Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Commission on the Bicentennial of the Constitution'

Résultat d’un accord de coopération intergouvernemental passé entre les ministres de l’enseignement de quatre pays réunis à la Sorbonne en 1998, le processus de Bologne n’est pas resté longtemps sous le contrôle des seuls États. En 2001, les ministres ont créé un groupe de suivi composé des représentants des pays membres du processus et de la Commission européenne, de l’EUA (association des universités européennes), de l’EURASHE (association européenne des établissements d’enseignement supérieur), de l’ESIB (union des associations étudiantes nationales) et du Conseil de l’Europe, ces quatre derniers bénéficiant d’un statut temporaire et de membre consultatif. Depuis 2001, la Commission européenne joue un rôle central dans le processus de Bologne, à côté d’organisations d’acteurs qui se voient forcées de discuter de sujets qui les ont précédemment divisés et qui modifient leurs relations au niveau national. Depuis 2005, la Commission a le droit de voter dans un processus d’européanisation lancé dans un domaine qui reste de compétence nationale. Elle a ainsi pu orienter la réforme des universités, veut définir la bonne institution, la bonne science et le bon enseignement. Cette thèse s’intéresse au mécanisme de prise de décision du processus de Bologne. Elle analyse les réseaux qui constituent le nouvel espace sociopolitique dans l’enseignement supérieur, les tactiques développées par ses acteurs. Elle retrace les actions qui ont été déployées par la Commission européenne pour pouvoir intégrer le processus de Bologne et contrôler les politiques du supérieur. Cette thèse prend ses supports théoriques dans les travaux de Foucault (et ses concepts de dispositif, de gouvernementalité, de rapport pouvoir/savoir, de régime de vérité) et dans la théorie de l’acteur-réseau de Callon et Latour (avec les concepts du processus de traduction). Les supports théoriques secondaires proviennent des travaux de Boltanski et Thévenot, de Kingdon, de l’institutionnalisme. L’argument de cette thèse est qu’en 1998, le ministre français Claude Allègre (initiateur du processus) a activé un "dispositif européen de l’enseignement supérieur", qui a été progressivement orienté par la Commission européenne. Avec les concepts de la sociologie de la traduction, ce travail décrit les différentes étapes qui ont permis à la Commission de devenir le "macroacteur" ou l’"acteur-réseau" du processus de Bologne
As the result of an intergovernmental agreement of cooperation between the ministers of higher education of four states at the Sorbonne in 1998, the Bologna process was initially steered by the representatives of the states. Its initiator, the French minister Claude Allègre, had explicitly excluded the European Commission from the exclusive club of the initiators of the process. The Bologna process to create a "European Higher Education Area" did not remain for long under the control of the states alone. In 2001, at the summit of Prague, the ministers created a follow-up group composed by the representatives of the states and the European Commission, to which was added the EUA (European University Association), the EURASHE (European Association of Institutions of Higher Education), the ESIB (National Unions of Students in Europe) and the Council of Europe. Since 2001, the European Commission plays a central role in the Bologna process, alongside actor’s organizations who see themselves forced to discuss issues that had previously divided them and to modify their relationships at a national level. Since 2005, the Commission has the right to vote in the follow-up group of the Bologna process, in a Europeanization process in a field of national competence. The Commission has oriented the reform of the university, would like to define the good institution (with European Institute of Technology as model) and the good science (with the European Research Council). The Commission promotes its "knowledge triangle" composed by education, research and innovation. This thesis focuses on the decision making mechanism of the Bologna process. It analyses the networks that constitute the new sociopolitical area in higher education, the strategies and the tactics developed by its actors. Moreover, this thesis analyzes the actions of the European Commission to integrate the Bologna process and to control higher education policies. This thesis takes its theoretical support on Foucault’s work (especially concept of device, governmentality, knowledge/power report, regime of truth) and on the Actor-network theory from Callon and Latour (with some of the concept of translation process). Some second theoretical support comes from the work of Boltanski and Thevenot, Kingdon (with policy entrepreneurs), the institutionalism (with Morpey and Huisman). The argument of this thesis is that Allègre has activated a "European device of higher education" in 1998, a device progressively oriented by the European Commission. With the concept of translation sociology, this work describes the different stage traversed by the European Commission to become the "macroactor" or the "actor-network" of the Bologna process

L’usage de la résolution européenne a débuté en 1992, quand un nouvel article, le 88-4, a été introduit dans la Constitution, donnant pour la première fois à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat le droit de voter des résolutions sur des projets et propositions d’actes communautaires soumis par le Gouvernement. Le but de cet avantage en faveur du Parlement était de mettre en vigueur un contrôle parlementaire sur la politique européenne du Gouvernement. Au cours des années, la pratique de la résolution européenne montre l’inefficacité du rôle du Parlement au niveau européen. La portée de la résolution européenne demeure en soi non contraignante vis-à-vis du Gouvernement et des institutions européennes. Les cinq révisions constitutionnelles concernant les affaires européennes depuis 1992 ne peuvent pas y contribuer, malgré la dernière révision du 23 juillet 2008 reconnaissant le droit d’adoption d’une résolution européenne sur non seulement les projets ou propositions d’actes européens soumis par le Gouvernement, mais aussi sur « tout document émanant d’une institution de l’Union ». Le temps est venu pour le Parlement de mettre en place un contrôle parlementaire efficace au niveau européen
The use of the European resolution started in 1992, when a new article, 88-4, was introduced in the Constitution, giving for the first time in the National Assembly and the Senate the right to vote on resolutions on projects and proposals for Community acts submitted by the Government. The purpose of this advantage in favor of the Parliament was put in force a parliamentary control over the Government's European policy. Over the years, the practice of the European resolution demonstrates the ineffectiveness of the role of the Parliament at European level. The scope of the European resolution remains inherently non-binding towards the Government and the European institutions. Five constitutional revisions concerning European Affairs since 1992 cannot contribute, despite the latest revision of July 23, 2008, recognizing the right to adoption of a European resolution on not only the projects or proposals of European acts submitted by the Government, but on ' any document emanating from an institution of the Union ' also. The time has come for Parliament to put in place an effective parliamentary control at European level

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A Comissão de Valores Mobiliários (CVM) é a entidade estatal que regula o mercado de valores mobiliários brasileiro (MVM). Tal função abrange uma ampla gama de ações, dentre as quais a edição e a promoção do cumprimento de normas incidentes sobre as atividades econômicas desenvolvidas no MVM, a apuração das infrações a essas normas e a aplicação de penalidades ao final do curso de processos administrativos. Algumas dessas infrações administrativas também configuram crimes na legislação brasileira. Trata-se de ofertas irregulares de investimentos ao público em geral, usos de informação privilegiada, modalidades de fraude ou manipulação de preços, sempre envolvendo a emissão e a negociação de valores mobiliários. Não raro, a definição da autoria dessas infrações, que de tão graves configuram crimes, depende da análise de dados relacionados à movimentação financeira de pessoas, físicas ou jurídicas, investigadas pela CVM. A possibilidade de acesso a dados dessa natureza foi examinada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) à luz do disposto no inciso XII do artigo quinto da Constituição Brasileira, dispositivo que consagra o sigilo de dados, mas também prevê o seu afastamento, desde que por ordem judicial, nas hipóteses e na forma que a lei estabelecer para fins de investigação criminal ou instrução processual penal. Ao debruçar-se sobre essa realidade, a presente dissertação procura verificar se o afastamento ou a inaplicabilidade do sigilo que protege a movimentação financeira das pessoas, a chamada quebra de sigilo bancário, quando destinada a espancar dúvidas sobre a autoria de infrações graves investigadas pela CVM, é juridicamente sustentável. Com esse intuito, esboça uma interpretação da Constituição Brasileira inspirada em princípios constitucionais universais e na moderna doutrina do direito civil constitucional europeu.
The Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission (CVM) is the entity responsible to Securities market s regulation. For this function is needed a wide range actions, such as the edition and promotion the compliance with rules about the economic activities carried out in the securities market, investigation of violations of these rules as well the application of penalties in the ending of an administrative proceeding. Some of these administrative violations should also be characterized as a crime into the Brazilian Law. It is irregular investments offering for the general public, use of inside information and types of fraud or price manipulation, always in issuing and trading securities. It is not uncommon to the definition of authorship, so serious that configures such a crime, to depend of data collection and analysis regarding financial activities from individuals or entities submitted to a CVM investigation. The possibility to collect data regarding financial activities had been submitted to the Brazilian Supreme Court of Justice (STF) in the light of article fith, item XII, of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, that establishes the Data Secrecy protection, but also provides its deviation, however by court order, in hypothesis and under the rules established for the criminal investigation or criminal proceeding s instructions. When looking at this reality, the present thesis intends to verify if the inapplicability of the secrecy that protects the financial activities from individuals or entities, called breach of banking secrecy, when intended to repel doubts about the authorship of serious offenses that are being investigated by CVM, is legally sustainable. Thus, it delineates an interpretation of the Brazilian Federal Constitution equally inspired in constitutional law universal principles and by the modern civil constitutional law european doctrine.

Thesis (LL.M.)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recognition of the socio-economic imbalances inherited from the past and the abject poverty experienced by many, the people of South Africa adopted a Constitution fully committed to protecting socio-economic rights and advancing social justice. Apartheid constituted a violation of every internationally recognised human right. Seen in this light the emphasis on socio-economic rights in the new South African Constitution represents a commitment to guarantee to everyone in society a certain minimum standard of living below which they will not be allowed to fall. As the Constitution recognises socio-economic rights as justiciable rights, they can be of assistance to those who are unable to support themselves when challenging the state for the non-delivery of basic services. The duty to deliver the services lies first with the state and the court becomes involved only once it is alleged that the state has failed to fulfil its duty. The primary purpose of the study is aimed at determining the effectiveness of the South African Human Rights Commission in monitoring court orders in respect of the implementation of socio-economic rights. Non-Governmental Organisations, involved in the promotion and protection of human rights including socio-economic rights, cannot be left out of the process. It is argued that where the Courts issue structural interdicts, which have of late been used by them, albeit not enough in the context of socio-economic rights, they are responsible for the implementation of such orders. It is also argued that the South African Human Rights Commission and NGOs must be enjoined to ensure that court orders are better implemented. Court orders in respect of socio-economic rights in almost all the cases to date were neither implemented nor monitored adequately.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ter erkenning van die sosio-ekonomiese ongelykhede wat post-apartheid Suid- Afrika geërf het en die volslae armoede waaraan talle Suid-Afrikaners onderwerp is, het die mense van Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet aanvaar wat verbonde is tot die beskerming van sosio-ekonomiese regte en die bevordering van maatskaplike geregtigheid. Apartheid het elke internasionaal-erkende mensereg geskend. Teen hierdie agtergrond verteenwoordig die klem op sosioekonomiese regte in die nuwe Suid-Afrikaanse grondwet 'n verbondenheid daartoe om vir elkeen in die maatskappy 'n bepaalde minimum lewensstandaard te waarborg, waaronder hulle nie toegelaat sal word om te sak nie. Aangesien die grondwet sosio-ekonomiese regte as beregbare regte erken, kan hierdie regte van nut wees vir mense wat hulself nie kan onderhou nie, as hulle die staat uitdaag omdat basiese dienste nie gelewer word nie. Die plig om dienste te lewer berus eerstens by die staat, met die gevolg dat die hof eers betrokke raak as die staat nie daarin slaag om sy plig te vervul nie. Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stel hoe effektief die Suid- Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie is met die monitering van hofbevele wat betrekking het op die verwesenliking van sosio-ekonomiese regte. Nieregeringsinstansies wat betrokke is by die bevordering en beserkming van menseregte, met inbegrip van sosio-ekonomiese regte, kan egter nie uit die proses gelaat word nie. In hierdie studie word aangevoer dat waar die strukturele interdikte gee, soos wat in die onlangse verlede gebeur het, selfs al is dit nie genoeg in die konteks van sosio-ekonomiese regte nie, hulle ook verantwoordelikheid is daarvoor dat sulke bevele uitgevoer word. Dit word verder gestel dat die Suid-Afrikaanse Menseregtekommissie en nieregeringsinstansies moet saamwerk om te verseker dat hofbevele beter uitgevoer word. Tot op datum is amper geen hofbevele oor sosio-ekonomiese regte bevredigend uitgevoer of genoegsaam gemoniteer nie.

During the Great Depression, for the first time in its history, the federal government provided relief to the unemployed and destitute through myriad New Deal agencies. This dissertation examines how "general relief" (direct or "make-work") from federal programs—primarily the Emergency Relief and Construction Act (ERCA) and Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA)—was acquired and administered by the government of Texas through state administrative agencies. These agencies included the Chambers of Commerce (1932-1933), Unofficial Texas Relief Commission (1933), Texas Rehabilitation and Relief Commission (1933), Official Texas Relief Commission (1933-1934), Texas Relief Commission Division of the State Board of Control (1934), and the Department of Public Welfare (1939). Overall, the effective administration of general relief in the Lone Star State was undermined by a political ideology that persisted from, and was embodied by, the "Redeemer" Constitution of 1876.

Cette thèse se donne pour objet de tester, dans le contexte spécifique du droit français, la véracité et la pérennité des critiques féministe puis genrée de la définition du réfugié consistant à dénoncer la non-prise en compte des persécutions subies par les femmes et les minorités sexuelles dans le cadre de l’élection audit statut. Et c’est un constat mitigé qui ressort de l’étude car, en dépit des nombreuses pressions internationales et européennes invitant à une analyse genrée de la notion, ces critiques héritées des années 1980 apparaissent, dans une large mesure, encore d’actualité. Certes, le phénomène d’exclusion des persécutions liées au genre qu’elles dénonçaient s’est quelque peu affaibli, en ce que les persécutions subies par les femmes et les membres des minorités sexuelles ne sont, par principe, plus exclues du champ de la définition du réfugié. Mais il n’existe cependant toujours pas de volonté, politique ou juridictionnelle, visant à les intégrer pleinement dans l’analyse. En effet, les efforts consentis pour leur prise en compte se révèlent encore insuffisants, laissant demeurer des obstacles subtils à leur intégration, des obstacles d’autant plus délicats à identifier et à surmonter
The purpose of this thesis is to test, in the specific context of French law, the veracity and durability of feminist and gendered review of the refugee definition, which consists in denouncing the failure to take into account persecutions suffered by women and sexual minorities in the election process. It is a mixed conclusion that emerges from the study because, despite the numerous international and European pressures calling for a gendered analysis of the concept, these criticisms inherited from the 1980s still appear, to a large extent, to be relevant. Admittedly, the exclusion of gender-related persecution that they denounced has somewhat weakened, because persecutions suffered by women and members of sexual minorities are no longer excluded, as a matter of principle, from the scope of the refugee definition. However, there is still no political or jurisdictional will to fully integrate them into the analysis. Indeed, the efforts made to take them into account are still insufficient, leaving subtle obstacles to their integration, obstacles that are all the more difficult to identify and overcome

"It is submitted that South Africa presents the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission) and the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Court) with inspiration to draw from on how social-economic rights can be protected. Issues of locus, defining the state's obligations, effective remedies and their enforcement can be drawn from. However, it is impossible to transpose a domestic system directly into the regional system. It is also submitted that South Africa's Constitution and jurisprudence is not without criticisms as assessed against the backdrop of international human rights law. In this respect the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the Committee) offers immense inspiration. Through its practice of giving normative content to the rights in the ICESCR the Committee has given extensive definition to some of the rights in the ICESCR and the obligations that attach to them. The obligation of the states to take steps to the maximum of the available resources to achieve progressively the full realisation of the rights in the Covenant has been the subject of extensive elaboration by the Committee. In addition to this the Committee has read into the ICESCR a very important concept, the principle of 'core minimum obligations'. This concept sets the benchmark in determining whether the state has discharged it obligations at the minimum level. The Commission and Court should take advantage of the provisions of the Charter which allow for inspiration from other instruments. The Charter obliges the Commission and the Court to draw inspiration from international law and human and peoples' rights, including the UDHR and other instruments adopted by the United Nations and African countries in the area of human rights. This is in addition to taking into consideration other instruments laying down rules expressly recognized by the states. This paper sets out to show that the African system can draw inspiration from South Africa and the Committee in order to surmount the challenges affecting the realisation of the rights. The paper is divided into five parts. The first part outlines the normative framework of protection of economic, social and cultural rights within the ICESCR, the African Charter and South African Constitution. The second part explores the challenges hampering the effective realisation of these rights followed by an analysis of the African Court and the lessons it may draw not only from the Committee and South Africa's Constitution but from the African Commission as well. The fourth part looks at the forth-coming African Court and its challenges, pointing to aspects on which it may seek inspiration. This will be followed by a conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor Sandra Liebenberg at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, South Africa
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

Le Comité ecclésiastique est créé le 12 août 1789, les premiers membres sont nommés le 20 août ; ils sont quinze dont la majorité sont des avocats. Le 7 février 1790, quinze nouveaux membres sont élus dont la moitié sont des ecclésiastiques réformateurs. Mis en minorité, les opposants démissionnent en mai 1790. Les compétences du Comité sont tellement vastes qu'il délègue au Comité des dîmes et aux comités réunis. Ce dernier crée le Comité des savants ou commision des monuments. Les travaux abordés par le comité concernent l'aliénation, l'administration et la vente des biens ecclésiastiques, mais aussi leur conservation, la suppression des ordres religieux, la constitution civile du clergé, l'état civil et le mariage, enfin le culte et la liturgie
The "Comité ecclésiastique" was founded on the 12th of August 1789. The initial members were nominated on the 20th of August. They are fifteen and the majority of them is made of barristers. On the 7th of February 1790, fifteen new members are elected and half of them are reforming ecclesiastics. Defeated, the opponents resign in May 1790. The committee skills are so wide that is delegates to the "Comité des Dîmes" and to united Committees. The latter creates the "Comité des savants" or "Commission des monuments". The work by the committee concerns alienation, administration and sale of the ecclesiastical property, but also its preserving, the abolition of the religious orders, the civil constitution of clergy, the civil status and the marriage and finally the religion and the liturgy

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Based on the fact that higher courts are assuming a greater role in Brazil today, as is the global trend in complex contemporary societies, in the shaping of public policy and regulation, the study aims to map the evolution – and progressive democratization – of the checks and balances structure established in the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, i.e., the selection process of justice for Federal Supreme Court, Brazil’s apex constitutional court. The text analyses the institutional/constitutional framework of the selection process for new justices, and exemplify changes in the profile of political players, in the network of competences of institutions involved in the process and in the social, political, economic and cultural context that pushed through the practical transformation of the institutional selection model without altering, however, the format originally established in the 19th Century. By mapping the origin and evolution of the constitutional formula for collaboration between the Executive and Legislative branches in choosing the members of the Judiciary’s highest court, the study finds the origin of the Brazilian model in the US experience, describing the latter and making parallels between the two. Taking the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil as a milestone, the work demonstrates the even greater mobilization of political and social players concerning the selection process, especially in relation to the hearings and confirmation of appointments for the Federal Supreme Court by the Federal Senate Constitution, Justice and Civic Rights Commission (CCJ). Finally, the studies analyzes actual CCJ hearing sessions and some of the main discussions therein so as to draw lessons that may guide the debate on the evolution of the selection process of justices to the Federal Supreme Court , including as an early control tool used by those involved in the creation of future public policy through Federal Supreme Court decisions.
Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 ('Constituição'), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.

Le propos de cette thèse est de faire ressortir non seulement la spécificité du droit d'asile, mais également de redéfinir la Convention de Genève de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés. En effet, à la sortie de la Première Guerre mondiale, les réfugiés russes, arméniens et d'Asie Mineure furent déchus de leurs droits nationaux par leurs États d'origine respectifs. Ils furent collectivement placés sous la protection compensatoire de la Société des Nations car l'engagement en faveur des réfugiés occupait une place importante. C'est dans cette optique que fut créé le 27 juin 1921, le Haut-Commissaire de la SDN dirigé par le docteur Nansen, dont le nom et l'action sont devenus des symboles de dévouement à la cause des réfugiés dans le monde. La mission de Fridtjof Nansen était d'assurer la protection juridique des réfugiés. Ainsi, il créa le "Passeport Nansen", première protection juridique dans l'histoire du droit international. La naissance de la Convention de Genève du 28 juillet 1951 et du Protocole de 1967 permet aux Etats de formuler quelques grilles d'interprétation relative à la protection des réfugiés. Cette Convention de 1951 reste le fondement du droit international relatif aux réfugiés et sa définition du réfugié est l'élément de base principal permettant d'établir le statut de réfugié d'une personne. Le droit d'asile en France est prévu par le quatrième alinéa du Préambule de la Constitution de 1946 qui posa pour affirmation que "tout homme persécuté en raison de son action en faveur de la liberté a droit à l'asile". Quant à la Suisse, après sa ratification de la Convention le 14 décembre 1954, souscrit à la version la plus large de la définition du réfugié
The aim of this thesis is not only put forward the specificity of the right of asylum, but also to redefine the Geneva Convention of 1951 which focuses on the status of the refugees. At the end of the First World War, the Russian, Armenian and Asia Minor immigrants were stripped of their national rights by their countries. They were put under the complementary protection of the United Nation Society because the commitment toward the refugees held a very important place. It was with this in mind that on the 29th of June 1921 was created what we call the High Commission of the SDN directed by the doctor Fridtjof Nansen, who's name and mission have become symbols of the devotion to refugees in the world. Fridtjof Nansen's mission was to assure the judicial protection of these refugees. That is why he created the "Passport Nansen" the first judicial protection of refugees in the history of international law. The birth of the Geneva Convention of the 28th July 1951 and the Protocol of 1967 allows the states to create a handful of interpretation grids in relation to the protection of the refugees. This Convention remains the foundation of the International law that’s linked to the refugees and the definition of a refugee is the underlying element that allows us to establish the refugee status of an individual. The right to asylum in France is founded in the fourth paragraph of the preamble in the Constitution of 1946 and says the following statement "any man persecuted because of this action in favor of his liberty has the right to asylum". Switzerland on the other hand, after the approval of the Convention adopted the version that has the larger definition of the refugee

This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.

碩士
國立臺北大學
法律學系一般生組
96
Form the principle of separation of powers progressed and Independent Regulatory Agencies of America affected, we discovered the administration must consider things from all perspectives.under the principle of separation of powers, the Legislative Yuan, is not precluded from imposing certain restrictions on the Executive Yuan’s power to decide on personnel affairs in respect of members of the Independent Administrative Commissions for purposes of checks and balances.But the purposes of the administration shall be to implement the laws, handle public affairs, shape social policy, pursue well-being for all, and realize the national goals. Due to the complexity and diversity of missions, various departments must be set up in order to implement different tasks individually and separately based on different areas of specialization. However, the diversified offices and positions were not established so that each department could do things in its own way. No matter how the labor is to be divided, it is up to the highest administrative head to devise an overall plan and to direct and supervise so as to boost efficiency and to enable the state to work effectively as a whole. The foregoing is the essence of the principle of administrative unity. The checks and balances as imposed by the legislative power on the executive power in respect of the power to decide on the personnel affairs for an independent agency, in general, are manifested in the restrictions on the personnel’s qualifications, which are intended to ensure the specialization of the independent agency. An agency that dismissed many of the complaints that it issued would stand condemned of having squandered the taxpayer’s money on meritless causes.

Résultat d’un accord de coopération intergouvernemental passé entre les ministres de l’enseignement de quatre pays réunis à la Sorbonne en 1998, le processus de Bologne n’est pas resté longtemps sous le contrôle des seuls États. En 2001, les ministres ont créé un groupe de suivi composé des représentants des pays membres du processus et de la Commission européenne, de l’EUA (association des universités européennes), de l’EURASHE (association européenne des établissements d’enseignement supérieur), de l’ESIB (union des associations étudiantes nationales) et du Conseil de l’Europe, ces quatre derniers bénéficiant d’un statut temporaire et de membre consultatif. Depuis 2001, la Commission européenne joue un rôle central dans le processus de Bologne, à côté d’organisations d’acteurs qui se voient forcées de discuter de sujets qui les ont précédemment divisés et qui modifient leurs relations au niveau national. Depuis 2005, la Commission a le droit de voter dans un processus d’européanisation lancé dans un domaine qui reste de compétence nationale. Elle a ainsi pu orienter la réforme des universités, veut définir la bonne institution, la bonne science et le bon enseignement.Cette thèse s’intéresse au mécanisme de prise de décision du processus de Bologne. Elle analyse les réseaux qui constituent le nouvel espace sociopolitique dans l’enseignement supérieur, les tactiques développées par ses acteurs. Elle retrace les actions qui ont été déployées par la Commission européenne pour pouvoir intégrer le processus de Bologne et contrôler les politiques du supérieur. Cette thèse prend ses supports théoriques dans les travaux de Foucault (et ses concepts de dispositif, de gouvernementalité, de rapport pouvoir/savoir, de régime de vérité) et dans la théorie de l’acteur-réseau de Callon et Latour (avec les concepts du processus de traduction). Les supports théoriques secondaires proviennent des travaux de Boltanski et Thévenot, de Kingdon, de l’institutionnalisme.L’argument de cette thèse est qu’en 1998, le ministre français Claude Allègre (initiateur du processus) a activé un "dispositif européen de l’enseignement supérieur", qui a été progressivement orienté par la Commission européenne. Avec les concepts de la sociologie de la traduction, ce travail décrit les différentes étapes qui ont permis à la Commission de devenir le "macroacteur" ou l’"acteur-réseau" du processus de Bologne
As the result of an intergovernmental agreement of cooperation between the ministers of higher education of four states at the Sorbonne in 1998, the Bologna process was initially steered by the representatives of the states. Its initiator, the French minister Claude Allègre, had explicitly excluded the European Commission from the exclusive club of the initiators of the process. The Bologna process to create a "European Higher Education Area" did not remain for long under the control of the states alone. In 2001, at the summit of Prague, the ministers created a follow-up group composed by the representatives of the states and the European Commission, to which was added the EUA (European University Association), the EURASHE (European Association of Institutions of Higher Education), the ESIB (National Unions of Students in Europe) and the Council of Europe. Since 2001, the European Commission plays a central role in the Bologna process, alongside actor’s organizations who see themselves forced to discuss issues that had previously divided them and to modify their relationships at a national level. Since 2005, the Commission has the right to vote in the follow-up group of the Bologna process, in a Europeanization process in a field of national competence. The Commission has oriented the reform of the university, would like to define the good institution (with European Institute of Technology as model) and the good science (with the European Research Council). The Commission promotes its "knowledge triangle" composed by education, research and innovation.This thesis focuses on the decision making mechanism of the Bologna process. It analyses the networks that constitute the new sociopolitical area in higher education, the strategies and the tactics developed by its actors. Moreover, this thesis analyzes the actions of the European Commission to integrate the Bologna process and to control higher education policies. This thesis takes its theoretical support on Foucault’s work (especially concept of device, governmentality, knowledge/power report, regime of truth) and on the Actor-network theory from Callon and Latour (with some of the concept of translation process). Some second theoretical support comes from the work of Boltanski and Thevenot, Kingdon (with policy entrepreneurs), the institutionalism (with Morpey and Huisman).The argument of this thesis is that Allègre has activated a "European device of higher education" in 1998, a device progressively oriented by the European Commission. With the concept of translation sociology, this work describes the different stage traversed by the European Commission to become the "macroactor" or the "actor-network" of the Bologna process

Against the background of the lack of consensus on the definition of the concept minority and the continuing debates on minorities and their rights in education, a need exists for adequate provision of education suitable to different minorities. This study investigates the provision of education to minorities. A literature survey investigated how various countries make provision for minorities in their education systems, starting from the Constitutions and various education laws to educational practice. These countries include Belgium, Getmany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom (UK) and Italy. Regarding South Africa, an analysis of documents dealing with the provision of education to minorities was undertaken. Unstructured interviews, from a small sample of informants selected by purposeful sampling, elicited additional data to the document analysis. Data was analysed, discussed and synthesised. The major findings are: there is no international consensus on the definition of the concept minority; the concept minority does not even appear in the Constitutions of some of the countries under investigation; the South African Constitution uses the concept communities rather than minorities. However, no definition of the concept community is provided and despite reservations expressed by a key informant on group rights, generally the South African Constitution contains enough sections regarding the provision of education to minorities. Subject to certain limitations, minority groups may open their own schools and use their own language. Based on these findings, recommendations for educational provision for minorities are made.
Educational Studies
D.Ed. (Comparative Education)

Since the 1970s, the Presbyterian Church in the United States has dealt with its most divisive issue ever: same-gender relationships. Two polity debates have occurred simultaneously: 1) The ordination and/or installation of partnered gay and lesbian Christians as church officers, i.e. deacons, elders, and ministers of the Word and Sacrament; 2) The permissibility of ministers to perform and officers to participate in same-gender blessings and marriages, both liturgical and civil. This period is characterised by an absence of theological discussion and formulation of biblical and/or theological statements. Rather, the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), and its predecessor churches, the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. and Presbyterian Church in the U.S., all used polity to guide them. This is in line with the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, which decided in 1927 to solve controversial theological issues, not through theological discussion, but through polity. Since 1978, various polity processes have guided and shaped the two debates to form the current policies: 1) Presbyteries send overtures to General Assemblies, which, in turn issue “definitive guidance” statements and Authoritative Interpretations; 2) General Assembly Permanent Judicial Commissions (GAPJC) issue Authoritative Interpretations in both remedial and disciplinary cases, after complaints have moved through the ecclesiastical courts at Presbytery and/or synod level; 3) The 173 Presbyteries vote on amendments, approved by General Assemblies, to amend the Book of Order. The most notable amendment was the addition of G-6.0106b in 1997. This writer argues that G-6.0106b in the Book of Order, requiring “fidelity within the covenant of marriage between a man and a woman, or chastity in singleness,” is a form of subscription, and, therefore, contrary to the entire history of the Presbyterian Church, which has rejected all forms of subscriptionism since 1706. Subscription to five standards briefly existed from 1910-1925, and was rejected by the 1926 and 1927 General Assemblies of the PCUSA. One ordination standard is now elevated above all other standards and, since 1997, there have been three attempts to rid the Book of Order of this requirement. W-4.9001 and G-6.0106b in the Book of Order reflect the changes made in the Westminster Confession of Faith in the 1950s, allowing for the divorce and remarriage of officers; namely marriage is between a man and a woman. Yet, it is used to exclude partnered gay and lesbian Christians from ordination and/or installation, and from participating in same-gender liturgical marriages. The debates have created camps of conservatives, centrists, and liberals, which consistently threaten the peace, unity, and purity of the church. Thousands of evangelicals and conservatives, opposed to partnered gay and lesbian officers, have left the denomination for the Evangelical Presbyterian Church. Additionally, Special Organisations, which are not accountable to the denomination, have added to the tension and created intolerance of others’ views. Copyright
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009.
Church History and Church Policy
unrestricted

If the expectancy that someone was to act according to what we deem to be his or her “duty” was that straightforward, there would be no need to address the issues of liability of the employee for the wrongful acts of the employer. The recent - and some say alarming - trend in South Africa to hold employers (particularly the government) liable for wrongful, culpable acts committed by their employees, gives rise to difficulties and any inquiry into the possible vicarious liability of the employer should necessarily always start by asking whether there was in fact a wrongful, culpable act committed by the employee. If not, there can neither be direct liability of the employee nor vicarious liability by the employer. Where the employee did indeed commit a delict, the relationship between the wrongdoer and his or her employer at the time of the wrongdoing becomes important. It is then often, in determining whether the employee was acting in the scope of his or her employment that normative issues come to the fore. Over the years South African courts have devised tests to determine whether an employee was in fact acting in the scope of his employment.
Jurisprudence
LLM

The ill-effects of corruption on the society, polity and economy of a country are far reaching. They have a corrosive effect on the rule of law, on governance and on the welfare of the society. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996, which is the supreme law of the country, places as an expectation and obligation on the government accountability of state, and a government free of corruption and the malignancy of economic nepotism. South Africa’s anti-corruption framework is designed as a control-based approach that is multi-faceted and executed through legislation, supporting regulations, audit trails, anti-corruption structures, law enforcement, and public vigilance and reporting structures, amongst others. Be that as it may, South Africa is battling the scourge of corruption and other self-serving behaviours, often amongst the upper echelons of governing power, as demonstrated by the State capture. Some of the acts of corruption stems from the very same institutions that are meant to be the upper guardians of law and order. Numerous corrupt practices occur almost daily, including but not limited to fraud, bribery, extortion, nepotism, conflict of interest, cronyism, favouritism, theft, fronting, embezzlement, influence-peddling, insider trading/abuse of privileged information, bid-rigging and kickbacks and money laundering. The list is not exhaustive. Based on the findings of this study, numerous recommendations and /or suggestions are made. The value of the study lies in the contribution it makes in South Africa’s fight against corruption to become comparable to countries whose corruption perception index is all time favourable, such as Botswana, Seychelles, Hong Kong and Singapore.
Criminology and Security Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminal Justice)

Throughout sub-Saharan Africa, women and girls are denied their right to inherit from their husbands and fathers as a result of the operation of the indigenous law rule of male primogeniture, in terms of which an heir must be male. This violates prohibitions on gender discrimination, as well as other, more specific provisions found in international human rights treaties. However, courts in both South Africa and Zimbabwe have in recent years upheld the rule. States Parties to relevant treaties have an obligation to ensure equal inheritance rights for women and girls. In the case of South Africa, provisions of the Constitution are also relevant. After discussing the operation of the indigenous law of inheritance, the international human rights provisions violated by it, as well as the recommendations of the South African Law Commission and legislative proposals on this issue, the writer suggests that legislation should be adopted to ensure equality for women and girls, while retaining the positive aspects of indigenous law and culture.
Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law
LL. M. (Law)

This study involves a critical appraisal of the legal implications of South Africa’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the context of its international and regional human rights obligations. The dissertation also investigates the history and formation of the ICC, South Africa’s involvement and its role as a guardian of international and regional human rights obligations in Africa. The study reviews the circumstances leading to South Africa’s notice of withdrawal from the ICC, including the legal implications and international human rights obligations. This inquiry considers South Africa’s proposed withdrawal from the ICC which is supported by points of departure and a comprehensive literature review. The decision to withdraw from the ICC is considered to be a political one. However, this study raises questions about the executive’s withdrawal in regard to its domestic, regional and international human rights obligations, irrespective of whether it is a member of the ICC. The study surveys the background to South Africa’s participation in the ICC, its membership of the African Union and the implications of ICC membership including the obligations imposed on member states.
Criminal and Procedural Law
LL. M.