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1
Benson, Brett V., Patrick R. Bentley, and James Lee Ray. "Ally provocateur." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (January 2013): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312454445.
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The primary purpose of many alliances is to deter attacks on members of the alliance by potentially antagonistic states. Yet some alliances can increase the probability of conflict that may be initiated by alliance members. Cognizant of that possibility, states that wish to sustain peace may nevertheless intentionally form alliance commitments with revisionist leaders of other states. Faced with the partially conflicting goals of deterring antagonistic states while at the same time restraining allies, leaders often include in alliance treaties conditions that oblige allies to provide military assistance only if a member of the alliance is attacked by a state outside the alliance. However, other treaties may contain unconditional obligations to come to the defense of members of the alliance. Such alliances tend to arise from situations where some members of the alliance feel that their alliance partners need to have the flexibility even to engage in provocative behavior in order to deter the target of the alliance. Our analysis of alliance formation processes in the context of priorities that compete with each other provides a basis for two hypotheses. The first is that revisionist states with unconditional commitments from members of their alliance to come to their defense are more likely to initiate militarized conflict than states without such unconditional commitments. The second hypothesis is that revisionist states in alliances whose treaties stipulate that commitments to defend are conditional will be less likely to initiate militarized conflict than such states with allies who are committed to come to their defense without conditions. Statistical analyses of data generated with a view toward evaluations of both hypotheses (some of which provide new, more detailed categorizations of alliance treaties) suggest that they are valid.
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Leeds, Brett Ashley. "Alliance Reliability in Times of War: Explaining State Decisions to Violate Treaties." International Organization 57, no. 4 (2003): 801–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303574057.
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AbstractUnderstanding the conditions under which state leaders are willing to honor alliance commitments in war will increase knowledge about the escalation and diffusion of conflict and about the propensity of states to fulfill agreements under anarchy. New data analysis provides evidence that alliance commitments are fulfilled about 75 percent of the time. But how can one understand the failure of alliance partners to act as promised in the remaining 25 percent of cases? Formal modelers have deduced that because of the costs associated with alliances, state leaders who form alliances are likely to fulfill them; those alliances that are formed should be fairly reliable. I argue, therefore, that one can best account for violations of alliance agreements either through an understanding of the factors that reduce the costs of violation or through changes that have occurred since the alliance was formed. Using detailed data on alliance commitments between 1816 and 1944, I find evidence commensurate with this argument. Changes in the power of states or in their policymaking processes are powerful predictors of the failure to honor past commitments; and nondemocratic states and major powers, sets of states that I argue suffer lower costs from reneging on agreements, are more likely to violate treaties.
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Berkemeier, Molly, and Matthew Fuhrmann. "Reassessing the fulfillment of alliance commitments in war." Research & Politics 5, no. 2 (April 2018): 205316801877969. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018779697.
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Leeds et al. (2000) report that military alliance commitments are honored in war around 75% of the time. We update and extend data on alliance reliability from 1816 to 2003. Our analysis reveals a lower compliance rate overall: 50%. We find a sharp disparity in alliance reliability before and after World War II. States honored their alliance commitments 66% of the time prior to 1945 but the compliance rate drops to 22% from 1945 to 2003. Moreover, the rates of fulfillment for defense pacts (41%) and nonaggression pacts (37%) are dramatically lower than offensive alliances (74%) and neutrality agreements (78%). These findings carry implications for the role of military alliances in world politics and highlight the need for more research to explain the differences that emerge before and after World War II.
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Ahwireng-Obeng, F., and O. O. Egunjobi. "Performance determinants of large-small business strategic alliances in South Africa." South African Journal of Business Management 32, no. 3 (September 30, 2001): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v32i3.724.
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The literature suggests that the success of strategic alliances between large and small firms is influenced by four broad factors: motivational, cultural and resource capability synergies; shared commitments, goals and roles; participative planning, operationalisation and administration; and regular open communications. This study suggests that even though mismatches and incongruencies may be evident, the alliance formation and endurance are influenced by two other factors: largely similar perceptions by both groups regarding the alliance’s performance determinants; and a strong expectation by the large firm group of high future net benefits from aligning with small firms. Performance is, invariably, contingent upon implementing a number of ‘pre-emptive’ steps during the course of the alliance.
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Sharp, Jane M. O. "Arms Control and Alliance Commitments." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 4 (1985): 649. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151545.
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Tomz, Michael, and Jessica L. P. Weeks. "Military Alliances and Public Support for War." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 3 (February 25, 2021): 811–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab015.
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Abstract How do military alliances affect public support for war to defend victims of aggression? We offer the first experimental evidence on this fundamental question. Our experiments revealed that alliance commitments greatly increased the American public's willingness to intervene abroad. Alliances shaped public opinion by increasing public fears about the reputational costs of nonintervention and by heightening the perceived moral obligation to intervene out of concerns for fairness and loyalty. Finally, although alliances swayed public opinion across a wide range of circumstances, they made the biggest difference when the costs of intervention were high, the stakes of intervention were low, and the country needing aid was not a democracy. Thus, alliances can create pressure for war even when honoring the commitment would be extremely inconvenient, which could help explain why democratic allies tend to be so reliable. These findings shed new light on the consequences of alliances and other international legal commitments, the role of morality in foreign policy, and ongoing debates about domestic audience costs.
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Berridge, G. R. "Ententes and alliances." Review of International Studies 15, no. 3 (July 1989): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112860.
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In 1976 Robert A. Kann, the well known authority on Habsburg history, wrote a Research Note in World Politics called ‘Alliances versus Ententes’.1 This rescued a distinction which had not been entirely overlooked in the post-war literature of international Relations2 but was certainly in danger of extinction at the hands of a broad, all-purpose concept of ‘alliance’.3 An alliance, Kann claimed, is distinguished by its ‘airtight commitments’; by contrast an entente entails ‘no definite commitments’ and is altogether a looser and more flexible kind of association between states. The entente he alternatively described as a ‘consultation pact’ or ‘flexible agreement’. Kann, however, was not concerned only with conceptual explication. Indeed, his main purpose seems to have been (he was a little vague on this) to advance the argument that although ‘many examples of workable alliances and meaningless ententes can easily be adduced’, the entente is in principle a more efficient device for serving ‘the interests of peace’ than the alliance. This is an argument which can be challenged both on internal as well as historical grounds.
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Mattes, Michaela. "Democratic Reliability, Precommitment of Successor Governments, and the Choice of Alliance Commitment." International Organization 66, no. 1 (January 2012): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818311000336.
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AbstractGiven frequent leadership turnover and leaders' need to appeal to voters, democracies should face difficulties in maintaining their alliance commitments. Yet the empirical evidence predominantly shows that they do make reliable allies. Democratic governments can increase reliability by binding future administrations through the choice of alliance commitment. While defense pacts precommit future leaders to close military cooperation with an ally, consultation pacts leave more room for discretion. This research note examines when precommitment through a defense pact is likely to occur. A government should be more likely to conclude a defense pact if potential successors have different preferences regarding the alliance, if the government believes that it will lose power soon, and if the costs of precommitment are not too high. I test the theoretical expectations using the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) data between 1945 and 2003. The findings support the argument and suggest an answer to the puzzle of why states sometimes conclude whole-hearted commitments and other times seemingly half-hearted ones.
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Pangarkar, Nitin, and Sairah Hussain. "When more is not better: Simultaneous alliance commitments and alliance performance." Academy of Management Proceedings 2012, no. 1 (July 2012): 10673. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2012.10673abstract.
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Chiba, Daina, Jesse C. Johnson, and Brett Ashley Leeds. "Careful Commitments: Democratic States and Alliance Design." Journal of Politics 77, no. 4 (October 2015): 968–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/682074.
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Olesker, Ronnie. "Chaos is a ladder: A study of identity, norms, and power transition in the Game of Thrones universe." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 1 (October 25, 2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119885065.
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This article examines the interplay between identities, norms and power transition in the HBO series Game of Thrones. Using discourse analysis of season 7’s transcripts and viewing the show, I conclude that the most dominant themes to emerge are those related to identity and norms, in the context of hegemonic power transition. The season focuses on the impact of normative and ideational factors on how alliances operate and on the prospects of cooperation between alliances. I find that identity distributions across great powers impact the ability of characters to muster a successful challenge to the existing world order. Furthermore, I find that the survival of actors whose normative commitments are mismatched with their alliance is not guaranteed through the alliance. Thus, the show serves as an effective knowledge production site for exploring the consequences of power transition and alliance theory as power begins to transition in our own universe.
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Chambers, Michael R. "Dealing by a Truculent Ally: A Comparative Perspective on China's Handling of North Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (April 2005): 35–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006251.
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Fearing war on the Korean peninsula as a result of the current nuclear crisis, China has attempted to restrain its risk-taking ally in North Korea and push it toward a negotiated solution. In the process, Beijing has reneged on security commitments made in its bilateral alliance with Pyongyang. We should not be surprised by this behavior because China has acted similarly in other alliances with Asian neighbors. In particular, the PRC has demonstrated a wariness of being dragged into unwanted conflicts, has (since the economic reforms began in 1978) placed its own strategic economic development interests over fulfilling security pledges to allies, and has taught unruly allies a lesson for defying Chinese interests and advice by allowing them to be bloodied in combat. China's refusal to honor its security commitments in order to restrain North Korea and avoid entrapment in an undesired war raises the issue of the future of this alliance.
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Powers, Kathy L. "Dispute Initiation and Alliance Obligations in Regional Economic Institutions." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 4 (July 2006): 453–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343306065882.
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States increasingly incorporate alliance obligations into the design of multilateral trade agreements to deter aggression. Regional economic institutions (REIs) are such an example. This policy activity raises the question of whether REI military alliance obligations send signals and function as institutional constraints that deter aggression. Hypotheses regarding the influence of (1) shared REI military alliance obligations on dispute initiation and (2) REI military alliance obligations on whether a potential challenger will initiate a militarized dispute against a potential target are tested. African REIs, states, and their dispute initiations from 1950 to 2000 compose the sample. Logit analysis of time-series, cross-section data is the method employed. African REI military alliances are an example of African international relations’ exceptionalism and innovation in institutional design. Findings suggest African REI military alliance obligations reduce the propensity for aggression between member-states and reduce the likelihood that a potential challenger will attack a potential target and a potential target will be the object of attack. The evidence in this article indicates that such commitments reduce dispute initiation among African states.
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Skålnes, Lars S. "Grand Strategy and Foreign Economic Policy: British Grand Strategy in the 1930s." World Politics 50, no. 4 (July 1998): 582–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100007371.
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Variation in the need for military and political support from military allies affects the degree to which foreign economic policies will discriminate in favor of military allies and against adversaries and other countries. Powers in need of such support will pursue discriminatory foreign economic policies in order to change the configuration of domestic interests to favor not only closer economic relations but also closer political relations. By strengthening domestic support for an alliance, policymakers make it more difficult for their allies to renege on alliance commitments. Stronger political relations in turn reinforce the deterrent effect of the alliance. Because the net strategic benefits from closer relations in their case are lower, powers that can go it alone without support from allies will refrain from discriminatory policies. Shifts in strategic need make it possible to explain variation in the links between security considerations and foreign economic policies within alliances over time and also across alliances. British grand strategy in the 1930s illustrates how shifts in strategic need influence the degree to which foreign economic policies discriminate in favor of potential military allies.
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Johnson, Richard. "HAMILTON’S DERACIALIZATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 621–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000182.
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AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.
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Gibler, Douglas, and Toby Rider. "Prior Commitments: Compatible Interests versus Capabilities in Alliance Behavior." International Interactions 30, no. 4 (October 2004): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620490883985.
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Yarhi-Milo, Keren, Alexander Lanoszka, and Zack Cooper. "To Arm or to Ally? The Patron's Dilemma and the Strategic Logic of Arms Transfers and Alliances." International Security 41, no. 2 (October 2016): 90–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00250.
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How do great powers decide whether to provide arms to or form alliances with client states? This “patron's dilemma” revolves around a decision about how to best provide security to clients without becoming entrapped in unwanted conflicts. Strong commitments worsen the risk of entrapment, whereas weak commitments intensify fears of abandonment. This traditional alliance dilemma can be addressed through the provision of arms and alliances. Great power patrons primarily make such decisions on the basis of two factors: first, the extent to which the patron believes it and its client have common security interests; and second, whether the patron believes that its client has sufficient military capabilities to deter its main adversary without the patron's assistance. Patrons assess the degree of shared threat and the local balances of capabilities in determining whether to support their clients with arms, alliances, or both. As demonstrated in the U.S. provision of security goods to Taiwan and Israel during the Cold War, this strategic logic explains how great powers manage the patron's dilemma.
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Beckley, Michael. "The Myth of Entangling Alliances: Reassessing the Security Risks of U.S. Defense Pacts." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00197.
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A large literature assumes that alliances entangle the United States in military conflicts that it might otherwise avoid. Since 1945, however, there have been only five cases of what might be characterized as U.S. entanglement—the 1954 and 1995–96 Taiwan Strait crises, the Vietnam War, and the interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s—and even these cases are far from clear-cut. U.S. entanglement is rare because the United States, as a superpower with many allies, is capable of exploiting loopholes in alliance agreements, sidestepping commitments that seriously imperil U.S. interests, playing the demands of various allies off of each other, and using alliances to deter adversaries and allies from initiating or escalating conflicts.
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Moul, William. "Dangerous balances, 1816–1989: a simple theory with longitudinal evidence." Review of International Studies 28, no. 4 (October 2002): 657–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502006575.
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To be explained are the Great Power versus Great Power wars, 1816–1989. Familiar strands of ‘realist’ thinking are twisted into a good simple balances of power theory to explain peace, war and the extent of war. The evidence, quantitative and qualitative, is that non-separated approximate equals in power capabilities formed dangerous balances. Generally, would-be-combatant great powers used alliances to restrain stronger third parties and to add the capabilities of weaker states to their own. The critical importance of political geography, a state's political capacity, and alliance commitments to the balance of power are made plain.
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Lang, Daniel G. "International Commitments and Democracy: The United States and the Federal Republic of Germany." Review of Politics 57, no. 2 (1995): 309–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500026917.
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When citizens elect leaders whose policies conflict with standing international agreements, which claim deserves more respect, the treaty or the will of the majority? International law and democratic theory both point to constitutionalism as a way to address this dilemma. An examination of the effects of the elections of John F. Kennedy in 1961 and Willy Brandt in 1969 on U.S.-F.R.G. alliance commitments shows that the dilemma is not resolvable in principle, but that constitutional democracies adopt a variety of practices including consultation, public diplomacy, and commitment reinterpretation to make the tension between the two principles manageable.
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Newmeyer, Casey E., Efua Obeng, and John Hulland. "Joining forces for doing good: getting the international cause-alliance right." International Marketing Review 37, no. 5 (September 12, 2019): 829–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imr-04-2019-0122.
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Purpose Drawing on the brand alliance, cause marketing and corporate social responsibility literatures, the authors introduce the notion of international cause alliances. The authors conceptualize international cause alliances as strategic partnerships between international causes and for-profit companies with the stated purpose of raising funds for the cause. Beyond signaling that companies are socially responsible, international cause alliances may also help companies increase brand awareness or expand into new markets. Because international cause alliances take many forms and differ in the extent to which the brands are integrated, they have very different strategic implications. The purpose of this paper is to discuss these implications in a framework as well as providing managerial direction for both for-profit companies and causes when forming such alliances. Design/methodology/approach Using literature on brand alliances, cause marketing, and corporate social responsibility as a foundation, the authors introduce the notion of international cause alliances. The authors review literature to understand the many forms of alliances and investigate the extent to which brands are integrated. The authors then use these implications to develop a framework that can guide managerial decision-making for both for-profit companies and causes when forming such alliances. Findings The research suggests that to effectively develop international cause alliances, the organization involved must be aware of the challenges and potential benefits that these partnerships produce. For instance, while highly integrated alliances involve large resource commitments they also facilitate brand image spillover. As such, these alliances are a great way for companies to alter customers’ perceptions of their brands. Alternatively, low integration alliances require fewer resources and facilitate market expansion. Research limitations/implications This research identifies strategies that companies and causes can use to either expand their markets or alter customers’ perceptions of their brands. Originality/value This paper presents a framework that companies and causes can use when forming international cause alliances.
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Fuhrmann, Matthew, and Todd S. Sechser. "Signaling Alliance Commitments: Hand-Tying and Sunk Costs in Extended Nuclear Deterrence." American Journal of Political Science 58, no. 4 (April 9, 2014): 919–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12082.
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Hansbury, Paul. "Friends in Need: Belarusian Alliance Commitments to Russia and the Ukraine War." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 33, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 542–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2020.1845093.
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STEINER, ALOJZ. "SLOVENIA'S MILITARY PATH TO THE ALLIANCE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.8.
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Abstract In 2019, while the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is celebrating the 70th anniversary of its existence, Slovenia is celebrating the 15th anniversary of membership of it. Two more anniversaries must also be highlighted: namely the 25th anniversary of the beginning of international military cooperation by the Slovenian Armed Forces, and the 10th anniversary of the adoption of the declaration on the fulfilment of the conditions for the army to be fully integrated into the Alliance. In addition, the Slovenian military path to the Alliance has several other interesting facts and special features that are presented in this article. These include the relatively short transition from the army consisting solely of a military reserve and later a conscript army, to a professional army with a voluntary reserve; the accelerated and incomplete process of functional professionalization; and the successful integration into NATO, followed by rather irresponsible abandonment of the commitments given to the Alliance with regard to financial investments and capability building. Key words development path, accession, integration, full membership, transition, transformation.
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Tow, William T. "The United States and Asia in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (January 2015): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.12.
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Visible U.S. efforts to sustain influence in the Asia-Pacific met with mixed success. President Barack Obama’s visit to the region reinforced alliance commitments, but U.S. policy momentum on regional trade and diplomacy remained sluggish. Washington’s effective management of its relations with Beijing remains the key factor to how well the U.S. will fare with other regional actors and issues.
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Blankenship, Brian. "Promises under Pressure: Statements of Reassurance in US Alliances." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 14, 2020): 1017–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa071.
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Abstract The United States frequently reassures allies of its protection by stationing troops abroad, visiting allied countries, and making public statements. Yet the causes of reassurance in asymmetric alliances—those between a great power patron and its weaker allies—are understudied in the academic literature. Indeed, many scholars argue that reassurance can be counterproductive as it invites allies to free ride or provoke their adversaries, knowing that they have their patron's support. Despite the drawbacks, I argue that the United States use reassurance to discourage their allies from seeking outside options and reducing their dependence on the alliance. Patrons such as the United States thus face a dilemma wherein they trade-off between withholding reassurance for short-term leverage and using reassurance to preserve their long-term influence. I test the theory using a new cross-national dataset of US. statements of reassurance from 1950 to 2010, and the results provide stronger support for my hypotheses than for the competing explanations of deterrence, strength from desperation, and shared preferences. The findings have implications for understanding how great powers manage their alliances, and suggest a pathway through which weaker states can shape great powers’ foreign commitments.
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Ge, Zehui, Zhengkun Ren, Qiying Hu, and Yiheng Jia. "A Bounded Commitment in Vertical Collaborations of New Product Development." Journal of Systems Science and Information 9, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21078/jssi-2021-154-21.
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Abstract Uncertainty is a main source of opportunistic behaviors in research and development cooperations, which challenges strategic decisions ranging from investments to operations. To avoid opportunism arising in cooperations, commitments (either formal contracts or informal communications) are generally made in advance by members of an alliance. However, how does a commitment encourage R&D investments and ultimately enhance the total performance, without loss of flexibility in ex post operations? This study attempts to answer this by investigating a bounded commitment in the context of vertical collaborations in a supply chain. In this exploratory study, a 3-stage game model is used (by backward induction) to examine a two-echelon supply chain under a bounded commitment in NPD. Our analysis shows that upstream R&D investment is stimulated more and that both members are better off under the bounded commitment. At the same time, when the relative bargaining power between the supplier and the manufacturer falls into an appropriate area, it is possible to reach a bounded commitment, and the manufacturer is more sensitive to this relationship. Finally, the bounded commitment restrains opportunistic behaviors, but there is no strong sign that an increase in the ratio of the order outside the chain to the inside one can make firms better.
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LAMPRET, UROS, and BLAZ GRILJ. "15 YEARS OF SLOVENIAN NATO MEMBERSHIP THROUGH THE LENS OF THE CHANGING GLOBAL SECURITY AND GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENT." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.3.
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Abstract The year 2019 marks the 70th anniversary of NATO; furthermore, 2019 also marks 15 years of Slovenian membership of the Alliance. NATO has faced a diverse array of security and political challenges throughout its history, which have guided a constant adaptation of its defence posture and working practices. Since the initial Cold War role of the Alliance the international security environment has changed significantly. The Alliance has been enlarged and strengthened by new members, the strict block divisions between the East and the West have ceased to exist, and the security environment has evolved through new and old security threats. Slovenia became an equal member of the Alliance in 2004, when it took up an important share of responsibility for common security. As a full member of NATO, Slovenia has contributed to and influenced key Alliance decisions. Nevertheless, Slovenia still struggles to fulfil some of the commitments it made, particularly when it comes to defence spending. At the same time we may note that broader security and geopolitical changes have also had a significant impact on the security and defence policy, as well as on the development of national capabilities and defence planning of the Republic of Slovenia. As noted by the authors, in spite of the changes in the international security environment or, even more, particularly because of them, NATO remains perhaps more than ever before the most appropriate framework for the comprehensive defence of the Republic of Slovenia. Key words NATO, Slovenia, defence, security environment, adaptation.
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Gartzke, Erik, and Yonatan Lupu. "Trading on Preconceptions: Why World War I Was Not a Failure of Economic Interdependence." International Security 36, no. 4 (April 2012): 115–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00078.
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World War I is generally viewed by both advocates and critics of commercial liberal theory as the quintessential example of a failure of economic integration to maintain peace. Yet this consensus relies on both methodologically flawed inference and an incomplete accounting of the antecedents to the war. Crucially, World War I began in a weakly integrated portion of Europe with which highly integrated powers were entangled through the alliance system. Crises among the highly interdependent European powers in the decades leading up to the war were generally resolved without bloodshed. Among the less interdependent powers in Eastern Europe, however, crises regularly escalated to militarized violence. Moreover, the crises leading to the war created increased incentives for the integrated powers to strengthen commitments to their less interdependent partners. In attempting to make these alliances more credible, Western powers shifted foreign policy discretion to the very states that lacked strong economic disincentives to fight. Had globalization pervaded Eastern Europe, or if the rest of Europe had been less locked into events in the east, Europe might have avoided a “Great War.”
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Londey, Peter. "Australia and Peacekeeping." Journal of International Peacekeeping 18, no. 3-4 (November 26, 2014): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1804004.
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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia’s early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt’s interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia’s peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia’s heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.
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Hamilton, Daniel S. "Whiplash: Donald Trump and NATO." Sicherheit & Frieden 38, no. 2 (2020): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2020-2-65.
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U.S. President Donald Trump has flip-flopped on NATO’s relevance, harangued allies about unfair burden-sharing, and threatened to condition U.S. support for other allies based on their level of defense spending. Trump’s erratic approaches to Russia, Ukraine, nuclear arms control, and the Middle East have further exacerbated allied anxieties. Militarily, the Trump administration has strengthened and extended U.S. commitments to NATO. Politically, the Alliance is in sad shape. The deeper challenge for Europe, however, is not U.S. abandonment, it is that the United States is drifting from being a European power to a power in Europe.
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Agres, Robert, Adrienne Dillard, Kamuela Joseph Nui Enos, Brent Kakesako, B. Puni Kekauoha, Susan Nakaoka, and Karen Umemoto. "Sustaining University-Community Partnerships in Indigenous Communities: Five Lessons from Papakōlea." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 16, no. 1-2 (September 23, 2019): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus16.1-2_35-63_nakaokaetal.
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This resource paper draws lessons from a twenty-year partnership between the Native Hawaiian community of Papakōlea, the Hawai‘i Alliance for Community-Based Economic Development, and the Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Hawai‘i. Key players and co-authors describe five principles for sustained partnerships: (1) building partnerships based upon community values with potential for long-term commitments; (2) privileging indigenous ways of knowing; (3) creating a culture of learning together as a co-learning community; (4) fostering reciprocity and compassion in nurturing relationships; and (5) utilizing empowering methodologies and capacity-building strategies.
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Sukin, Lauren. "Credible Nuclear Security Commitments Can Backfire: Explaining Domestic Support for Nuclear Weapons Acquisition in South Korea." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 6 (December 26, 2019): 1011–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719888689.
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How does the alliance between a client state and its nuclear ally influence support for proliferation in the client? Conventional wisdom suggests that when nuclear security guarantees are not credible, support for proliferation will be high, since a domestic nuclear capability offers an alternative source of deterrence. I introduce a new theory, which posits that highly credible security guarantees can backfire by causing some individuals to fear their ally might miscalculate—either by using nuclear weapons in an unnecessary preventative attack or by precipitous escalation of a crisis or conflict. Survey experiments conducted among representative samples of South Korean citizens in 2018 and 2019 support this theory, showing that increases in the credibility of the US nuclear security guarantee lead to increased support for nuclear proliferation among South Korean respondents.
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LAMPRET, UROŠ, and STAŠA NOVAK. "NATO AFTER 2014 BACK TO THE ROOTS OR FORWARD TOWARDS THE FUTURE?" CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2014/ ISSUE 16/3 (September 30, 2014): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.16.3.1.
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In spite of the question and the possibility of a simplified understanding, the title “Back to the Roots or Forward towards the Future?” is not necessary a dilemma regarding the future development of the Alliance. Back and forward is not about two directions, but more about the need to combine the lessons learned, while strengthening the bonds that have been underpinning NATO throughout its history, and reinforcing the strong core of the Alliance with the mechanisms that are going to provide the necessary protection against the full spectrum of threats. Threats that are known, the ones we can predict and those that cannot yet be foreseen. The key word for the latter is flexibility. With this in mind, we can clearly recognise the farsighted nature of the 2010 Strategic Concept, which remains the guiding document for the Alliance for the future years despite the turmoil in Eastern Europe and Middle East and the related increased perception of threat felt by some Allies. Going back to the roots means ensuring a credible preparedness for collective defence, while going toward the future signifies the importance of being able to use the capabilities for defence against the whole spectrum of threats, and perform other core tasks of the Alliance. There is no need for the revolution to ensure the credibility of the Alliance, but there is a ‘simple’ demand to fulfil the commitments given in the past regarding the provision of capabilities. This has been a challenge for many Allies, and their slowness has had negative implications for the Alliance’s credibility. In light of this, the Russian-Ukrainian dynamics can also be an opportunity for the national defence systems to convince the political elites that defence matters and that there are costs associated with it. Naslov kljub vprašaju in možnosti poenostavljenega razumevanja ne predstavlja nujno dileme o prihodnosti razvoja zavezništva. Nazaj in naprej ne pomenita dveh smeri, temveč bolj združevanje naučenih lekcij in poudarjanje veznega tkiva, ki je Nato skozi zgodovino ohranjalo tako močno, ter opremljanje tega zdravega jedra z mehanizmi, ki nas bodo še naprej ščitili pred celotnim spektrom groženj. Pred tistimi, ki jih poznamo, tistimi, ki jih lahko predvidevamo, ter nekako tudi pred tistimi, ki jih ne moremo predvideti. Pri slednjih je ključna beseda fleksibilnost. V takšnem prikazu lahko prepoznamo daljnovidnost zavezniškega koncepta iz leta 2010, ki kljub pretresom v Vzhodni Evropi in na Bližnjem vzhodu ter s tem povezanim povečanim občutkom ogroženosti v nekaterih zaveznicah ostaja temeljni smerokaz organizaciji tudi za prihodnja leta. Vračanje h koreninam pomeni zagotavljanje prepričljive pripravljenosti na kolektivno obrambo, usmeritev v prihodnost pa možnost uporabe zmogljivosti za obrambo pred spektrom različnih groženj in izvajanje drugih temeljnih nalog zavezništva. Za zagotavljanje verodostojnosti organizacije ni nujna revolucija, temveč preprosta izpolnitev preteklih zavez za zagotavljanje zmogljivosti. Prav s tem so imele članice veliko težav in ravno njihova počasnost je negativno vplivala na zavezniško verodostojnost. S tega vidika je lahko rusko-ukrajinska dinamika samo priložnost za obrambne sisteme, da opozorijo politične elite na pomen obrambe in dejstvo, da ta stane.
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Haglund, David G., and Stéphane Roussel. "Is the democratic alliance a ticket to (free) ride? Canada's “imperial commitments,” from the interwar period to the present." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 2007): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010708656852.
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Donneur, André P. "La fin de la guerre froide : le Canada et la sécurité européenne." Études internationales 23, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702969ar.
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Canada's international commitments and notably its participation in NATO were essentially dictated by its attitude vis-à-vis the USSR. During the Cold War, Canada's attitude to the USSR was more flexible and conciliatory than that of most of its allies. Gorbachev's initiatives, however, left Ottawa skeptical at first. It was necessary to wait until May 1989 for the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for External Affairs to declare their support for the reforms undertaken by Gorbachev. From 1990 on, Canada drew nearer to the USSR and even showed haste in recognizing the Baltic states and Ukraine. The large-scale pullout of Canadian troops form Europe does not call into question Canada's participation in NATO, cooperation among members of the Atlantic alliance being of cardinal importance to this country.
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Muthusamy, Senthil K., and Margaret A. White. "Learning and Knowledge Transfer in Strategic Alliances: A Social Exchange View." Organization Studies 26, no. 3 (March 2005): 415–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840605050874.
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Although social interactions and exchanges between partners are emphasized as imperative for alliance success, comprehensive examination of how social exchanges facilitate learning and knowledge transfer in strategic alliances is lacking. Drawing on social exchange theory, we examined the effects of social exchange processes between alliance partners on the extent of learning and knowledge transfer in a strategic alliance. An empirical examination of data collected from alliance managers of 144 strategic alliances revealed that social exchanges such as reciprocal commitment, trust, and mutual influence between partners are positively related to learning and knowledge transfer in strategic alliances.
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CEHOVIN, MARKO. "15 YEARS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA IN NATO – A CRITICAL VIEW ON DEFENCE SYSTEM." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, Volume 2019 Issue 21/3 (September 3, 2019): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.21.3.4.
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Abstract Shortly after Independence, and even more profoundly after joining NATO, the issue of defence and security in Slovenia was set aside. It has been quickly forgotten that an army is a fundamental element of statehood, and that several times in history Slovenes have been forced to defend their existence with an armed force. “Budgetary malnutrition”, in combination with malfunctioning human resource management, has pushed the defence system into a spiral quest for the lowest point. By failing to fulfil its commitments on the level and structure of defence spending, Slovenia has lost much of its credibility in the Alliance in recent years. Slovenia gained a great deal by joining NATO. Geopolitically it has (re)positioned itself as part of the most developed world. The most significant benefit of membership is collective security, which has brought manifold effects, including economic ones; defence is much cheaper today than it would be if Slovenia were not a member of the Alliance. After fifteen years of NATO membership, Slovenia is still divided between peace idealism and realism that historically confirms that allies are required. The defence system needs to be renovated, transformed and integrated, and solutions that have been repeatedly already identified must be implemented. The role of the political elites is to recognize, lead and guide these challenges. Key words Defence system, NATO, critical analysis, reforms.
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TRAGER, ROBERT F. "Diplomatic Calculus in Anarchy: How Communication Matters." American Political Science Review 104, no. 2 (May 2010): 347–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000158.
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When states come to believe that other states are hostile to their interests, they often reorient their foreign policies by realigning alliance commitments, building arms, striking first, mobilizing troops, or adopting policies to drain the resources of states that menace them. This article presents a crisis bargaining model that allows threatened states a wider array of responses than the choice to back down or not. Two implications are that (1) “cheap talk” diplomatic statements by adversaries can affect perceptions of intentions, and (2) war can occur because resolved states decline to communicate their intentions, even though they could, and even though doing so would avoid a war. The model relates the content and quality of diplomatic signals to the context of prior beliefs about intentions and strategic options. In simulations, this form of diplomatic communication reduces the likelihood of conflict.
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Chang Liao, Nien-chung. "Winds of Change: Assessing China’s Assertive Turn in Foreign Policy." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 6 (March 23, 2018): 880–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618762477.
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The current debate on the question of whether China has become more assertive involves two opposing opinions on Beijing’s foreign policy orientation. This article argues that the key question is whether China is about to change its approach to foreign policy, one which has enabled its “peaceful rise” in recent decades. It examines variations in Chinese foreign policy by developing a set of interrelated indicators of changes in a state’s external behavior. The results reveal a marked increase in China’s military spending and power projection capability, foreign aid, and diplomatic initiatives after the 2008 global financial crisis, as well as an expansion of Beijing’s alliance commitments through the establishment of partnership relationships around the world. These findings not only support the increased assertiveness argument but also indicate a larger transformation in Chinese foreign policy—China is becoming more active diplomatically as part of its quest for great power status.
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Silaev, N. "NATO’s aid for Ukraine after Maidan." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-2-68-78.
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NATO – Ukraine relations for recent decades have been one of the key issues of the discussion on European security. Coup d’etat and the outbreak of civil war in 2014 have established new situation in these relations. Both sides have got boost for cooperation though new obstacles have appeared for their rapprochement. Analyzing the aid NATO and its principal members provide Ukraine one may consider what is the relations between NATO and Ukraine and what are the motives defining the proper form of aid. Despite broad political support for Ukraine NATO members are rather moderate in the field of practical aid. Arms supply is restrained. The dominating form of aid appears to be intensified joint military exercises and NATO’s military presence of Ukrainian territory. Though US and other NATO members reaffirm and enhance their unformal commitments and guaranties to Ukraine they also try to avoid steps that could lead to direct confrontation with Russia. Thus NATO – Ukraine relations may illustrate “alliance dilemma”.
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McCullough, Brian P., Jamee Pelcher, and Sylvia Trendafilova. "An Exploratory Analysis of the Environmental Sustainability Performance Signaling Communications among North American Sport Organizations." Sustainability 12, no. 5 (March 4, 2020): 1950. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12051950.
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Sport organizations across North America promote and claim deep commitments to environmental issues through sustainability performance signaling. These signals are conveyed through external associations or memberships (e.g., Green Sports Alliance) or internally (e.g., environmental reports and communications). However, researchers have not explored this communication strategy as it relates to environmental initiatives in sport nor compared environmental communications of sport organizations from the major professional sport leagues in North America. We analyzed the websites of 147 North American sport organizations and their associated venue websites for environmental performance signaling communications. We found that only one sport organization featured an environmental report on its website, and 42 sport organizations highlighted environmental initiatives through dedicated webpages on the respective team or venue’s website. Predominately, these communications focused on fan engagement initiatives (i.e., awareness, participation) but lacked goal setting, measurement metrics, or performance summaries. We discuss these themes, the implications, and recommendations for how sustainability performance signaling can be better leveraged in the North American sport sector.
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Dochuk, Darren. "Christ and the CIO: Blue-Collar Evangelicalism's Crisis of Conscience and Political Turn in Early Cold-War California." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 76–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000197.
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AbstractThis article explores tensions within the Democratic Party's uneasy alliance of grassroots labor and blue-collar evangelicalism that collapsed in heated confrontation during California's postwar political realignment. The context in which this played out is Ham and Eggs, one of California's largest old-age welfare movements during the 1930s which, in the midst of economic reconstruction, found new (but short-lived) relevance in the late 1940s. From spring 1945 until summer 1946 Ham and Eggs rallied workers behind its message of economic redistribution and Christian Americanism in hopes of forcing new legislation on behalf of pensions for the elderly. In the process, it stirred a political storm that thrust it into a significance exceeding its original intent. At issue was the “labor question,” the vexing uncertainty animating American politics at this juncture about the extent to which New Deal liberalism's labor-friendly initiatives and progressive impulses for economic freedom, racial equality, and social justice would be extended. Caught between a labor-Left movement within the Democratic Party that looked to extend New Deal liberalism and a galvanized Christian Right, which looked to roll it back, blue-collar evangelicals affiliated with Ham and Eggs confronted a new political reality that compelled them to choose between their class and faith commitments. With reluctance they chose the latter over the former. The decision marked the beginning of blue-collar evangelicalism's shift to the Right and ultimately the formation of a broader evangelical political alliance that would prove instrumental in the rise of California's conservative Republican movement.
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Murphy, Dominic, and David Turgoose. "Evaluating an Internet-based video cognitive processing therapy intervention for veterans with PTSD: A pilot study." Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare 26, no. 9 (June 17, 2019): 552–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357633x19850393.
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Introduction There remain a number of UK military veterans who are not able to access psychological therapies for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Some of these barriers are practical, including the need to balance work and other life commitments with attendance at residential or outpatient appointments. There is a need to investigate more accessible and flexible methods of delivering psychological therapies to veterans. One such alternative is to use remote-access video technology, often referred to as tele-therapy. The aims of the present study were to explore the feasibility of using tele-therapy in this population, whilst also reporting mental health outcomes for those who accessed the intervention. Methods Participants were recruited from a UK veterans mental health charity. The intervention consisted of 12 sessions of cognitive processing therapy delivered via Skype. Participants completed various measures of mental health, including PTSD at three time points: pre-treatment, post-treatment and at three months follow-up. A measure of therapeutic alliance was also completed by participants and the clinician. Results A total of 27 participants engaged in tele-therapy, with a treatment completion rate of 79% and a ‘did not attend’ rate of 12%, which compared well against similar outpatient services. All mental health outcomes showed maintained improvement at three months follow-up, with the highest effect size recorded for PTSD. Therapeutic alliance was also rated highly by both participants and the clinician. Discussion The findings suggest that tele-therapy could provide a viable alternative format for delivering trauma-focused psychological therapies to veterans. Limitations and recommendations for future research are also presented.
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Kauser, Saleema, and Vivienne Shaw. "The influence of behavioural and organisational characteristics on the success of international strategic alliances." International Marketing Review 21, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 17–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02651330410522934.
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With the current trend toward globalisation and the increasing competitive and technological challenges of today's environment the formation of international strategic alliances has become an important part of many firm's international business strategies. Experience with international strategic alliances has shown that they face a number of problems, which can often result in the termination of the alliance. This study, therefore, aims to assess the impact of both behavioural and organisational characteristics on the success of international strategic alliances. The results show that behavioural characteristics play a more significant role in explaining overall alliance performance compared to organisational characteristics. High levels of commitment, trust, coordination, interdependence and communication are found to be good predictors of international strategic alliance success. Conflict, meanwhile, is found to hamper good performance. By contrast organisational characteristics such as structure and control mechanisms are found not to strongly influence the success of international strategic alliances.
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Fu, Shaoling, Yuanzhu Zhan, and Kim Hua Tan. "Managing social responsibility in Chinese agriculture supply chains through the “a company + farmers” model." European Business Review 29, no. 3 (May 8, 2017): 344–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ebr-01-2016-0012.
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Purpose Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has received a large amount of attention in research and in practice. As a response to the growing awareness of and concern about social and environmental issues, an increasing number of companies are integrating their supply chains and building an alliance of “a company + farmers”. The overall research question of this study is derived from the literature, and this paper aims to identify factors that influence the integration of the agriculture supply chain and to explore the relationship between these factors and quality performance. Design/methodology/approach The analysis is based on questionnaire survey data collected from 462 Chinese farmers under the organization pattern of “a company + farmers”. A structural equation model is applied in the empirical analysis of the relations among trust, relationship commitments of different types (normative and instrumental), supply chain integration and quality performance. Findings An understanding of the various influences on supply chain integration and quality performance is important in relation to CSR in Chinese agriculture. The results show that supply chain integration has positive effects on quality performance. Moreover, farmers’ normative relationship commitment to the company is positively related to supply chain integration. However, farmers’ instrumental relationship commitment to the company does not significantly affect the degree of integration between farmers and companies. Furthermore, trust has positive influences on the two types of relationship commitment and on supply chain integration. Research limitations/implications The findings provide a theoretical basis and practice guidelines for agricultural enterprises to manage CSR under the pattern of “a company + farmers”. The results help enterprises to acquire detailed information about the entire process of agricultural production, improve the quality and safety of primary agricultural products and enhance the competitiveness of Chinese agricultural products in the market. Originality/value The e-book shows that enterprises working within Chinese agriculture supply chains have a long tradition of working with CSR and supports cooperation between the European Union and China on food and agriculture.
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Patti, Carlo, and Matias Spektor. "“We Are Not a Nonproliferation Agency”: Henry Kissinger's Failed Attempt to Accommodate Nuclear Brazil, 1974–1977." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (May 2020): 58–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00940.
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In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial of fuel-cycle technologies. However, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed doubt that such an approach would curb Brazilian nuclear ambitions. Pushing back against influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Kissinger argued that Brazil should be allowed to proceed with its plans to master the nuclear fuel cycle in exchange for U.S. assistance and new nonproliferation commitments. He justified this attitude on the grounds of alliance politics (Brazil was too important a pillar of U.S. Cold War policy in Latin America) and the interests of key domestic constituencies (U.S. private companies eyed Brazil's burgeoning nuclear industry). The Brazilian government responded well to Kissinger's approach and would have struck a deal if the transition to the Carter administration had not rendered the bargain untenable.
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Arbatova, N. "Euro-Atlantic Relations in the XXI Century: Problems and Scenarios." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-31-37.
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The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance’s European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America’s security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO’s expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance’s out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO’s post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia’s concerns about NATO’s intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.
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Vîșcu, Loredana Ileana, Clifton Edward Jr Watkins, and Ioana Eva Căadariu. "Group Supervision in Psychotherapy - Development Stages, Development Phases of the Supervisory Relationship and the Supervisee’s Development Levels." International Journal of Supervision in Psychotherapy 2021, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47409/ijsp.2021.3.1.
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The organisation and supervision of a group of therapists, during a long period of time, are commitments that the supervisor thinks about both before starting the activity with the group and throughout the existence of the group. Supervision models can provide a mental map accordingly used by the supervisor in the journey with each supervisee, but also with the group as a whole. During each supervision session, the supervisor places the group as a whole in a development stage (coagulation, maturation, final) and identifies at the stage of development for the supervisory relationship [1] with each member of the group and with his/her level of development [2], but also with the entire group, adapting his/her style to the characteristics of each supervisee, but also to the characteristics of the group as a whole. The learning alliance is the centre of the supervision relationship. The aim of the paper is to integrate the development stages of the supervision group with the development phases of the supervisory relationship and with the supervisee’s development levels. The paper is based on our practical activity as supervisors in group supervision.
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Zineldin, Mosad, and Valentina Vasicheva. "Strategic Alliances, Total Relationship Management (TRM) and 5 QS - Why Most of the Marriages and Strategic Alliances are not Sustainable?" Nang Yan Business Journal 2, no. 1 (November 20, 2014): 140–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nybj-2014-0034.
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Abstract The paper describes theoretically with some empirical evidences the decision and result of strategic alliance as a relationship between people or as a love affair and a commitment to marriage which is ideally, based on shared interest, love, mutual trustworthiness, and commitment to continue the relationship. The main point is that, just as successful human marriages require clarity of needs, purpose, maturity, preparation, patience, nurturing, flexibility, commitment, trust, and compromise, so too will such prerequisites apply to successful organizational strategic alliance relationships. The main task of this conceptual research is to identify the reasons for failures (non-sustainability) of strategic alliances to answer the question of why do they fail. The problem will be later on (phase 2) analysed taking into consideration different industry sectors located in different countries