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Books on the topic 'Commitments to alliance'
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1
Gulati, Ranjay. Unilateral commitments and the importance of process in alliances. Cambridge, Mass: Alfred P. Sloan School of Management, 1994.
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2
Kugler, Richard L. Commitment to purpose: How alliance partnership won the cold war. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1993.
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3
A, Jordan Amos, and Hunter Robert Edwards 1940-, eds. Restructuring alliance commitments. Washington, D.C: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1988.
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4
Simpson, Erika. Canada's contrasting alliance commitments and the underlying beliefs and assumptions of NATO defenders and critics. 1995.
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5
Lanoszka, Alexander. Atomic Assurance. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501729188.001.0001.
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How do alliances curb potential or actual cases of nuclear proliferation, if at all? Many scholars assert that alliances are effective tools for bridling the nuclear ambitions of states and that the United States can especially take credit for suppressing nuclear proliferation among its allies around the world. This book challenges this widely-held view by arguing that alliances can be most useful for preventing potential nuclear proliferation but much less useful for curbing actual nuclear proliferation. Drawing on deep archival research it shows how allied decision-makers often evaluate American security guarantees with reference to in-theater conventional military deployments. It also demonstrates the significant difficulties in mounting alliance coercion in order to extract non-proliferation commitments. The book mainly explores the three cases of supposed alliance non-proliferation success--West Germany, Japan, and South Korea—while examining in lesser detail the case of Great Britain, France, Norway, Australia, and Taiwan.
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Horwitz, Howard. “See Things in New Ways”. Edited by Jay Williams. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199315178.013.32.
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Like many socialists, but unlike someone like Edward Bellamy, London explains the process by which people’s political “method of thinking” changes. London’s “How I Became a Socialist” formulates a model of conversion that most of us might find curious. London treats political commitments and faith as passions with a physiological basis. London pairs “socialism” with terms that designate tribal affiliation. If being a socialist is like being “Teutonic” and “Christian,” then political affiliation is a species of religious faith, and political and religious affiliation operate as tribal affiliation, suggesting a biologistic basis. In London’s analogy, one’s commitment to a set of beliefs is akin to one’s alliance to others of like kind.
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Dieter, Fleck, Newton Michael A, and Grenfell Katarina. Part I General Framework, 3 Multinational Military Operations. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808404.003.0003.
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This chapter discusses the use of multinational military units. Some European States, such as Germany, have incorporated large, if not most, parts of their national military forces in permanent multinational units. Many other States including the US are forming ad hoc military units for specific operations. The UN, NATO, and other international organizations are pursuing standby arrangements and high readiness commitments to allow for rapid response. In all these situations command and control issues are to be considered. While there are many different forms of multinational military cooperation, and Sending States will avoid regulating these matters in status-of-forces agreements (SOFAs) with the Receiving State, they are nevertheless relevant for the law and practice of Visiting Forces. This chapter draws some conclusions on the concept of multinational military operations for the North Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, and beyond.
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Kugler, Richard. Commitment to Purpose: How Alliance Partnership Won the Cold War. RAND Corporation, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.7249/mr190.
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Como, David R. Rumor Wars. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199541911.003.0012.
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Following military failures in late 1644, long-simmering religious differences burst into public, threatening to sunder parliament’s cause. A formidable presbyterian alliance gathered strength, deploying multiple tactics to pressure parliament to settle the church and crack down on the sects; at the same time, a developing independent coalition adopted equally sophisticated techniques of organization and propaganda to counter this push. This chapter analyzes these practices—including petitioning, lobbying, secret printing, street propaganda, rumormongering, and regular meetings—to reveal a novel environment of energetic partisan politics. These organizational developments were accompanied by ideological shifts, in which presbyterians drew back from earlier militant political commitments, while some independents articulated newly radical political ideas, hinting at social egalitarianism, press freedom, democratization of the polity, or limitations on state power. Moreover, these ideological shifts and religious divisions increasingly dovetailed with disputes over military reorganization, culminating in the creation of the New Model Army.
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Hardy, Duncan. The Functions of Alliances and Leagues. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0007.
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The primary purpose of treaty-based associations, from leagues of mixed composition to knightly societies and urban coalitions, was to regulate relations between their members. In virtually all association treaties this regulatory framework touched on two spheres of activity of fundamental importance to political life: military assistance and judicial or quasi-judicial adjudication. Treaties regulated the first sphere by committing allies and associates to promises such as not harbouring each other’s feud-enemies and helping each other during conflicts. Surviving correspondence and records show that these commitments were taken seriously by Upper German powers, and sometimes led to much larger-scale mobilization of armed forces than would have been possible by any individual prince, nobleman, or city. In the ‘judicial’ sphere, members of associations agreed specific pathways and procedures for resolving disputes between them, and sometimes also between members and external parties, usually through arbitration at Tage within an association or through specified courts.
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Roper, R. Maxwell. Consulting Alliance - The Commitment to Team Empowerment (A Case Study of USA Leadership Corps' Team Management Approach). USA Leadership Corps, 2007.
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12
Rosamond, Annika Bergman. Swedish Internationalism and Development Aid. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.26.
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This chapter provides a critical assessment of Swedish internationalism by unpacking its social democratic roots and liberal expressions. It examines the distinct features of Sweden’s social democratic internationalism, with its focus on solidarism within and beyond borders, and the country’s tradition of neutrality, which is also linked to internationalism. The chapter also provides an investigation into the internationalist tradition of the center-right coalition government known as the Alliance. The discussion is situated within constructivist scholarship on Swedish internationalism, social democracy, and neutrality. The empirical focus is Sweden’s commitment to a more equitably distributed international income through provisions of overseas development assistance.
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Harris, Frances. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198802440.003.0001.
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This introduces the Marlborough-Godolphin partnership as not just a political alliance, but a close friendship founded on ideals of platonic love and heroic virtue. It reviews the various discourses of friendship, noting the cultural influences (the essayists Montaigne, Sir William Temple, Saint-Évremond, as well as heroic drama and opera) which carried the ideal forward, but with the growing sense that it must prove itself in actual human transactions. It suggests that studying the Marlborough-Godolphin friendship as it proved itself in war abroad and party conflict at home is revealing of two historical figures whom historians have often found enigmatic, though in the end their commitment to it contributed to their short-term failure as well as their longer-term success. The distinction between friendship and royal favour is also touched on.
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Nagar, Richa. Translated Fragments, Fragmented Translations. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038792.003.0002.
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This chapter draws attention to the ways in which a commitment to radical vulnerability can enable and enrich politically engaged alliance work, and the particular ways in which affect and trust empower translations across borders. It presents excerpts of letters, conversations, poems, and narratives from contexts that might seem disjointed and disparate on the surface but that tell stories—of encounters, events, and relationships—that have enabled the arguments made in the rest of this book. These fragments also point to the intense entanglements between autobiography and politics, and seek to initiate a discussion on feminist praxis that commits itself to learning and unlearning by inserting one's body—individually and collectively—into the process of knowledge making and the generative challenges that such insertion poses for imagining storytelling and engagement across socioeconomic, geographical, and institutional borders.
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Harris, Frances. 1689–1701. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198802440.003.0004.
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The second chapter traces the friendship of Godolphin and Marlborough through the reign of William and Mary. Godolphin gains experience in working with Parliament to finance a major European war, but Marlborough and William are soon at loggerheads. Mary’s premature death in 1694, leaving Anne heir to the throne, and the marriage of Godolphin’s only son to Marlborough’s eldest daughter under Anne’s auspices in 1698 cements their friendship and commitment to Anne. But the deaths at the end of the century of Anne’s only son, Carlos II of Spain, King James, and finally William, make another European war inevitable over the rival claims of the Bourbons and the Habsburgs to the Spanish empire, with the British succession dependent on the outcome. Marlborough succeeds to William’s leadership of the Grand Alliance, but Godolphin resigns over William’s dying conviction that only the Whigs, not the Tories will support the war.
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Baer, Ulrich. What Snowflakes Get Right. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190054199.001.0001.
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Angry debates about polarizing speakers have roiled college campuses. Conservatives accuse universities of muzzling unpopular opinions, betraying their values of open inquiry; students sympathetic to the Left advocate for some regulation of speech, asking for “safe spaces” and protection against visiting speakers and even curricula they feel disrespects them. Some even call these students “snowflakes”—too fragile to be exposed to opinions and ideas that challenge their worldviews. How might universities resolve these debates about free speech, which pit students’ welfare against the university’s commitment to free inquiry and open debate? This book provides a new way of looking at this dilemma. It explains how the current dichotomy is false and is not really about the feelings of offended students, or protecting an open marketplace of ideas. Rather, what is at stake is our democracy’s commitment to equality, and the university’s critical role as an arbiter of truth. The book shows how and why free speech forges an otherwise uneasy alliance of liberals and ultraconservatives, and why this First Amendment absolutism is untenable in law and society in general. The book draws on law, philosophy, and the author’s extensive experience as a university administrator to show that the lens of equality can resolve this impasse, and can allow the university to serve as a model for democracy that upholds both truth and equality as its founding principles.
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Hammack, Phillip L. Social Psychology and Social Justice: Critical Principles and Perspectives for the Twenty-First Century. Edited by Phillip L. Hammack. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199938735.013.1.
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This introduction presents the concept of social justice as an idea (and ideal) linked to Enlightenment philosophies and their realization in modern democracies. The historical emergence of social psychology as a discipline is discussed in relation to twentieth-century movements for postcolonial independence and civil rights, the demise of the eugenics movement, and challenges to ideologies of ethnic hierarchy. Five principles of a social psychology of social justice for the twenty-first century are proposed, orienting empirical work toward (1) a critical ontological perspective, (2) assumption of a normative stance toward justice, (3) alliance with the subordinate, (4) analysis of resistance, and (5) commitment to public science and scientific activism. Chapters within the volume are situated in relation to six areas of inquiry: (1) critical ontologies, paradigms, and methods; (2) race and ethnicity; (3) gender and sexuality; (4) class and poverty; (5) globalization and conflict; and (6) intervention, advocacy, and social policy.
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Lemons, Gary L., ed. Building Womanist Coalitions. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042423.001.0001.
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This book is a visionary illustration of the life-transforming soul-work of body of pro-womanists. Its purpose promotes writings by women and men of color having come together in solidarity as models of activist-consciousness. The contributors to this collection embody shades of gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality, culture, and nation-state affiliations centered in womanist “universal[ism].” Including writings by teachers/professors, students, and creative artists (poets as well as actors/directors)—they collectively exemplify an unwavering defense of human rights and social justice. Communicating the self-liberatory value of the meaning(s) of womanism in their writings, the contributors counter ideologies of separatism, domination, and systemic oppression. Collectively, they promote activist comradeship in resistance to wall-building ideas of exclusionism. In sum, this volume represents the unwavering commitment of individuals courageously willing to cross borders of personal, social, political, and spiritual difference(s) to create bridges for liberatory alliances.
19
Locke, Joseph. Making the Bible Belt. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190216283.001.0001.
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By reconstructing the religious crusade to achieve prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reveals how southern religious leaders overcame long-standing anticlerical traditions and built a powerful political movement that injected religion irreversibly into public life. H.L. Mencken coined the term “Bible Belt” in the 1920s to capture the peculiar alliance of religion and public life in the American South, but the reality he described was only the closing chapter of a long historical process. Through the politics of prohibition, and in the face of bitter resistance, a complex but shared commitment to expanding the power and scope of religion transformed southern evangelicals’ inward-looking restraints into an aggressive, self-assertive, and unapologetic political activism. Early defeats forced prohibitionist clergy to recast their campaign as a broader effort that churned notions of history, race, gender, and religion into a moral crusade that elevated ambitious leaders such as the pugnacious fundamentalist J. Frank Norris and US senator Morris Sheppard, the “Father of National Prohibition,” into national figures. By exploring the controversies surrounding the religious support of prohibition in Texas, Making the Bible Belt reconstructs the purposeful, decades-long campaign to politicize southern religion, hints at the historical origins of the religious right, and explores a compelling and transformative moment in American history.
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Cronin, Bruce. Treaty Law: New Trends. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.355.
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Treaties are agreements between sovereign states, and occasionally between states and international organizations. Treaties can include conventions, covenants, charters, and statutes, all of which are legally binding under international law. There are two main types of treaties: bilateral and multilateral. Bilateral agreements are concluded by a limited number of states (usually two), and typically address a narrow set of issues that are unique to specific parties and particular circumstances. Multilateral treaties, on the other hand, establish generalized principles of conduct that apply to a wide range of states without regard to the future particularistic interests of the parties or the strategic exigencies that may exist in a particular occurrence. Treaties can serve a wide variety of functions: ending wars and establishing conditions for peace; creating new international organizations or alliances; generating new rules of coexistence and cooperation; regulating a particular type of behavior; distributing resources; and initiating new rights and obligations for future relations. No single organization or agency has the authority to enforce treaty commitment. Rather, treaties can be enforced in at least two ways. First, states can use diplomatic, economic, and/or military coercion. Second, some treaties establish their own enforcement mechanisms; for example Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter grants enforcement authority to the Security Council.
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Holtzman, Benjamin. The Long Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843700.001.0001.
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The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. The Long Crisis, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city-dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures, but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city’s budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up. These shifts toward the market would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.
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Talisse, Robert B. Sustaining Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556450.001.0001.
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Democracy is hard work. It can flourish only when citizens actively participate in the business of collective self-government. Yet political participation gives rise to deep political divides over core political values. In the midst of these divisions, citizens are required to recognize one another as political equals, as fellow participants who are entitled to an equal share of political power. Research shows that political engagement exposes citizens to forces that erode their capacities to regard their political opponents as their equals. In the course of democratic participation, we come to see our opponents as inept and ill-motivated, ultimately unfit for democracy. This tendency is especially pronounced among those who are the most politically active. Democratic citizenship thus can undermine itself. With this conflict at the heart of democratic citizenship, we must actively pursue justice while also treating those who embrace injustice as our equals. Sustaining Democracy navigates this conflict. It begins by exploring partisanship and polarization, the two mechanisms by which citizens come to regard their opponents as unsuited for democracy. It then proposes strategies by which citizens can mitigate these forces without dampening their political commitments. As it turns out, the same forces that lead us to scorn our opponents can also undermine and fracture our political alliances. If we are concerned to further justice, we need to uphold civil relations with our opponents, even when we despise their political views. If we want to preserve our political friendships, we must sustain democracy with our foes.