Academic literature on the topic 'Common morality'
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Journal articles on the topic "Common morality"
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Wright, John R. "Common Morality." Teaching Philosophy 29, no. 1 (2006): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil200629112.
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Arras, John D., Albert R. Jonsen, and Stephen Toulmin. "Common Law Morality." Hastings Center Report 20, no. 4 (July 1990): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3562766.
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Brock, Dan. "Common-Sense Morality." Hastings Center Report 20, no. 6 (November 1990): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3563419.
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Triplett, Timm. "Teaching Common Morality." Teaching Ethics 17, no. 2 (2017): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej2017121953.
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Bernard Gert’s account of morality is straightforward, clear and, in its essentials, easily grasped. As such, it offers rich pedagogical resources for teaching morality, not just in undergraduate courses but also in pre-college philosophy classes or workshops, including those offered during the elementary school years. Gert’s account, properly calibrated to the age group in question, can provide a unified framework for students to think about morality, clarify their understanding of it, and engage in discussions with each other about it. After summarizing Gert’s account, I illustrate several ways in which it can be applied in the classroom, beginning with applications at the elementary school level and working up to pedagogy appropriate to high school and college. I conclude by considering and responding to some possible objections to this approach.
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Pritchard, Michael S. "Comments on Common Morality." Teaching Ethics 7, no. 1 (2006): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tej20067121.
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Rhodes, Rosamond. "Why not common morality?" Journal of Medical Ethics 45, no. 12 (September 11, 2019): 770–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2019-105621.
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This paper challenges the leading common morality accounts of medical ethics which hold that medical ethics is nothing but the ethics of everyday life applied to today’s high-tech medicine. Using illustrative examples, the paper shows that neither the Beauchamp and Childress four-principle account of medical ethics nor the Gert et al 10-rule version is an adequate and appropriate guide for physicians’ actions. By demonstrating that medical ethics is distinctly different from the ethics of everyday life and cannot be derived from it, the paper argues that medical professionals need a touchstone other than common morality for guiding their professional decisions. That conclusion implies that a new theory of medical ethics is needed to replace common morality as the standard for understanding how medical professionals should behave and what medical professionalism entails. En route to making this argument, the paper addresses fundamental issues that require clarification: what is a profession? how is a profession different from a role? how is medical ethics related to medical professionalism? The paper concludes with a preliminary sketch for a theory of medical ethics.
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Moore, Bryanna. "Why only common morality?" Journal of Medical Ethics 45, no. 12 (October 29, 2019): 788–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2019-105840.
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Macklin, Ruth. "Another Defense of Common Morality." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 31, no. 2 (March 4, 2022): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180121000578.
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AbstractRobert Baker and Rosamond Rhodes each argue against the universality “common morality,” the approach to ethics that comprises four fundamental principles and their application in various settings. Baker contends that common morality cannot account for cultural diversity in the world and claims that a human rights approach is superior in the context of global health. Rhodes maintains that bioethics is not reducible to common morality because medical professionals have special privileges and responsibilities that people lack in everyday life. Baker fails to demonstrate how the human rights approach to global ethics is more sensitive to culture than the use of bioethics principles that comprise common morality. Rhodes has a narrow interpretation of “common morality,” which when understood more broadly, accounts for the special privileges and obligation of medical professionals.
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Choi, Kyungsuk. "Common Morality and Normative Ethics." Korean Journal of Ethics 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.38199/kje.9.6.
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Özçiftci, Vedat Menderes. "Is there a Common Morality?" Turkish Journal of Bioethics 3, no. 3 (2016): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5505/tjob.2016.57338.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Common morality"
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Neog, Bhaskarjit. "An Understanding of Common Morality." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9478.
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The idea of common morality is not a new idea. Philosophers have been engaged with it from the very early days. Many modern philosophers intend to perceive it when they compare or contrast it with the implications of ethical theories for genuine understanding of moral facts. They believe that without having any reference to what common people think, believe and practice, it is preposterous to construct a complete set of abstract norms and postulate them as relevant to practical life. In this work, proceeding with a motive of understanding the characteristic strength of common morality and to see how meaningfully we can designate the relevance of common moral beliefs in our applied ethical discussion, I am basically exploring two different accounts common morality view. The first one is the universalistic account which emerges from the works or Bernard Gert and Tom Beauchamp (including their colleagues), and the other one, I believe, sets its journey from the wombs of the critics of the first one. In this work, in order to properly designate the relevance of common morality, I am intending to develop the second account.
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Krishna, Nakul. "The morality of common sense : problems from Sidgwick." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f2ac036e-115d-4e02-b5a8-cd6ab40f0800.
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Much modern moral philosophy has conceived of its interpretative and critical aims in relation to an entity it sometimes terms 'common-sense morality'. The term was influentially used in something like its canonical sense by Henry Sidgwick in his classic work The Methods of Ethics (1874). Sidgwick conceived of common-sense morality as a more-or-less determinate body of current moral opinion, and traced his ('doxastic') conception through Kant back to Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and the practice of Plato's Socrates before him. The Introduction to this thesis traces the influence of Sidgwick's conception both on subsequent (mis)understandings of Socratic practice as well as on the practice of moral philosophy in the twentieth century. The first essay offers a challenge to Sidgwick's understanding of Socratic practice. I argue that Socrates' questioning of his interlocutors, far from revealing some determinate body of pre-existing beliefs, is in fact a demonstration of the dynamic and partially indeterminate quality of common-sense morality. The value for the interlocutor of engaging in such conversation with Socrates consisted primarily in its forcing him to adopt what I term a deliberative stance with respect to his own practice and dispositions, asking himself not 'what is it that I believe?' but rather, 'what am I to believe?' This understanding of Socratic practice gives us a way of reconciling the often puzzling combination of conservative and radical elements in Plato's dialogues. The second essay is a discussion of the reception of Sidgwick's conception of ethics in twentieth-century Oxford, a hegemonic centre of Anglophone philosophy. This recent tradition consists both of figures who accepted Sidgwick's picture of moral philosophy's aims and those who rejected it. Of the critics, I am centrally concerned with Bernard Williams, whose life's work, I argue, can be fruitfully understood as the elaboration of a heterodox understanding of Socratic practice, opposed to Sidgwick's. Ethics, on this conception, is a project directed at the emancipation of our moral experience from the many distortions to which it is vulnerable. Williams's writings in moral philosophy, disparate and not entirely systematic, are unified by these emancipatory aims, aims they share with strains of psychoanalysis except in that they do not scorn philosophical argument as a tool of emancipation: in this respect among others, I claim, they are fundamentally Socratic.
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Patterson, Claire. "The morality and ethics of hunting : towards common ground." Thesis, Link to the online version, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/3102.
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Vasilionytė, Ieva. "The possibility of a moral theory compatible with common-sense morality." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140701_110356-86907.
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The dissertation explores the question of the possibility of a moral theory compatible with common sense morality. Common sense morality is limited to its two fundamental features, or suppositions: moral judgements are truth apt and practical, i.e. they are at the same time in some sense objectively right or wrong and necessarily action guiding. In contemporary philosophy, the two fundamental features of common sense morality seem to be incompatible: only descriptions can have truth values, but descriptions are not prescriptions, or, to put it otherwise, from the way the things are, it does not follow straightforwardly how the things should be. However, analyses of the methodological, ontological, epistemological and semantic possibilities of moral theories enable a positive answer: a moral theory which embodies the two fundamental features of common-sense morality is possible, only if it makes coherence its constitutive value and uses the approach of rationalist internalism. In this research, the main controversies and distinctions of contemporary meta ethics (moral realism/anti realism, motivational internalism/externalism) are discussed and an account of rationalist internalism is explicated and enforced.Disertacijoje nagrinėjama su sveiko proto morale suderinamos moralės teorijos galimybė. Sveiko proto moralė apribojama dviem pamatinėm prielaidom, arba savybėm: moraliniai sprendiniai turi teisingumo reikšmes ir yra praktinio pobūdžio, t.y. jie yra kažkuria prasme objektyviai teisingi arba klaidingi ir būtinai kreipia mūsų veiksmus. Šiandienėje filosofijoje šios dvi pamatinės sveiko proto moralės savybės atrodo esančios nesuderinamos: juk teisingumo reikšmes gali turėti tik deskripcijos, o deskripcijos nėra preskripcijos, arba iš to, kaip yra, tiesiogiai neseka tai, kaip turėtų būti. Vis dėlto nagrinėjant metodologines, ontologines, epistemologines bei semantines moralės teorijų galimybes, disertacijoje į pagrindinį klausimą atsakoma teigiamai: abi pamatines sveiko proto moralės savybes įkūnijanti moralės teorija yra galima, tik jei ji padaro koherentiškumą savo konstituojančia vertybe ir naudoja racionalistinio internalizmo prieigą. Darbe aptariamos pagrindinės šiandienės metaetikos kontroversijos bei skirtys (moralinis realizmas/antirealizmas, motyvacinis internalizmas/eksternalizmas), išskleidžiama bei papildoma racionalistinio internalizmo teorija.
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Simcik, Arese Nicholas Luca. "The common in a compound : morality, ownership, and legality in Cairo's squatted gated community." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dd437dc6-1b8f-42d9-8b95-e1d460a4e66d.
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In Haram City, amidst Egypt's 2011-2013 revolutionary period, two visions of the city in the Global South come together within shared walls. In this private suburban development marketed as affordable housing, aspirational middle class homebuyers embellish properties for privilege and safety. They also come to share grounds with resettled urban poor who transform their surroundings to sustain basic livelihoods. With legality in disarray and under private administration, residents originally from Duweiqa - perhaps Cairo's poorest neighbourhood - claim the right to squat vacant homes, while homebuyers complain of a slum in the gated community. What was only desert in 2005 has since become a forum for vivid public contestation over the relationship between morality, ownership, and order in space - struggles over what ought to be common in a compound. This ethnography explores residents' own legal geographies in relation to property amidst public-private partnership urbanism: how do competing normative discourses draw community lines in the sand, and how are they applied to assert ownership where the scales of 'official' legitimacy have been tipped? In other words: in a city built from scratch amidst a revolution, how is legality invented? Like the compound itself, sections of the thesis are divided into an A-area and a B-area. Shifting from side to side, four papers examine the lives of squatters and then of homeowners and company management acting in their name. Zooming in and out within sides, they depict discourses over moral ownership and then interpret practices asserting a concomitant vision of order. First, in Chapter 4, squatters invoke notions of a moral economy and practical virtue to justify 'informal' ownership claims against perceptions of developer-state corruption. Next, Chapter 5 illustrates how squatters define 'rights' as debt, a notion put into practice by ethical outlaws: the Sayi' - commonly meaning 'down-and-out' or 'bum' - brokers 'rights' to coordinate group ownership claims. Shifting sides, Chapter 6 observes middle class homeowners' aspirations for "internal emigration" to suburbs as part of an incitement to propertied autonomy, and details widespread dialogue over suburban selfhood in relationship to property, self-interest, and conviviality. Lastly, Chapter 7 documents authoritarian private governance of the urban poor that centres on "behavioural training." Free from accountability and operating like a city-state, managers simulate urban law to inculcate subjective norms, evoking both Cairene histories and global policy circulations of poverty management. Towards detailing how notions of ownership and property constitute visions and assertions of urban law, this project combines central themes in ethnographies of Cairo with legal geography on suburbs of the Global North. It therefore interrogates some key topics in urban studies of the Global South (gated communities, affordable housing, public-private partnerships, eviction-resettlement, informality, local governance, and squatting), as Cairo's 'new city' urban poor and middle classes do themselves, through comparative principles and amidst promotion of similar private low-income cities internationally. While presenting a micro-history of one project, it is also offers an alternative account of 2011-2013 revolutionary period, witnessed from the desert developments through which Egyptian leaders habitually promise social progress.
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Futa´k-Campbell, Beatrix. "Constructing a common EU policy vis-à-vis the East : managing identity, normativity, morality and interests in talk." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3125.
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In order to appreciate the wider implication of EU foreign policy and the role of the EU as a global actor, it is essential to consider how constructions of EU foreign policy are accounted for, by practitioners, within EU institutions. To examine such constructions is the focus of this thesis. In the remit of European foreign policy, the Common Security and Foreign Policy (CSFP) and the European Neighbourhood Policy's (ENP) strategic engagement is linked with the continuous quest to define a European identity, purpose and borders, especially most recently on its eastern European boundaries. Although there are studies conceptualising identity, by examining European foreign policy, these accounts either focus on EU's capability of developing policy instruments that demonstrate her global actorness (or lack of it), or on the social norms that constitute EU identity, or on evaluating the moral obligations EU policy prescribes. However, there has been little attention in the academic literature on their interdependency. Neither has much attention been paid to consider the eastern European region as a collective. This present study addresses several gaps in the existing research literature. It treats the eastern European region as a collective and focuses on EU practitioners, who formulate the policy vis-à-vis these eastern neighbours. More importantly, it focuses on how identity, normativity, morality and interest formations are actually managed in talk, and their interdependency. Semi-structured research interviews with 62 participants from the Council of the European Union DG Eastern Europe and Central Asia (COEST) policy unit and the presidency secretariat, the Commission's External Relations DG (DG Relex) and the Commissioner's secretariat, and the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee were recorded and transcribed. For the analysis, I applied a form of discursive psychology informed by category membership analysis. This analytical approach, novel to IR and to EU studies, examines the social function of talk in interactions, the personal accountability of the speaker, as well as the categories that practitioners build up. The findings have significant theoretical, methodological and practical implications for IR and for foreign policy practice and research. First, the application of discursive psychology led to new understandings of how EU practitioners construct EU policy vis-à-vis the East, the distinct interest in the region with respect to the cultural and historical ties, border security and energy security, and how these practitioners manage identity, normative, moral and interest concerns. Thus this thesis contributes to the theoretical developments in IR on identity formation through talk. The analysis reveals the relevance of how participants build on various discursive accounts such as: the way they construct the ‘European' (1); they account for the normative role/power the EU plays in the eastern region (2); the way they attend to the vocational or moral aspect of EU policy vis-à-vis the East (3); and justify the EU's collective interests of energy security (4). Furthermore, the analysis reveals a competing construction according to which the closer ties with eastern European countries is not merely a moral concern or is clarifying issues of identity for the EU, but very much a normative one, as it serves the EU's own interest, especially concerning energy security. In short, these notions are connected and exist in parallel to each other, when practitioners consider EU foreign policy, rather than favouring one notion over the other. The findings also demonstrate that in understanding European foreign policy in the East, participants draw upon dichotomised categories combined with various discursive devices that effectively work to fragment ‘European' identity. This will have implications for practices of EU foreign policy as well as perceptions of a ‘European' identity in general. Second, this thesis forms an important contribution to discursive studies in IR and EU studies, by applying a specific analytical approach. I discuss the methodological issues that the application of discursive psychology raises, such as the use of interview data and the ethics of obtaining such data for analysing foreign policy. The introduction of this method to IR also challenges those cognition focused models that have been previously widely accepted. The final set of implications is more of a practical nature. Some of the findings contribute to potential policy recommendations on EU policy vis-à-vis the East, as well as the way EU practitioners manage issues of personal accountability. The findings also allow for the development of specific teaching material to assist with training EU practitioners.
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Enck, Gavin G. "A Comparison of Two Bioethical Theories." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1242754128.
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Bouchard, Kevin. "Aux origines conceptuelles du constitutionnalisme de common law contemporain : l’influence de la conception classique de la common law sur la théorie juridique de Wilfrid Waluchow." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020051.
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Ce travail propose une interprétation d’ensemble de la théorie du droit et de la théorie du contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité des lois de l’auteur canadien contemporain Wilfrid Waluchow, à partir d’une étude de la manière dont elles s’inspirent de la conception classique de la common law. La partie préliminaire présente de façon synthétique la conception classique de la common law et la critique que lui adresse Thomas Hobbes, pour montrer comment elles font apparaître, dès les origines de la modernité, deux façons opposées de concevoir le droit, qui sous-tendent la pensée contemporaine. La première partie étudie le rapport que les conceptions du droit des inspirateurs plus immédiats de Wilfrid Waluchow entretiennent avec la conception classique de la common law. Elle explique comment H. L. A. Hart contribue à rapprocher le positivisme juridique de la vision coutumière des common lawyers à l’aide de la notion de règles secondaires et comment Ronald Dworkin associe plutôt l’approche de la common law à une méthode d’interprétation centrée sur la dimension argumentative du droit. La deuxième partie examine le positivisme juridique inclusif de Wilfrid Waluchow et la théorie de common law du contrôle judiciaire qu’il élabore à partir de celui-ci et elle montre comment l’effort de l’auteur canadien pour conjuguer dans sa pensée les influences des conceptions du droit de Hart et de Dworkin, à l’aide en particulier de la notion de moralité constitutionnelle, l’amène à développer une vision qui possède des affinités importantes avec la conception classique de la common lawThis work offers a general interpretation of the theory of law and the theory of judicial review of Canadian contemporary author Wilfrid Waluchow, through the study of their relation to classical common law jurisprudence. The preliminary section offers a summary of classical common law jurisprudence and of Thomas Hobbes’s critique of classical common law jurisprudence, and shows how they define two opposite ways of conceptualizing law that still underlie contemporary jurisprudence. The first section studies how the jurisprudence of H. L. A. Hart and of Ronald Dworkin, which directly inspire Wilfrid Waluchow’s theory of law, relate to classical common law jurisprudence. It shows how Hart, with his concept of secondary rules, moves legal positivism closer to classical common law’s customary understanding of the law and how Dworkin defines the common law approach otherwise, by proposing an interpretive method concentrating on the argumentative character of law.The second section studies Wilfrid Waluchow’s inclusive legal positivism and his common law theory of judicial review. It shows how Wilfrid Waluchow’s effort to reconcile Hart’s theory of the law with Dworkin’s jurisprudence, notably through the idea of constitutional morality, leads him to develop an understanding of the law which has important affinities with classical common law jurisprudence
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Andersson, Samuel. "God and the moral beings : A contextual study of Thomas Hobbes’s third book in Leviathan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-113789.
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The question this essay sets out to answer is what role God plays in Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan, in the book “Of a Christian Common-wealth”, in relationship to humans as moral beings. The question is relevant as the religious aspects of Hobbes’s thinking cannot be ignored, although Hobbes most likely had rather secular and sceptical philosophical views. In order to answer the research question Leviathan’s “Of a Christian Common-wealth” will be compared and contrasted with two contextual works: the canonical theological document of the Anglican Church, the Thirty-Nine Articles (1571), and Presbyterian-Anglican document the Westminster Confession (1648). Also, recent scholarly works on Hobbes and more general reference works will be employed and discussed. Hobbes’s views provide a seemingly unsolvable paradox. On the one hand, God is either portrayed, or becomes by consequence of his sceptical and secular state thinking, a distant God in relationship to moral humans in “Of a Christian Common-wealth”. Also, the freedom humans seem to have in making their own moral decisions, whether based on natural and divine, or positive laws, appears to obscure God’s almightiness. On the other hand, when placing Hobbes in context, Hobbes appears to have espoused Calvinist views, with beliefs in predestination and that God is the cause of everything. Rather paradoxically it not unlikely that Hobbes espoused both the views that appear to obscure the role of God, and his more Calvinistic views.
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Onuoha, Chikezie. "Bioethics Across Borders : An African Perspective." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7844.
Full textBooks on the topic "Common morality"
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H, Outka Gene, and Reeder John P. 1937-, eds. Prospects for a common morality. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1993.
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Slote, Michael A. From morality to virtue. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
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The common good: Citizenship, morality, and self-interest. Oxford: Blackwell, 1989.
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Bioethics and secular humanism: The search for a common morality. London: SCM Press, 1991.
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International Conference on Moral Science (2002 Kashiwa-shi, Japan). Searching for a common morality in the global age: The International Conference on Moral Science in 2002. Kashiwa-shi, Chiba-ken, Japan: Institute of Moralogy, 2003.
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International Conference on Moral Science (2002 Kashiwa-shi, Japan). Searching for a common morality in the global age: The proceedings of the International Conference on Moral Science in 2002. New Delhi: Lancer's Books in association with Institute of Moralogy, Kashiwa-shi, Japan, 2004.
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Zinken, Jörg. Requesting responsibility: The morality of grammar in Polish and English family interaction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.
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Outka, Gene, and John P. Reeder. Prospects for a Common Morality. Princeton University Press, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Common morality"
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Steinberg, David. "Common Morality." In The Multidisciplinary Nature of Morality and Applied Ethics, 185–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45680-1_14.
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Clouser, K. Danner, and Bernard Gert. "Common Morality." In Handbook of Bioethics, 121–41. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/1-4020-2127-5_6.
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Brown, Les. "Morality, the Common Interest and the Common Good." In Conservation and Practical Morality, 1–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08527-9_1.
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Brown, Les. "Conservation and the Common Good." In Conservation and Practical Morality, 40–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08527-9_2.
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Guyer, Paul. "Taste, Morality, and Common Sense." In Kant and the Scottish Enlightenment, 108–24. 1 [edition]. | New York : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Routledge studies in eighteenth-century philosophy ; 13: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315463414-7.
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Brown, Les. "Conservation, Administration and the Common Good." In Conservation and Practical Morality, 72–105. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08527-9_3.
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Sacks, Jonathan. "Law, Morality and the Common Good." In Juvenile Delinquency in the United States and the United Kingdom, 99–112. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27412-3_6.
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Brown, Les. "The Potential Common Good: The Challenge to Education." In Conservation and Practical Morality, 145–84. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08527-9_5.
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Sticker, Martin. "How Common Is Common Human Reason? The Plurality of Moral Perspectives and Kant’s Ethics." In Kant on Morality, Humanity, and Legality, 167–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54050-0_9.
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Ruse, Michael. "Common Sense Morality and Its Evolutionary Underpinnings." In Scientific Challenges to Common Sense Philosophy, 160–83. New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in the philosophy of science: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351064224-11.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Common morality"
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Babić, Mile. "The Crisis of Ethically Neutral Science." In Međunardona naučna konferencija: Sistem nauke-faktor poticaja ili ograničavanja razvoja. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2021.200.15.
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Current crisis of morality in scientific and technical civilization leads us to a common ruin because modern science (which is free of morality) is inextricably linked to technology, and can therefore be called technoscience. As such, today it has a monopoly on knowledge of the world and therefore has the greatest power in history and is in tight collusion with the holders of power: the economy, politics, medicine, media, countries and multinational corporations. To have the greatest imaginable power (which, according to Kant, corrupts the freedom of mental reasoning), while being free from the morals that limit that power, means to turn the world into a world of the most modern barbarism and violence, destruction and self-destruction. Only morally responsible science is capable for future and it is the premise of a civilization capable of the future. Only responsible science can prevent science from turning into a comprehensive dogma. Therefore, science must be free from any ideology that depicts reality in black and white and thus produces vanity, hatred and violence. Global science requires a global ethos (global responsibility). Science cares about the truth that liberates us from lies and connects us into a single community. The fundamental ethical imperative primum non nocere (“first, do no harm”) is valid everywhere and forever. Ethically responsible science requires a change in the consciousness of the individual and a rediscovery of the idea of brotherhood. No human action should undermine and destroy existing reality, but rather improve it.
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Nakane, Ikuko. "Accusation, defence and morality in Japanese trials: A Hybrid Orientation to Criminal Justice." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.16-5.
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The Japanese criminal justice system has gone through transformations in its modern history, adopting the models of European Continental Law systems in the 19th century as part of Japan’s modernisation process, and then the Anglo-American Common Law orientation after WWII. More recently, citizen judges have been introduced to the criminal justice process, a further move towards an adversarial orientation with increased focus on orality and courtroom discourse strategies. Yet, the actual legal process does not necessarily represent the adversarial orientation found in Common Law jurisdictions. While previous research from cultural and socio-historical perspectives has offered valuable insights into the Japanese criminal court procedures, there is hardly any research examining how adversarial (or non-adversarial) orientation is realised through language in Japanese trials. Drawing on an ethnographic study of communication in Japanese trials, this paper discusses a ‘hybrid’ orientation to the legal process realised through courtroom discourse. Based on courtroom observation notes, interaction data, lawyer interviews and other relevant materials collected in Japan, trial participants’ discourse strategies contributing to both adversarial and inquisitorial orientations are identified. In particular, the paper highlights how accusation, defence and morality are performed and interwoven in the trial as a genre. The overall genre structure scaffolds competing narratives, with prosecution and defence counsel utilising a range of discourse strategies for highlighting culpability and mitigating factors. However, the communicative practice at the micro genre level shows an orientation to finding the ‘truth,’ rehabilitation of offenders and maintaining social order. The analysis of courtroom communication, contextualised in the socio-historical development of the Japanese justice system and in the ideologies about courtroom communicative practice, suggests a gap between the practice and official/public discourses of the justice process in Japan. At the same time, the findings raise some questions regarding the powerful role that language plays in different ways in varying approaches to delivery of justice.
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McVea, S., and M. Terris. "G25(P) How common is exchange transfusion within paediatric intensive care." In Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, Abstracts of the Annual Conference, 13–15 March 2018, SEC, Glasgow, Children First – Ethics, Morality and Advocacy in Childhood, The Journal of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/archdischild-2018-rcpch.24.
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Falko, V. I. "NEW ETHICS IN THE CONTEXT OF PROBLEMS THE SENSE OF EXISTENCE AND THE VALUES OF LIFE." In SAKHAROV READINGS 2021: ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS OF THE XXI CENTURY. International Sakharov Environmental Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46646/sakh-2021-1-99-102.
Full textAbstract:
Many new ethical concepts, trying to overcome the shortcomings of the ontological substantiation of ethics in classical teachings and modern alternative theories to them, return ethical thought to the eternal questions of the meaning of being of all things and the value of the life of man and other beings and offer extended interpretations of ontology. In modern mass and theoretical moral consciousness, the absolutization of the value of the new, the future as such, and the approval of the criteria for the morality of actions in maintaining openness to the onset of a new being, are spreading. Thus, man and society are transformed into a function of chaotic events that have nothing in common with the entire history of mankind and the personality of the subject and their loss of their being. The ontology of the creativity of being as the co-existence of meta-moments of the past, present and future in a singlemode concept of time, based on moral practice, is proposed.
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ROSELL, Sergi. "ON THE GOOD LIFE IN THE FACE OF THE TOTALITARIAN THREAT." In Proceedings of The Third International Scientific Conference “Happiness and Contemporary Society”. SPOLOM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2022.37.
Full textAbstract:
Aiming at deepening in our understanding of the fundamental (Socratic) question “how should one live?”, in this paper I present and discuss a distinction among Morality, Happiness and Meaning as the three fundamental dimensions of a Good Life. I specify the notion of meaningfulness here at stake and comment on Susan Wolf’s (2010, 2016) account of this threefold distinction, discussing the central role she gives to reasons of love in the differenciation of meaning. Next, I present what I call the Argument from Kinds of Satisfaction, and raise some important – and open– questions about the articulation of these three dimensions. The last part of the paper is devoted to consider how socio-political conditions affect the prospects of a good life; particularly, how the threat of authoritarianism and totalitarianism specifically affect the three dimensions of a good life. Keywords: Morality, Happiness, Meaning in Life, Passions, Ground Projects, Authoritarianism
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Huang, Yiwen. "Is it Morally Right to Commit Suicide?" In 2021 4th International Conference on Humanities Education and Social Sciences (ICHESS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211220.076.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
Full textAbstract:
This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Graskemper, Michael David. "A BRIDGE TO INTERRELIGIOUS COOPERATION: THE GÜLENJESUIT EDUCATIONAL NEXUS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/aeaf6717.
Full textAbstract:
The Gülen movement’s educational mission is, at its core and in its praxis, remarkably simi- lar to the centuries-old Jesuit educational tradition. It can be argued that both educational movements are united in a shared mission today –a deep concern for the spiritual freedom of the individual and a commitment to the betterment of the world. Both movements seek to instil values such as honesty, dedication, compassion and tolerance. To achieve this goal, students are offered a narrative of the past as a foundation on which to build an understanding of the modern world. Furthermore, they are educated holistically – in ethics and social justice as well as the sciences – what Gülen calls a ‘marriage of mind and heart’. This paper focuses on four shared values of education: commitment, responsibility, virtue and service. Within this framework, themes found in the Gülen educational movement, such as the Golden Generation and the concept of hizmet, are compared to similar Jesuit notions such as A.M.D.G., cura personalis, and ‘Men and Women for Others’. Differences and nu- ances are also addressed in the paper. The discussion aims to highlight the importance of values-oriented education in the modern world. The Gülen–Jesuit educational nexus is one positive bridge to inter-religious understanding and, importantly, collaborative action. The educational endeavors associated with the Turkish-Muslim Gülen movement have popu- larized, possibly more than any other facet of the group, Fethullah Gülen’s mission to prom- ulgate and cultivate an individually transformative Islam in the modern world. As the teach- ers and business partners of the Gülen movement continue to work to form conscientious, open-minded and just students in different cultures across the world, they will continue to be challenged and influenced by a myriad of different perspectives, religions, and socio-political groups; and, in turn, they will succeed in positively influencing those same cultures, as they have in many cases already. Of the many groups with which the Gülen movement has inter- acted in its ever-expanding intercultural milieu, this paper will focus on one: the educational charge of a Roman Catholic religious order called the Society of Jesus, a group more com- monly known as the Jesuits. This paper shows that the educational mission of the Gülen movement is, at its core, remark- ably similar to the mission of the centuries-old Jesuit Catholic educational tradition. In fact, it can be argued that the Gülen and Jesuit educational missions are, in theory and in praxis, united in a shared mission today; one that is rooted in a deep concern for the spiritual free- dom of the individual and dedicated to the betterment of the world. In analyzing this shared mission, this paper aims to discuss the importance of values-oriented education; particularly by addressing how the Gülen-Jesuit educational nexus can act as one positive bridge to inter- religious understanding and, importantly, cooperation and action in our transitioning world. In order to achieve this end, this paper begins with a short analysis of each movement’s back- ground with regard to education. Afterwards, the each movement’s notion of religious educa- tion is discussed. Finally, the focus turns to the mission themes the educational movements have in common. While there is a plethora of shared mission traits from which one could choose, for practical purposes this paper uses as its foundation for comparison four themes distilled by William J. Byron, S.J., from a mission statement from Georgetown University, the Jesuit university in Washington, D.C., which reads: Georgetown seeks to be a place where understanding is joined to commitment; where the search for truth is informed by a sense of responsibility for the life of society; where academic excellence in teaching...is joined with the cultivation of virtue; and where a community is formed which sustains men and women in their education and their conviction that life is only lived well when it is lived generously in the service of others (Byron 1997, 653). The first of these themes is a commitment to the understanding that God works in the world through people. The second is a responsibility to raise individual students to act justly in and for the world. The third is virtue, with the understanding that the way to achieve the mission of these schools is through educating students to be morally upright. Finally, the fourth theme is the need to be actively engaged in service to make the world a more peaceful, tolerant and just place to live. Commitment, responsibility, virtue, and service are, significantly, foundational for not only Jesuit schools, but Gülen schools as well.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
Full textAbstract:
Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
Reports on the topic "Common morality"
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Tyson, Paul. Sovereignty and Biosecurity: Can we prevent ius from disappearing into dominium? Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp3en.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on Milbank and Agamben, a politico-juridical anthropology matrix can be drawn describing the relations between ius and bios (justice and political life) on the one hand and dominium and zoe (private power and ‘bare life’) on the other hand. Mapping movements in the basic configurations of this matrix over the long sweep of Western cultural history enable us to see where we are currently situated in relation to the nexus between politico-juridical authority (sovereignty) and the emergency use of executive State powers in the context of biosecurity. The argument presented is that pre-19th century understandings of ius and bios presupposed transcendent categories of Justice and the Common Good that were not naturalistically defined. The very recent idea of a purely naturalistic naturalism has made distinctions between bios and zoe un-locatable and civic ius is now disappearing into a strangely ‘private’ total power (dominium) over the bodies of citizens, as exercised by the State. The very meaning of politico-juridical authority and the sovereignty of the State is undergoing radical change when viewed from a long perspective. This paper suggests that the ancient distinction between power and authority is becoming meaningless, and that this loss erodes the ideas of justice and political life in the Western tradition. Early modern capitalism still retained at least the theory of a Providential moral order, but since the late 19th century, morality has become fully naturalized and secularized, such that what moral categories Classical economics had have been radically instrumentalized since. In the postcapitalist neoliberal world order, no high horizon of just power –no spiritual conception of sovereignty– remains. The paper argues that the reduction of authority to power, which flows from the absence of any traditional conception of sovereignty, is happening with particular ease in Australia, and that in Australia it is only the Indigenous attempt to have their prior sovereignty –as a spiritual reality– recognized that is pushing back against the collapse of political authority into mere executive power.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.