014.64.8.124.

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9

Wilbourne, Emily. "Lo Schiavetto (1612): Travestied Sound, Ethnic Performance, and the Eloquence of the Body." Journal of the American Musicological Society 63, no. 1 (2010): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2010.63.1.1.

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This article examines at the relationship between epistemologies of sound, repertoires of popular music, and markers of ethnic difference in early seventeenth-century Italy. The analysis concentrates on two scenes from the 1612 commedia dell'arte play Lo Schiavetto (“The Little Slave”). In one, an Italian nobleman disguises himself as a mute Jew, in the other, a young Italian noblewoman sings while cross-dressed as a black, male slave. Questions of embodiment are considered, as are the specific historical circumstances of the work's original performers, Virginia Ramponi Andreini, detta Florind

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10

Speaight, George. "The Origin of Punch and Judy: A New Clue?" Theatre Research International 20, no. 3 (1995): 200–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300008658.

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The general opinion, voiced on instinct rather than conclusive evidence, has been that the Punch and Judy show came from Italy. The name Punch is clearly derived, via Punchinello (1667), Polichinello (1666), and Policinella (1664), from Pulcinella, the commedia dell'arte character who originated in Naples about 1600. Prints in abundance show a puppet performance, resembling Punch and Judy, in Naples, Rome and Venice in the eighteenth and the early years of the nineteenth century. And one of the earliest, and perhaps the earliest Punch performer on the streets of London was an Italian, Piccini

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11

Sica, Anna. "Chekhov's Poetic and Social Realism on the Italian Stage, 1924–1964." New Theatre Quarterly 24, no. 4 (2008): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0800050x.

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This article explores the introduction of Chekhov's plays to Italy through émigré circles in the first decades of the twentieth century, and traces how they were appropriated to suit the ideological exigencies of the time during the fascist period. It concludes with observations about Luchino Visconti's celebrated productions of the 1950s, which stressed the idea that Chekhov was first and foremost a political writer, and suggests how this particular view of the dramatist evolved in the early 1960s as the theatre once again reflected social attitudes and values. Anna Sica is a lecturer at the

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12

Johnson, Eugene J. "The Short, Lascivious Lives of Two Venetian Theaters, 1580-85." Renaissance Quarterly 55, no. 3 (2002): 936–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1261561.

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The teatro all'italiana, or Italian opera house with boxes, was one of the most successful building types invented during the Renaissance, but fragmentary and ambiguous evidence has made locating its origins difficult. This article proposes that those origins are to be found in two theaters for commedia dell'arte built in Venice in 1580 and destroyed by order of the Council of Ten in 1585 (m.v.). The history of these two theaters is sketched here for the first time by means of documents recently found in the Archivio di Stato, Venice, that also include new information related to Palladia's Tea

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13

Holm, Bent. "Harlequin, Holberg and the (In)visible Masks: Commedia dell'arte in Eighteenth-Century Denmark." Theatre Research International 23, no. 2 (1998): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300018502.

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The profound influence of the commedia dell'arte on European theatre is commonly acknowledged, although it has not yet been extensively analysed. In Northern Europe some of its first traces are iconographic. There are masked Venetian characters among the paintings collected by the Danish king Christian IV. The first such masks to appear in a Danish context are three Pantaloons acting as stage hands in a court ballet which was part of Det store Bilager (‘The Great Wedding Feast’), the grandiose festivities celebrating the Crown Prince's wedding in 1634. Later, German troupes may have presented

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14

Posner, Dassia N. "Baring the Frame: Meyerhold's Refraction of Gozzi's Love of Three Oranges." Theatre Survey 56, no. 3 (2015): 362–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557415000307.

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In 1761, Count Carlo Gozzi created a “reflective analysis” of an Italian fairy tale about three oranges, framing his commedia dell'arte–infused scenario with a series of polemical attacks on his theatrical rivals. In 1914, Vsevelod Meyerhold and two collaborators, Konstantin Vogak and Vladimir Soloviev, published a reflective analysis of Gozzi's reflective analysis. This new Love of Three Oranges (Liubov k trem apel'sinam, translated as Love for Three Oranges), served as the source material for Sergei Prokofiev's opera (1919; Chicago world premiere, 1921). It is also one of the most illuminati

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15

Ram, Harsha. "Masks of the Poet, Myths of the People: The Performance of Individuality and Nationhood in Georgian and Russian Modernism." Slavic Review 67, no. 3 (2008): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27652940.

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Georgian and Russian modernisms engaged in a conversation that was by no means one-way and in which the chronological development and aesthetic premises of Russian symbolism became curiously inverted. Piecing together this forgotten dialogue allows us to recover a neglected crosscultural and properly Eurasian dimension of the Silver Age. Russians and Georgians alike invoked the mask as a theatrical form and myth as a narrative structure to articulate problems of individual, collective, and national identity. Mask and myth shared two distinct and somewhat incompatible genealogies, the one deriv

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16

Dock, Stephen V. "The Petit Marquis, the Jeune Blondin, and the Monarch: Issues in Appropriate Costuming for Molière's Dom Juan." Theatre Survey 30, no. 1-2 (1989): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400000740.

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Critics have long attested to the various irregularities of Dom Juan ou le Festin de pierre, one of Molière's most unusual plays. In its time, according to W. D. Howarth, it was regarded as “a curious freak.” Numerous mysteries surround the creation and production of Dom Juan. Molière wrote it to fill in a gap created by the recent interdiction of Le Tartuffe ou l'Imposteur at a time when he needed a successful play to dress up a somewhat limited and worn-out repertory. In searching for a success, it was natural that Molière should choose the highly popular Don Juan theme. Following the lead o

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17

Mosusova, Nadezda. "Symbolism and theatre of masques: The deathly carnival of la belle époque." Muzikologija, no. 5 (2005): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0505085m.

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The junction of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in Europe sharpened the clash of artistic novelties in the Western and Slavonic worlds, caused by developed Symbolism and Expressionism. As an output of the former reappeared in the "Jahrhundertwende" the transformed characters of the Commedia dell'arte, flourished in art, literature and music in Italy France, Austria and Russia. Exponents of Italian Renaissance theatre Stravinsky's Petrushka (1911) and Sch?nberg's Pierrot lunaire (1912) turned soon to be main works of the Russian and Austrian expressionistic music style, inaugurated by St

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18

McQuillen, Colleen. "Vagabonding Masks: The Italian Commedia Dell'arte in the Russian Artistic Imagination. By Olga Partan. Brighton, Mass.: Academic Studies Press, 2017. 290 pp. Bibliography. Illustrations. Index. $79.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 77, no. 3 (2018): 854–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.269.

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19

Kaynar, Gad. "The Actor as Performer of the Implied Spectator's Role." Theatre Research International 22, no. 1 (1997): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015947.

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Omri Nitzan's direction of Goldoni's The Servant of Two Masters at the Israeli National Theatre Habimah in 1993 was one of the most ingenious and locally-bound contemporizations of a classical play that I have ever seen, as well as one of the most dependent on a correlatively attuned recipient. Nitzan sets out from the viewpoint that Goldoni's comedy of errors, derived from the commedia dell'arte and negating it, is not a stylized refined and exclusively theatrical pastime, set in the never-never locus of a glamorous stage Venice, as implied by Strehler's famous precedent, but is rather a kind

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20

Pietropaolo, Domenico. "Befriending the Commedia dell'Arte of Flaminio Scala. By Natalie Crohn Schmitt . Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2014; pp. xiii + 328, 4 illustrations. $80 cloth, $79.95 e-book. - The Rise of the Diva on the Sixteenth-Century Commedia dell'Arte Stage. By Rosalind Kerr . Toronto Italian Studies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015; pp. xiii + 216, 25 illustrations. $65 cloth, $65 e-book. - Commedia dell'Arte and the Mediterranean: Charting Journeys and Mapping ‘Others.’ By Erith Jaffe-Berg . Transculturalisms, 1400–1700. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate [now Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge], 2015; pp. xi + 174, 9 illustrations. $104.95 cloth, $104.95 e-book." Theatre Survey 58, no. 1 (2017): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557416000715.

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21

Katritzky, M. A. "Performance and Literature in the commedia dell'arte. By Robert Henke. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. xiv + 263 + illus. £45 Hb. Music and Women of the commedia dell'arte in the Late Sixteenth Century. By Anne MacNeil. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Pp. viii + 360 + illus. $85 Hb. Das Spiel mit Gattungen bei Isabella Canali Andreini: Band 1, zum Verhältnis von Improvisation und Schriftkultur in der Commedia dell'arte, Band II, Lettere (1607) (‘Studia Litteraria’, 10). By Britta Brandt. Wilhelmsfeld: Gottfried Egert, 2002. Pp. viii + 284 and pp. xxxv + 267. €26 Pb. La Mirtilla: a pastoral (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 242). By Isabella Andreini, translated from the Italian, introduced and annotated by Julie D. Campbell. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2002. Pp. xxvii + 105. $26 Hb. Improvisation in the Arts of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Early Drama, Art and Music Monograph Series, 30). Edited by Timothy J. McGee. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications (Western Michigan University), 2003. Pp. xii + 331 + illus. $30 Hb; $15 Pb. Theater am Hof und für das Volk. Beiträge zur vergleichenden Theater und Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für Otto G Schindler zum 60. Geburtstag (‘Maske und Kothurn’, 48, 1–4). Edited by Brigitte Marschall. Vienna: Böhlau, 2002. Pp. 521 + illus. €78.20 Pb." Theatre Research International 29, no. 1 (2004): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303211275.

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22

"The Commedia dell'arte from the Renaissance to Dario Fo: v.6: The Italian origins of European theatre." Choice Reviews Online 28, no. 01 (1990): 28–0220. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.28-0220.

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23

Kerr, Rosalind. "The Italian Actress and the Foundations of Early Modern European Theatre: Performing Female Sexual Identites on the Commedia dell'Arte Stage." Early Theatre 11, no. 2 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.12745/et.11.2.778.

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24

Carungu, Jonida, and Matteo Molinari. "The “accountant” stereotype in the Florentine medieval popular culture: “galantuomini” or usurers?" Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-01-2020-4386.

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PurposeThis paper explores the stereotype of the accountant in Florentine medieval popular culture based on literary works and from a historical perspective. It aims to highlight how stereotypes change with time and represent the cultural and historical evolution of a society. This research challenges Miley and Read (2012), who stated that the foundation of the stereotype was in Commedia dell'arte, an Italian form of improvisational theatre commenced in the 15th century.Design/methodology/approachThe authors applied a qualitative research method to examine the accountant from a medieval popula

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