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Journal articles on the topic 'Committee for Northern Ireland'
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1
Wilford, Rick, and Sydney Elliott. "The Northern Ireland affairs select committee." Irish Political Studies 10, no. 1 (January 1995): 216–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189508406549.
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Torrance, David, and Adam Evans. "The Territorial Select Committees, 40 Years On." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (August 21, 2019): 860–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz032.
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Abstract The territorial departmental select committees have largely escaped academic scrutiny since their establishment in 1979 (for Scotland and Wales) and 1994 (Northern Ireland). This article charts the history of territorial representation in Westminster, including the creation of grand committees for Scotland and Wales and a Northern Ireland Standing Committee, before explaining the forces that led to the creation of territorial departmental select committees. The article then explores the work of these committees after their formation, and explores how they have responded to the devolution dispensations in their respective nations. A key theme of this article is the influence of constitutional developments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland on territorial committees at Westminster. Indeed, as this article highlights, the different timings of establishment, the asymmetric levels of (in)stability in the various devolution dispensations and prolonged suspensions of devolution in Northern Ireland have had an impact on the role of the respective territorial select committees.
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Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (December 2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.
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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of the criminal code. This article examines the face of modern humanitarianism outside of armed conflict, its dilemmas, and provides analysis as to why the ICRC has a role in the Northern Ireland context.
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Foster, Helen. "The effectiveness of the Public Accounts Committee in Northern Ireland." Public Money & Management 35, no. 6 (August 26, 2015): 401–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540962.2015.1083684.
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O’Rourke, Catherine. "Advocating Abortion Rights in Northern Ireland." Social & Legal Studies 25, no. 6 (December 2016): 716–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663916668249.
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It is frequently claimed that the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is more significant for the cultural, rather than legal, work that it does in reframing locally contested gender issues as the subject of international human rights. While this argument is well developed in respect of violence against women, CEDAW’s cultural traction is less clear in respect of women’s right to access safe and legal abortion. This article examines the request made jointly by Alliance for Choice, the Family Planning Association Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland Women’s European Platform to the CEDAW Committee to request an inquiry under the CEDAW Optional Protocol into access to abortion in the jurisdiction. The study found that the CEDAW framework was useful in underpinning alliances between diverse pro-choice organizations but less effective in securing the support of ‘mainstream’ human rights organizations in the jurisdiction. The article argues that the local cultural possibilities of CEDAW must be understood as embedded within both the broader structural gendered limitations of international human rights law and persistent regressive gendered sub-themes within mainstream human rights advocacy.
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Wilford, Rick, and Sydney Elliott. "‘Small earthquake in Chile’: The first northern Ireland affairs select committee∗." Irish Political Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1999): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189908406598.
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COLE, MICHAEL. "COMMITTEE SCRUTINY WITHIN A CONSOCIATIONAL CONTEXT: A NORTHERN IRELAND CASE STUDY." Public Administration 93, no. 1 (August 7, 2014): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/padm.12111.
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Sankar, Thangasamy, David Clark, and Justine Clarke. "Survey finds SAS surgeons 'indispensable but disillusioned'." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 90, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363508x264579.
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In order to obtain more detailed information about the issues facing staff and associate specialist (SAS) surgeons, the SAS committee at the College undertook a pilot online survey of surgeons concerned in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, This survey is expected to help the College to identify the needs of SAS surgeons and offer them support. The findings of the survey will be used as a basis for the SAS committee's work plan for 2008–2009.
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Gledhill, Kris. "The role of capacity in mental health laws - recent reviews and legislation." International Journal of Mental Health and Capacity Law, no. 20 (September 8, 2014): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijmhcl.v0i20.272.
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The context in which the Szmukler et al proposal is put forward is the several reviews in the different jurisdictions in the United Kingdom and in Ireland, which have led to capacity becoming a central feature in relation to civil detention in Scotland and in Ireland, and which may well lead to it becoming a central feature in Northern Ireland, though efforts to achieve the same in England and Wales were rejected. For forensic patients, however, capacity is not prominent, and the proposal made goes further than recent legislative amendments and debates have contemplated. These are set out in the order in which they occurred: the Richardson Committee review of the English statute, then the amendments in Scotland, followed by those in Ireland (which pre-dated those in Scotland but came into effect later); next was the action that was eventually taken in relation to the English statute, and finally there are the proposals as to what to do in Northern Ireland. The latter is the only one that comes close to the proposals of Szmukler and others, which they acknowledge in their paper.
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Raymond, Christopher D., and Jacob Holt. "Constituency Pressures on Committee Selection: Evidence from the Northern Ireland Assembly and Dáil Éireann." Parliamentary Affairs 70, no. 4 (February 20, 2017): 740–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsx002.
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Davies, Steffan. "Compulsory treatment in the community: current legal powers." Advances in Psychiatric Treatment 8, no. 3 (May 2002): 180–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/apt.8.3.180.
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Reform of mental health legislation has been under consideration for several years in England and Wales (Department of Health, 2000a), where the Mental Health Act 1983 is in force, and in Scotland (Millan Committee Secretariat, 2001), which is governed by the Mental Health (Scotland) Act 1984. The Mental Health (Northern Ireland) Order 1986 is also under review, although the findings have yet to be published.
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Destenay, Emmanuel. "“Nobody's Children”? Political Responses to the Homecoming of First World War Veterans in Northern and Southern Ireland, 1918–1929." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 3 (June 7, 2021): 632–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2021.61.
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AbstractAt the time when Irish veterans of the Great War were being demobilized, Ireland was in a period of profound social, political, and cultural change that was irreversibly transforming the island. Armistice and the veterans’ relief at having survived the conflict and being back with family could not eclipse the overwhelming political climate they met on their homecoming. This article draws on the 1929 Report by the Committee on Claims of British Ex-servicemen, commissioned by the Irish Free State to investigate whether Irish veterans were discriminated against by the Southern Irish and British authorities. The research also makes use of a range of underexploited primary sources: the Liaison and Evacuation Papers in the Military Archives in Dublin, the collection of minutes of the Irish Sailors’ and Soldiers’ Land Trust in the National Archives in London, and original material from the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland and the National Archives of Ireland relating to economic programs for veterans. A comparative approach of to the respective demobilizations of veterans in Northern and Southern Ireland in the 1920s reveals that disparities in formal recognition of their sacrifice and in special provision for housing and employment significantly and painfully complicated their repatriation.
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Whelan, Leo J. "The Challenge of Lobbying for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland: The Committee on the Administration of Justice." Human Rights Quarterly 14, no. 2 (May 1992): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/762422.
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Copic, Sanja, and Ivana Vidakovic. "Victim support services in England, Wales and Northern Ireland." Temida 5, no. 2 (2002): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0202019c.
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In the paper, authors tried to present activities of one of the oldest European Victim Support Services - Victim Support for England, Wales and Northern Ireland. During 1970s, through practice and research projects, the need for recognizing the physical and psychological status of victims after the crime was committed, as well as the need of providing them with the (informal) assistance and support were noticed. That has resulted in establishing numerous of local victim support services (schemes), which united in the National Association of the Victim Support Services in 1979. Significant support was given to the Service in 1980s through the recommendations of the Council of Europe on the assistance for victims of crime and prevention of victimization through direct support given to the victim immediately after the incident, including protection and safety, medical, mental, social and financial support, as well as providing the victim with information on his/her rights, support during the criminal proceeding, assistance in getting compensation etc. Organization and structure of the service, referral system, code of practice and two main programs: Victim Service and Witness Service are reviewed in the paper.
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Bakircioglu, Onder, and Brice Dickson. "THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION IN CONFLICTED SOCIETIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF NORTHERN IRELAND AND TURKEY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 66, no. 2 (February 20, 2017): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000033.
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AbstractSince the entry into force of the European Convention on Human Rights there have been many serious conflicts in Europe. This article examines the role played by the Convention in two of those conflicts: that in Northern Ireland between supporters of the territory remaining part of the United Kingdom and supporters of Northern Ireland becoming part of a reunified Ireland, and that in Turkey between those who advocate for a unified Turkish State and those who want a Turkey which grants greater rights to Kurds and accepts greater autonomy for the Kurdish-dominated southeast region. The principal goal is to compare how the institutions in Strasbourg have responded to applications lodged by victims of human rights abuses allegedly committed during the two conflicts. The comparison seeks to identify to what extent the European Court of Human Rights has adopted principles and practices which can contribute to a reduction in human rights abuses during times of conflict.
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Bruce, Steve. "Review Article Loyalist Assassinations and Police Collusion in Northern Ireland: An Extended Critique of Sean McPhilemy's The Committee." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 23, no. 1 (January 2000): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/105761000265638.
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McCrudden, Christopher, John McGarry, Brendan O’Leary, and Alex Schwartz. "Why Northern Ireland’s Institutions Need Stability." Government and Opposition 51, no. 1 (August 11, 2014): 30–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.28.
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Northern Ireland’s consociational institutions were reviewed by a committee of its Assembly in 2012–13. The arguments of both critics and exponents of the arrangements are of general interest to scholars of comparative politics, power-sharing and constitutional design. The authors of this article review the debates and evidence on the d’Hondt rule of executive formation, political designation, the likely impact of changing district magnitudes for assembly elections, and existing patterns of opposition and accountability. They evaluate the scholarly, political and legal literature before commending the merits of maintaining the existing system, including the rules under which the system might be modified in future.
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Hadfield, Brigid. "The Nature of Devolution in Scotland and Northern Ireland: Key Issues of Responsibility and Control." Edinburgh Law Review 3, no. 1 (January 1999): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.1999.3.1.3.
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Under three broad headings, namely, the internal dimension, the Westminster dimension and the intergovernmental dimension, this article seeks to analyse and explore the nature of devolution and to consider factors pertinent to its development. The article, thus, first compares the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 and of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on the electoral system, the size of the devolved legislature, the power of dissolution and the formation and the scrutiny of the devolved executive. The prime purpose of this section is to identify the principles enshrined in the legislation which may affect the way in which devolution will operate within its own borders. While this first dimension draws on the statutory provisions, the second, dealing with the relationships between the devolved system and Westminster, concerns issues to be regulated almost entirely by non-statutory “understandings” and by parliamentary/assembly Standing Orders. These issues include most crucially the power of the devolved legislature to debate non-devolved matters and the power of Westminster to debate devolved matters. Thirdly, the article deals with the mechanisms of co-operation to be introduced for the discussion of intergovernmental issues throughout the UK, that is, those arising between Westminster, Edinburgh, Belfast and Cardiff. In this context, consideration will be given to the proposed Joint Ministerial Committee. Mention will also be made of the British–Irish Council, although this is a body whose powers will go beyond solely UK devolution concerns.
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Egan, Suzanne, and Rachel Murray. "A Charter of Rights for the Island of Ireland: An Unknown Quantity in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 4 (October 2007): 797–835. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei202.
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AbstractThe basic aim of the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement was to try to achieve a political settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. While the channels for the settlement were to be primarily institutional, the importance of safeguarding the rights of both communities in Northern Ireland by addressing equality and justice issues was recognized, to varying degrees, by all parties to the process that led to the drafting of the Agreement. As the negotiations progressed, the human rights section of the Agreement grew exponentially, moving ‘from the margins to the mainstream’ so that the final Agreement contains a whole section on human rights protections. Not only have these particular elements of the Agreement come to fruition, but they also have received a considerable amount of public and political interest as well as academic comment and analysis. Buried within the human rights chapter, however, is a concept that has so far received minimal interest or enthusiasm from any quarter. That is the reference in paragraph 10 of the ‘Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity’ chapter to the possibility of establishing an all-island Charter of Rights.The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it traces the genesis of the Charter of Rights concept through to its inclusion in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement; secondly, it examines the approach thus far taken by the Joint Committee of the two human rights commissions to the task entrusted to them in relation to the Charter by the Agreement; and finally, it explores some of the issues that need to be considered and the challenges faced by that Committee in future efforts to assist in the construction of any such Charter. In so doing, it describes the political and legal difficulties faced in attempts not only to formulate agreement on human rights but also to create a legal document which may be applicable to two jurisdictions. It concludes by suggesting ways in which the project may be progressed.
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Graham, Ruth, Kate Bowman, and Rob Gillies. "Implementing schools of surgery." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 89, no. 10 (November 1, 2007): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363507x248406.
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The past year of surgical education and training has been characterised with transformations of curricula, recruitment, regulation and organisational structures. As part of the organisational structure of the postgraduate deaneries in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, schools of surgery have been established or are emerging and are the means of delivery of the new training systems. In Scotland a different organisational structure has emerged with similar purpose, a surgical specialties training board. The establishment of these schools has been varied based on existing local training committee structures and the needs and funds of the deanery. At their heart is high-level deanery and College collaboration enabling the delivery of high-quality education and training programmes in a coordinated manner by local surgeons.
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Gudjonsson, G. H., and I. Bownes. "The Reasons Why Suspects Confess during Custodial Interrogation: Data for Northern Ireland." Medicine, Science and the Law 32, no. 3 (July 1992): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002580249203200304.
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This study looks at the reasons offenders give for having confessed during police interrogation. A number of hypotheses were tested, following the work of Gudjonsson and Petursson (1991) on an Icelandic prison sample. The subjects were 80 offenders who were serving prison sentences in Northern Ireland for violence, sex or property offences. The subjects completed the Gudjonsson Confession Questionnaire. All of the hypotheses tested were supported, indicating that there are three primary factors associated with the reasons why criminals make confessions during interrogation. These factors are referred to as Internal Pressure, External Pressure and Proof. The factors were found to be associated with the type of offence committed and the attitude of the offender towards his confession.
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Osborne, Robert D. "Making a difference? The role of Statutory Committees in the Northern Ireland Assembly." Public Administration 80, no. 2 (January 2002): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9299.00304.
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Gudjonsson, Gisli H., and Ian Bownes. "The attribution of blame and type of crime committed: Data for northern ireland." Journal of Forensic Psychiatry 2, no. 3 (December 1991): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09585189108407668.
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Browne, J., TJ Coats, DA Lloyd, PA Oakley, T. Pigott, KJ Willett, and DW Yates. "High Quality Acute Care for the Severely Injured is not Consistently Available in England, Wales and Northern Ireland: Report of a Survey by the Trauma Committee, The Royal College of Surgeons of England." Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 88, no. 2 (March 2006): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/003588406x94850.
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INTRODUCTION A survey was undertaken to determine the extent to which acute hospitals in England, Wales and Northern Ireland were meeting the acute trauma management standards published in 2000 by The Royal College of Surgeons of England and the British Orthopaedic Association. METHODS A questionnaire comprising 72 questions in 16 categories of management was distributed in July 2003 to all eligible hospitals via the link network of the British Orthopaedic Association. Data were collected over a 3-month period. RESULTS Of 213 eligible hospitals, 161 (76%) responded. In every category of acute care, failure to meet the standards was reported. Only 34 (21%) hospitals met all the 13 indicative standards that were considered pivotal to good trauma care, but all hospitals met at least 7 of these standards. Failures were usually in the organisation of services rather than a lack of resources, with the exception of the inadequate capacity for admission to specialist neurosurgery units. A minority of hospitals reported an inability to provide emergency airway control or insertion of chest tube. The data have not been verified and deficiencies in reporting cannot be excluded. CONCLUSIONS The findings of this survey suggest that high quality care for the severely injured is not available consistently across England, Wales and Northern Ireland, and appear to justify concerns about the ability of the NHS to deal effectively with the current trauma workload and the consequences of a major incident.
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Rice, Clare A. G. "Theory vs reality: partisanship and Northern Ireland's Public Accounts Committee 2011–2016." Journal of Legislative Studies 25, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1603198.
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Universities Council For The Educat. "Evidence to the British House of Commons Select Committee on the Inspection of Teacher Education in England, Wales and Northern Ireland." Journal of Education for Teaching 25, no. 3 (November 1999): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02607479919510.
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Trevett, Christine. "‘I Have Heard from Some Teachers’: the Second-Century Struggle for Forgiveness and Reconciliation." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002734.
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In the close-knit valleys communities of South Wales where I was brought up, some fingers are still pointed at ‘the scab’, the miner who, for whatever reason, did not show solidarity in the strike of 1984-5, cement the definition between ‘them’ and ‘us’. In trouble-torn Palestine of the twenty-first century, or among the paramilitary groups of Northern Ireland today, suspected informers are summarily assassinated. In South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Committee continues its work in the post-apartheid era. In second-century Rome and elsewhere, the ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’ who made up the fictive kinship groups – the churches – in the growing but illicit cult of the Christians were conscious both of their own vulnerability to outside opinion and of their failures in relation to their co-religionists. The questions which they asked, too, were questions about reconciliation and/or (spiritual) death.
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SIMPSON, MARK. "The Social Union after the Coalition: Devolution, Divergence and Convergence." Journal of Social Policy 46, no. 2 (July 22, 2016): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279416000568.
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AbstractIn 2009, the UK government emphasised that it was ‘deeply committed’ to the maintenance of the state's social union, embodied in a single social security system. Five years later, the future of this social union appeared less certain than at any time since the 1920s. Dissatisfaction with the ‘welfare reform’ agenda of the coalition government was a driver of support for Scottish independence in the 2014 referendum campaign. Meanwhile, the Northern Ireland Assembly failed to pass legislation to mirror the Welfare Reform Act 2012, normally a formality due to the convention of parity in social security. Despite Westminster's subsequent extension of the 2012 reforms to the region, divergence in secondary legislation and practice remains likely. This article draws on the findings of qualitative interviews with politicians and civil servants in both regions during a period covering the conclusion of the Smith Commission's work on the future of Scottish devolution and the height of a political impasse over Northern Ireland's Welfare Reform Bill that threatened a constitutional crisis. It considers the extent to which steps towards divergence in the two devolved regions have altered the UK's social union and to which the two processes have influenced one another.
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Shepard, Christopher. "A liberalisation of Irish social policy? Women’s organisations and the campaign for women police in Ireland, 1915–57." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 564–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005885.
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For much of the twentieth century, Ireland was quite unusual in comparison with other western European nations in its exclusion of women from policing. By the time women were allowed to join the national police force, the Garda Síochána, in 1957, women were already established in the police forces of Britain, Germany and France, as well as that of Northern Ireland. Further afield, women were already employed in police forces in Poland, New Zealand and the U.S. The appointment of women police was a major demand of feminists, moral campaigners and social reformers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, all of whom sought better protections for women. As in the U.K., U.S. and many European countries, women’s organisations in the Irish Free State were to the forefront of the debate over the need for women police. Beginning with the Irish Women’s Suffrage and Local Government Association (I.W.S.L.G.A.) in 1915, women’s organisations such as the National Council of Women, Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers (J.C.W.S.S.W.), and the Catholic Women’s Federation campaigned relentlessly for nearly half a century in the face of governmental indifference and obstruction. When the first class of ‘experimental’ women police emerged in 1958 from the Garda training college in Templemore, County Tipperary, women’s organisations hailed it as a victory.
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Kearney, Matthew, and Heather Ritchie. "Developer contributions and community benefits: understanding the regulatory context for the implementation of a value-capturing instrument in Northern Ireland." Town Planning Review: Volume ahead-of-print ahead-of-print (August 1, 2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/tpr.2021.33.
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Developer contributions have a rich history in all UK jurisdictions, other than in Northern Ireland (NI). This paper presents a moment in NI’s planning modernisation in which a scheme of developer contributions has been introduced, primarily by Belfast City Council. There has been little scholarship devoted to NI’s planning reform, however, there has been considerable attention directed to the increasingly neo-liberal governing landscape in which these reforms took place. We consider this debate and try to place the implementation of developer contributions in this context. Our primary evidence is based on policy analysis, committee records and interviews with stakeholders across the planning community. In the case we have presented the lack of definition around what constitutes a community benefit has opened space for deliberation across the NI planning community. This discussion has encouraged a debate that broadly centres around a neo-liberal abstraction of the purpose of developer contributions. When considering the subject of this special issue, Rethinking Regulation, we question what the purpose is for developer contributions as a contemporary planning process. We do this by investigating the relationship between ‘community’ and the ‘public interest’ under neo-liberal governing regimes. We present issues of policy ambiguity, of scale and of viability as a decision-making tool. We conclude that deverloper contributions in NI have become an instrument that is narrow in purpose, yet one which has become codified around a market-focused rationality. We finally reflect on policy performance to date, highlighting a seemingly inherent difficulty for planning authorities in realising social outcomes through developer contributions.
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Adams, Clare, and Maria O'Kane. "Consultant psychotherapists: who needs them?" Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 16, no. 2 (June 1999): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700005127.
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“The idea of a psychotherapeutically informed psychiatry seems such a simple and obvious one and yet the divide between psychotherapy and general psychiatry – between ‘brainlessness’ and ‘mindlessness’ has, until recently, seemed unbridgeable”.The Psychotherapy section of the Royal College of Psychiatrists has the largest membership in the college. Since psychotherapy became recognised as a discipline within psychiatry in 1975 the Royal College of Psychiatrists has recommended one consultant psychotherapist for each 200,000 of the population. In Northern Ireland there are only 1.9 whole time equivalents rather than the eight expected and in the Republic of Ireland there is none. According to the recent document produced by the Royal College of Psychiatrists' Psychotherapy Faculty Executive Committee in December 1998, The development of psychological therapy services: Role of the consultant psychotherapist, there has been no net growth in the last five years in the numbers of psychotherapists in England and Wales. The future looks equally gloomy in Ireland.This is rather surprising given that recent government documents have highlighted both the importance and the effectiveness of psychological therapies. There is a growing evidence base underpinning the use of psychotherapy in the management of a wide variety of conditions including psychoses, eating disorders and severe personality disorders.Psychotherapy has high public acceptability and finds itself in the unusual position of having both government and public demanding the provision of extra psychological therapies, but not receiving the full support of psychiatry and the purchasers of healthcare.
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McConnell, Tracey, Paul Best, Tristan Sturm, Mabel Stevenson, Michael Donnelly, Brian J. Taylor, and Noleen McCorry. "A translational case study of empowerment into practice: A realist evaluation of a member-led dementia empowerment service." Dementia 19, no. 6 (November 23, 2018): 1974–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1471301218814393.
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Involving people with dementia in decision-making is widely accepted as a means of empowering them to lead more independent lives and have more meaningful roles in shaping their care. However, there is a need to conduct rigorous evaluations of empowerment-driven services and policies in order to develop a deeper understanding about how to optimise successful implementation. This paper presents the results of an evaluation of Dementia Northern Ireland, an organisation initiated and led by people with dementia. We used a realist evaluation approach that comprised interviews with 15 people with dementia, three staff and two board members, ethnographic observations, along with documentary analysis to identify ‘what works, for whom, under what circumstances’. The analysis used realist logic to build up context-mechanism-outcome configurations. The Dementia Northern Ireland service model of empowerment revolved around the formation and maintenance of social groups of people with dementia. Facilitators, recruited and selected by people with dementia, supported six groups, consisting of one to four members with mild to moderate cognitive impairment. Facilitators helped expand empowerment groups, facilitate decision-making, awareness raising and consultation opportunities with group members. The ‘Empowerment Groups’ appeared to lead to the development of a shared social identity and a sense of collective strength as indicated by interview and observational data demonstrating an activist mentality among group members to challenge the stigma surrounding dementia. Group members also reported improved quality of life. Widespread implementation of the empowerment model has the potential to lead to reduced stigma and greater social inclusion, increased involvement of people with dementia as active co-producers of policy and service development, better services and support. This case study of Dementia Northern Ireland illustrates that there are boundaries and challenges to empowerment in terms of requiring additional support from staff without dementia. However, despite these challenges, empowerment-driven organisations can and should be committed to involving members in lead roles and key decision-making.
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Grimason, Amy, Shevonne Matheiken, Laura Somerville, Fiona Martin, Luke Baker, Kabir Garg, Aastha Sharma, and Simon George Morris. "A pilot project to increase trainee engagement using a social media platform – outcomes and lessons learnt." BJPsych Open 7, S1 (June 2021): S138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjo.2021.393.
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AimsEngagement with members is an important issue for the Royal College of Psychiatrists (RCPsych) and an area for ongoing development. This is an issue that extends to Psychiatry trainees and the Psychiatric Trainees’ Committee (PTC) has adopted increasing engagement as one of its key aims. Divisional representatives in different areas of the UK had noted that trainees had limited knowledge of the PTC or its roles and projects both within the College and local areas. To improve this it was decided to pilot a project that established a social media platform for trainees to improve communication between the PTC, it's representatives and trainees. It was decided that Workplace (a professional version of Facebook) would be used. This had already been established in the Severn Deanery.MethodNorthern Ireland (NI) and the East of England (EoE) deaneries were selected as pilot areas for the project. Preparation for the project included collaboration with trainees from the Severn deanery and meeting with the RCPsych Digital team. A scoping questionnaire was circulated to trainees in each deanery.Following this, two closed groups were initiated on Workplace in August 2019 for Northern Ireland and East of England trainees.ResultResults from the survey sent prior to the social media pages being established indicated there was appetite among trainees for the project. The pages were established in July 2019. The pilot project was promoted by representatives.In the initial phases, approximately 40% of trainees signed up. Information regarding college and local events, committee meeting updates and training opportunities was disseminated on the platform. There was evidence of early use by trainees outside of the representative group.This however was not sustained and gradually use of the platform reduced over the pilot period, both in postings and membership. A further questionnaire circulated in July 2020 highlighted trainees’ concerns relating to the platform, including concerns around data protection and a high number of notifications associated with the Workplace medium. The ultimate impact on engagement was also felt to be minimal.ConclusionFollowing feedback and increasing usage costs by Workplace, it was decided not to continue with a nationwide role out of the project. COVID-19 has seen the successful use of platforms such as Microsoft Teams and these may be considered in the future, given their integration with existing trust systems.
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Atkinson, Jacqueline M., and Hilary J. Patrick. "Balancing autonomy and risk: the Scottish approach." International Journal of Mental Health and Capacity Law, no. 20 (September 8, 2014): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijmhcl.v0i20.254.
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<p>The impact of compulsory measures of medical treatment for mental disorders have for some time interested medical and legal commentators, possibly because of the complex ethical issues these raise. In a context where stigma and discrimination are realities for many of those who use mental health services some people argue that holistic legislation, which places treatment for mental disorder within amore general framework of incapacity law, could reduce the stigma of mental ill health. Szmukler, Daw and Dawson have made an interesting attempt to show how such a law might look inpractice. They have built on and reflected the work of the Bamford Committee in Northern Ireland, which, while recommending a single legislative basis for mental health and incapacity law, fell short ofproducing a draft bill.</p><p>In looking at these proposals from a Scottish perspective, we have resisted the temptation to focus on points of detail and have attempted to discuss certain themes. In particular, we have looked at how Scotland has introduced a capacity-based threshold for mental health law and how this compares with Szmukler et al’s proposed approach.</p>
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Falls, Niall. "Specialist assessment clinic for pervasive developmental disorders." Psychiatric Bulletin 22, no. 11 (November 1998): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.22.11.706.
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Aims and methodThe Joint Committee on Higher Psychiatric Training lists the ability to carry out a thorough clinical assessment including physical and mental state examination, as one of the essential core skills in child and adolescent psychiatry. Experience of the assessment of comparatively rare disorders may depend upon the organisation of regional services, as well as good working relationships between teams willing to involve the trainee.ResultsThis paper describes a six-month attachment to the first multi-disciplinary Specialist Assessment Clinic for Pervasive Developmental Disorders to be created in Northern Ireland. Assessments are multi-dimensional and multi-professional. Attachment to this specialist clinic has become a valuable resource, with demand exceeding availability of places.Clinical implicationsThe pervasive developmental disorders are characterised by onset before 36 months, qualitative impairments in social interaction and communication (both verbal and non-verbal), and a pattern of repetitive or stereotyped activities or interests (DSM-IV). Diagnostic criteria for these disorders have broadened since the introduction of DSM-IV and ICD–10. For example, both have now agreed the validity of Asperger's syndrome, featuring difficulties in social interaction, restricted and repetitive areas of interest, without clinically significant impairment of intelligence or language development.
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Hermans, Louisa. "Supporting surgeons in the workplace." Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 92, no. 8 (September 1, 2010): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147363510x524919.
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The College is committed to establishing an effective regional professional affairs infrastructure to support surgeons in the workplace. College directors for professional affairs (DPAs) are now in place in nine out of ten SHA regions in England and in Wales, where they have established local professional affairs boards. It is estimated that DPAs will be appointed to the two remaining regions, North East and Northern Ireland, by the end of 2010. The specialty associations are appointing further regional specialty professional advisors (RSPAs) to the regions in which the infrastructure is in place and continue to pilot the RSPA role. These appointments are endorsed by the College.
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Wahidin, Azrini, and Jason Powell. "“The Irish Conflict” and the experiences of female ex-combatants in the Irish Republican Army." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2017): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2016-0052.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Irish Conflict, colloquially known as “The Troubles” and outline key moments of resistance for female political prisoners during their time at Armagh jail. The paper will situate the analysis within a Foucauldian framework drawing on theoretical tools for understanding power, resistance and subjectivity to contextualise and capture rich narratives and experiences. What makes a Foucauldian analysis of former female combatants of the Conflict so inspiring is how the animation and location of problems of knowledge as “pieces” of the larger contest between The State, institutions of power and its penal subjects (ex-female combatants as prisoners). The paper has demonstrated that the body exists through and in culture, the product of signs and meanings, of discourse and practices. Design/methodology/approach This is primarily qualitative methodology underpinned by Foucauldian theory. There were 28 women and 20 men interviewed in the course of this research came from across Ireland, some came from cities and others came from rural areas. Some had spent time in prisons in the UK and others served time in the Republic of Ireland or in the North of Ireland. Many prisoners experienced being on the run and all experienced levels of brutality at the hands of the State. Ethical approval was granted from the Queens University Research Committee. Findings This paper only examines the experiences of female ex-combatants and their narratives of imprisonment. What this paper clearly shows through the narratives of the women is the gendered nature of imprisonment and the role of power, resilience and resistance whilst in prison in Northern Ireland. The voices in this paper disturb and interrupt the silence surrounding the experiences of women political prisoners, who are a hidden population, whilst in prison. Research limitations/implications In terms of research impact, this qualitative research is on the first of its kind to explore both the experiential and discursive narratives of female ex-combatants of the Irish Conflict. The impact and reach of the research illustrates how confinement revealed rich theoretical insights, drawing from Foucauldian theory, to examine the dialectical interplay between power and the subjective mobilisation of resistance practices of ex-combatants in prison in Northern Ireland. The wider point of prison policy and practice not meeting basic human rights or enhancing the quality of life of such prisoners reveals some of the dystopian features of current prison policy and lack of gender sensitivity to female combatants. Practical implications It is by prioritising the voices of the women combatants in this paper that it not only enables their re-positioning at the centre of the struggle, but also moves away methodologically from the more typical sole emphasis on structural conditions and political processes. Instead, prioritising the voices of the women combatants places the production of subjectivities and agencies at the centre, and explores their dialectical relationship to objective conditions and practical constraints. Social implications It is clear from the voices of the female combatants and in their social engagement in the research that the prison experience was marked specifically by assaults on their femininity, to which they were the more vulnerable due to the emphasis on sexual modesty within their socialisation and within the ethno-nationalist iconography of femininity. The aggression directed against them seems, in part, to have been a form of gender-based sexual violence in direct retaliation for the threat posed to gender norms by their assumption of the (ostensibly more powerful) role as combatants. They countered this by methods which foregrounded their collective identity as soldiers and their identification with their male comrades in “the same struggle”. Originality/value This paper is one of the first to explore the importance of the experiences of female former combatants during the Northern Irish Conflict with specific reference to their experience of imprisonment. The aim of this significant paper is to situate the critical analysis grounded in Foucauldian theory drawing on theoretical tools of power, resistance and subjectivity in order to make sense of women’s experiences of conflict and imprisonment in Ireland. It is suggested that power and resistance need to be re-appropriated in order to examine such unique gendered experiences that have been hidden in mainstream criminological accounts of the Irish Conflict.
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Armstrong, Derek, and Lorna Gow. "Is the end in sight for bovine viral diarrhoea virus, or is it just a mirage?" Livestock 26, no. 5 (September 2, 2021): 220–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/live.2021.26.5.220.
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Bovine viral diarrhoea (BVD) is an infectious disease that significantly affects the health, welfare and productivity of cattle. Elimination of bovine viral diarrhoea virus (BVDV) is technically feasible. There are mandatory BVDV elimination programmes in Ireland, Northern Ireland, Isle of Man and Scotland. There are voluntary BVD programmes in England and Wales. The main focus of BVDV elimination programmes is the identification and slaughter of cattle persistently infected with BVDV (PIs). PI animals shed large amounts of virus in all excretions and secretions and are the main source of infection for other cattle. BVDV elimination can only succeed within a realistic timescale if PIs are removed quickly enough to minimise the risk of infection resulting in the generation of further PI animals. Maintaining stakeholder cohesion, commitment and engagement is also key in a BVD programme. All cattle farms need to be free of BVDV to eliminate the risk of infection and voluntary programmes are unlikely to reach all farms. The mandatory programme in Ireland started in 2013 and it is aiming to seek a declaration of freedom under the EU Animal Health Law in 2023. The other programmes are at various stages along the pathway to BVDV elimination. The stated intention of the cattle industry in the UK is elimination of BVDV by 2031. This will be a stretch target, particularly in England, but should be possible if the approach is science-based and the delivery programmes have the committed support of farmers and veterinary surgeons.
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Kesten, Joanna May, Carrie Flannagan, Eimear Ruane-McAteer, Samuel William David Merriel, Tom Nadarzynski, Gilla Shapiro, Zeev Rosberger, and Gillian Prue. "Mixed-methods study in England and Northern Ireland to understand young men who have sex with men’s knowledge and attitudes towards human papillomavirus vaccination." BMJ Open 9, no. 5 (May 2019): e025070. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-025070.
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ObjectivesMen who have sex with men (MSM) are at greater risk for human papillomavirus (HPV)-associated cancers. Since 2016, MSM have been offered the HPV vaccination, which is most effective when received prior to sexual debut, at genitourinary medicine clinics in the UK. In September 2019, the national HPV vaccination programme will be extended to boys. This study aimed to understand young MSM’s (YMSM) knowledge and attitudes towards HPV vaccination.DesignQuestionnaires assessed YMSM demographics, sexual behaviour, culture, knowledge and attitudes towards HPV vaccination and stage of vaccine decision-making using the precaution adoption process model. Focus groups explored sexual health information sources, attitudes, barriers and facilitators to vaccination and strategies to support vaccination uptake. Questionnaire data were analysed using descriptive statistics and focus group data were analysed thematically.SettingQuestionnaires were completed online or on paper. Focus groups were conducted within Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Queer organisational settings and a university student’s union in England and Northern Ireland.ParticipantsSeventeen YMSM (M=20.5 years) participated in four focus groups and 51 (M=21.1 years) completed questionnaires.ResultsOver half of YMSM were aware of HPV (54.9%), yet few (21.6%) had previously discussed vaccination with a healthcare professional (HCP). Thematic analyses found YMSM were willing to receive the HPV vaccine. Vaccination programmes requiring YMSM to request the vaccine, particularly prior to sexual orientation disclosure to family and friends, were viewed as unfeasible. Educational campaigns explaining vaccine benefits were indicated as a way to encourage uptake.ConclusionsThis study suggests that to effectively implement HPV vaccination for YMSM, this population requires clearer information and greater discussion with their HCP. In support of the decision made by the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation, universal vaccination is the most feasible and equitable option. However, the absence of a catch-up programme will leave a significant number of YMSM at risk of HPV infection.
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Bosi, Lorenzo. "Explaining Pathways to Armed Activism in the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969–1972." Social Science History 36, no. 3 (2012): 347–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001186x.
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In this article three pathways into armed activism are identified among those who joined the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1972. The accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that for those who were already involved in the Republican movement before 1969, a trajectory of mobilization emerged because of the long-standing counterhegemonic consciousness present in their homes, which in turn strongly influenced them as committed Republican militants. For those who joined after 1969 and had previously been involved in other political activities, mobilization was a result of a particular transformative event that triggered the belief that armed struggle was the only approach capable of bringing change in the new sociopolitical situation of the time. For the majority, that is, those who joined after 1969 at a very young age without any previous involvement in organized networks of activism, it began as a more abruptly acquired sense of obligation to defend their own community and retaliate against the Northern Ireland establishment, the Loyalists, and the British army. Overall, the accounts of former volunteers generally suggest that Republican volunteers were fighting first and foremost to reclaim dignity, build honor, and instill a sense of pride in themselves and their community through armed activism. In these terms, the choice of joining the PIRA was justified not as a mere reproduction of an ideological alignment to the traditional Republican aim of achieving Irish reunification but as part of a recognition struggle. At an analytic level, this article illustrates the utility of a multimechanisms interpretative framework. And it contributes to broadening the empirical basis by presenting and analyzing a series of 25 semistructured interviews with former PIRA volunteers.
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McGowan, Christopher. "Workers Entering the Prison." Qui Parle 29, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10418385-8743016.
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Abstract This article argues that Steve McQueen’s Hunger (2008) represents an unexpected but compelling mutation of the genre of postindustrial labor film. Hunger depicts the protests of Irish republican prisoners inside the Maze Prison that culminated in the 1981 Irish hunger strike. At the same time, the film develops an extended representation of the labor of the prison workers who beat, humiliate, care for, and counsel the prisoners throughout the protests. By combining and reworking the genres of labor film, prison film, and Irish Troubles film, Hunger imagines the prison as a microcosm of a deindustrialized Northern Irish economy where labor has left the factory and become conjoined to the disciplinary power of the state, either as police work or as care work. In this way, Hunger attends to the “spirit” of what Lenin called the “labor aristocracy,” here reduced to the work of maintaining the very boundary between itself and those excluded from it. McQueen’s attention to the body and to the affective dimensions of labor and struggle, the article argues, allows Hunger to achieve a uniquely committed, totalizing representation of the political economy of Northern Ireland.
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Prescott, C. "Carbon accounting in the United Kingdom water sector: a review." Water Science and Technology 60, no. 10 (November 1, 2009): 2721–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2009.708.
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The UK is committed to greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and has introduced a number of initiatives to achieve these. Until recently, these targeted energy-intensive industries and, thus, the water sector was not significantly affected. However, from 2010, UK water companies will need to report their emissions under the Carbon Reduction Commitment (CRC). Both Ofwat (the economic regulator for water companies in England and Wales) and the Northern Ireland Authority for Utility Regulation (NIAUR) now require annual reporting of GHG emissions in accordance with both Defra Guidelines and the CRC. Also, carbon impacts must now be factored into all water industry investment planning in England and Wales. Building on existing approaches, the industry has developed standardised carbon accounting methodologies to meet both of these requirements. This process has highlighted gaps in knowledge where further research is needed.
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Greene, Kellie. "Ireland's Architecture of Containment: Concealed Citizens and Sites Bereft of Bodies." Somatechnics 1, no. 1 (March 2011): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2011.0003.
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With Irish Independence being granted in1922, the Irish Catholic Hierarchy and the Irish Politicians with their new found power embarked on the complex and highly fraught project of forging a new Irish Nationalist identity. In the decades which followed, the officially named “Irish Freestate” became a nationwide network of asylums, reformatory schools, industrial schools, Magdalen Asylums and Mother and Baby homes. A mere two years after the declaration of Irish independence, it was reported that “there were more children in industrial schools in the twenty-six counties of Ireland than were in all the industrial schools in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland put together,” (Raftery, O'Sullivan: 1999: 69, 72). Likewise, Rafferty and O'Sullivan claim that between 1869 and 1969 approximately 105,000 children were committed to industrial schools and that at its peak, the system consisted of 71 such institutions (1999: 20).This paper will draw on the experiences of my younger brother and I as we spent a combined total of 18 years in four such institutions in the Republic of Ireland in the 1980s and 1990s. In the terms of much of the current literature on what is sometimes referred to as “coercive confinement” (O'Sullivan & O'Donnell, 2008: 32) we are amongst thousands of survivors of a state-sponsored and Church-administered system that as An Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern acknowledged in his ‘apology’ speech of 1999, all too often “denied children the care and security that they needed”, and worse still, perpetrated “grave wrongs”.With the recent conclusion of our 17 year legal battle with the Irish Catholic church and State and with research I am undertaking for my PhD project, “Remembering and (Re)Presenting Lives Within Care” I will recall the event where my brother and I were taken beneath the Four Courts in Dublin, an airless subterranean trap, and asked to trade away our voices. We have learned that in the face of the most insidious forms of State violence, one doesn't breathe to speak, one needs to speak to breathe. This is the story of our combat breathing.
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Horder, Jeremy, and Kate Fitz-Gibbon. "WHEN SEXUAL INFIDELITY TRIGGERS MURDER: EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF HOMICIDE LAW REFORM ON JUDICIAL ATTITUDES IN SENTENCING." Cambridge Law Journal 74, no. 2 (May 8, 2015): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197315000318.
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AbstractIn October 2010, the UK Parliament brought into effect law that replaced the partial defence to murder of provocation with a new partial defence of “loss of control”, applicable to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland. Although it retained some key features of its controversial predecessor, the new partial defence was in part designed better to address the gendered contexts within which a large number of homicides are committed. In examining the impact of the reforms, we will focus on long-held concerns about the treatment of sexual infidelity as a trigger for loss of control in murder cases. The article undertakes an analysis of English case law to evaluate the way in which sexual infidelity-related evidence has influenced perceptions of a homicide defendant's culpability, for the purposes of sentencing, both before and after the implementation of reform. The analysis reveals that, in sentencing offenders post reform, the higher courts have failed to follow the spirit of the reforms respecting the substantive law by effecting a corresponding change in sentencing practice.
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Pilkevych, Viktoriia. "Cultural and Natural Sites of Europe According to UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.125-135.
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The author studies UNESCO’s activities in the cultural sphere, especially the protection and preservation of cultural heritage around the world. There is World Heritage List. Sites must be of outstanding universal value and meet the special criteria to be included on this List. Countries are trying to include their cultural objects for protection. Cultural heritage is architectural works, works of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or structures of an archaeological nature groups of buildings which are of outstanding universal value. The World Heritage Committee is responsible for the implementation of the World Heritage Convention («Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage»,1972), gives financial assistance and decides on the listing or deletion of properties in the List of World Heritage in Danger. The List of World Heritage in Danger informs the international community of threat and to encourage corrective action. Special attention was given to European cultural and natural sites which are in this list. These are sites in Serbia (Medieval Monuments in Kosovo (2006)), United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (Liverpool – Maritime Mercantile City (2012)), Austria (Historic Centre of Vienna (2017)). This article focuses on the reasons for listing in the List of World Heritage in Danger (different conflicts, war, natural disasters, pollution, poaching, uncontrolled urbanization, tourist development etc.). Author outlines problems of protection world cultural heritage that need to be solved in the future. International community can help in this problem because each site in World Heritage List has outstanding universal value in our life. The author emphasizes on high importance of cultural sphere of the UNESCO’s activities.
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Deidda, Manuela, Laura Coll-Planas, Maria Giné-Garriga, Míriam Guerra-Balic, Marta Roqué i Figuls, Mark A. Tully, Paolo Caserotti, et al. "Cost-effectiveness of exercise referral schemes enhanced by self-management strategies to battle sedentary behaviour in older adults: protocol for an economic evaluation alongside the SITLESS three-armed pragmatic randomised controlled trial." BMJ Open 8, no. 10 (October 2018): e022266. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-022266.
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IntroductionPromoting physical activity (PA) and reducing sedentary behaviour (SB) may exert beneficial effects on the older adult population, improving behavioural, functional, health and psychosocial outcomes in addition to reducing health, social care and personal costs. This paper describes the planned economic evaluation of SITLESS, a multicountry three-armed pragmatic randomised controlled trial (RCT) which aims to assess the short-term and long-term effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of a complex intervention on SB and PA in community-dwelling older adults, based on exercise referral schemes enhanced by a group intervention providing self-management strategies to encourage lifestyle change.Methods and analysisA within-trial economic evaluation and long-term model from both a National Health Service/personal social services perspective and a broader societal perspective will be undertaken alongside the SITLESS multinational RCT. Healthcare costs (hospitalisations, accident and emergency visits, appointment with health professionals) and social care costs (eg, community care) will be included in the economic evaluation. For the cost-utility analysis, quality-adjusted life-years will be measured using the EQ-5D-5L and capability well-being measured using the ICEpop CAPability measure for Older people (ICECAP-O) questionnaire. Other effectiveness outcomes (health related, behavioural, functional) will be incorporated into a cost-effectiveness analysis and cost-consequence analysis.The multinational nature of this RCT implies a hierarchical structure of the data and unobserved heterogeneity between clusters that needs to be adequately modelled with appropriate statistical and econometric techniques. In addition, a long-term population health economic model will be developed and will synthesise and extrapolate within-trial data with additional data extracted from the literature linking PA and SB outcomes with longer term health states.Methods guidance for population health economic evaluation will be adopted including the use of a long-time horizon, 1.5% discount rate for costs and benefits, cost consequence analysis framework and a multisector perspective.Ethics and disseminationThe study design was approved by the ethics and research committee of each intervention site: the Ethics and Research Committee of Ramon Llull University (reference number: 1314001P) (Fundació Blanquerna, Spain), the Regional Committees on Health Research Ethics for Southern Denmark (reference number: S-20150186) (University of Southern Denmark, Denmark), Office for Research Ethics Committees in Northern Ireland (ORECNI reference number: 16/NI/0185) (Queen’s University of Belfast) and the Ethical Review Board of Ulm University (reference number: 354/15) (Ulm, Germany). Participation is voluntary and all participants will be asked to sign informed consent before the start of the study.This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 634 270. This article reflects only the authors' view and the Commission is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.The findings of the study will be disseminated to different target groups (academia, policymakers, end users) through different means following the national ethical guidelines and the dissemination regulation of the Horizon 2020 funding agency.Use of the EuroQol was registered with the EuroQol Group in 2016.Use of the ICECAP-O was registered with the University of Birmingham in March 2017.Trial registration numberNCT02629666; Pre-results.
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O’Halpin, Eunan. "Historical revisit: Dorothy Macardle, The Irish Republic (1937)." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 389–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001422x.
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Dorothy Macardle’s vast The Irish Republic first appeared in 1937, the year in which her inspiration and her patron de Valera unveiled Bunreacht na hÉireann, his own monument to pragmatic republicanism. Macardle, in Joseph Lee’s phrase the ‘hagiographer royal to the Irish Republic’, is rather out of fashion as a narrator of and commentator on the emergence of independent Ireland; it appears to be largely committed republicans and those who study them who now acknowledge and draw on her ‘classic’ work. The book itself is long out of print. Yet in its construction, its breadth of treatment, its declared ambition and its obvious subtexts, it stands apart both from militant republican writing of the period and from more formally dispassionate academic works. It is also a monument to the emergence of the ‘slightly constitutional’ politics of the first generation of Fianna Fáil, the party created by de Valera to bring the majority of republicans across the Rubicon from revolutionary to democratic politics. Finally, in its faithful and adoring exegesis of most of de Valera’s twists and turns during his tortuous progress from armed opponent to consolidator of the twenty-six-county state, it provides a possible historical template for laying aside the armed struggle which has contemporary resonances for a republican movement attempting to talk its way into a new form of non-violent politics in Northern Ireland without passing under the yoke of unequivocal decommissioning: in that context, a senior Irish official recently pointed somewhat wistfully to de Valera’s statement of 23 July 1923 (as reproduced by Macardle) that ‘the war, so far as we are concerned, is finished’ (p. 787).
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Weitzer, Ronald. "Northern Ireland's Police Liaison Committees∗." Policing and Society 2, no. 3 (April 1992): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.1992.9964644.
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Coll-Planas, Laura, Sergi Blancafort Alias, Mark Tully, Paolo Caserotti, Maria Giné-Garriga, Nicole Blackburn, Mathias Skjødt, et al. "Exercise referral schemes enhanced by self-management strategies to reduce sedentary behaviour and increase physical activity among community-dwelling older adults from four European countries: protocol for the process evaluation of the SITLESS randomised controlled trial." BMJ Open 9, no. 6 (June 2019): e027073. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-027073.
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IntroductionSITLESS is a randomised controlled trial determining whether exercise referral schemes can be enhanced by self-management strategies to reduce sedentary behaviour and increase physical activity in the long term, in community-dwelling older citizens. The intervention is complex and requires a process evaluation to understand how implementation, causal mechanisms and context shape outcomes. The specific aims are to assess fidelity and reach of the implementation, understand the contextual aspects of each intervention site, evaluate the mechanisms of impact, and explore perceived effects.Methods and analysisFollowing the Medical Research Council guidance on complex interventions, a combination of qualitative and quantitative procedures is applied, including observational checklists and attendance registries, standardised scales (ie, Marcus’s Self-Efficacy Questionnaire, Physical Activity Self-Regulation Scale and the Lubben Social Network Scale) at baseline, postintervention and follow-up assessments, semistructured questionnaires gathering contextual characteristics, and participant observations of the sessions. Semistructured interviews and focus groups with the participants and trainers are conducted at postintervention and during the follow-up to explore their experiences. Outcomes from the standardised scales are analysed as moderators within the impact evaluation. Descriptive results on context and perceived effects complement results on impact. The qualitative and quantitative findings will help to refine the logic model to finally support the interpretation of the results on the effectiveness of the intervention.Ethics and disseminationThe study design was approved by the respective Ethical Committee of Ramon Llull University, Southern Denmark, Northern Ireland and Ulm University. Participation is voluntary, and all participants are asked to sign informed consent before starting the study. A dissemination plan operationalises how to achieve a social impact by reaching academic and non-academic stakeholders. A data management plan describes the specific data sets and regulates its deposition and curation. All publications will be open access.Trial registration numberNCT02629666; Pre-results.
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Dowler, Elizabeth. "Symposium on ‘Intervention policies for deprived households’ Policy initiatives to address low-income households' nutritional needs in the UK." Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 67, no. 3 (August 2008): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0029665108008586.
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Members of low-income households in the UK are more likely to have patterns of food and nutrient intakes that are less inclined to lead to good health outcomes in the short and long term. Health inequalities, including the likelihood of child and adulthood obesity, have long been documented in the UK and show little sign of improving so far, despite 10 years of attention from a government that has committed itself to addressing them. Following the Acheson Inquiry into Inequalities in Health (1998) in England a number of initiatives to tackle inequalities in food and diet were established, both nationally and within the devolved nations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, until recently, there has been no overall strategic policy addressing the food and nutritional needs of low-income households. The present paper reviews how the problems have been constructed and understood and how they have been addressed, briefly drawing on recent evaluations of food and nutrition policies in Scotland and Wales. The contemporary challenge is to frame cross-cutting policy initiatives that move beyond simple targeting and local actions, encompass a life-course approach and recognise both the diversity of households that fall into ‘low-income’ categories and the need for ‘upstream’ intervention.