Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communalisme'

La construction identitaire de l’adolescent est influencée par le contexte dans lequel il vit ; dans le cas de l’Ile Maurice, ce contexte est caractérisé par la présence officielle d’une catégorisation communautaire. Celle-ci amène les mauriciens à devoir se désigner comme membres de l’une des quatre communautés prescrites, ce qui devient problématique dans la construction identitaire, particulièrement pour les adolescents car ils sont dans une période déterminante dans leur développement. Nous avons voulu mesurer le degré d’influence du contexte multiculturel sur leur construction identitaire. Notre méthodologie nous a permis de constater la présence du communalisme dès le pré-test, et elle a été confirmée autant dans l’étude quantitative que qualitative. Nous avons pu mettre en évidence qu’un communalisme exacerbé conduit à une forte identité sociale, et ceci, au détriment de l’identité personnelle. En effet, nos résultats indiquent que l’existence des communautés contribue à faire que les sujets préfèrent leur groupe d’appartenance et ont des stéréotypes négatifs à l’égard des autres communautés. De plus, nous avons trouvé que l’appartenance communautaire est liée à l’identité sociale, composée essentiellement de l’appartenance religieuse, l’apparence physique et la classe sociale. D’autre part, nous avons constaté chez nos sujets une opposition entre un vécu interculturel interne et une identité sociale prescrite. Nous concluons à une remise en cause de l’existence officielle des communautés à Maurice, basée sur les résultats de notre recherche et nous proposons plus d’ouverture vers une éducation interculturelle et vers une valorisation de l’identité personnelle
The identity construction of the adolescent is influenced by his living context; in the case of Mauritius, this context is caracterised by the official presence of categorization of communities. This presence induces mauritians to have the obligation to identify themselves to one of the four prescribed communities, which leads to a problematic identity construction, particularly for adolescents as they are in a developmental period which is determinant. As from the study of mauritians reaching the end of adolescents, we have measured the degree of influence of the multicultural context on the identity construction. Our methodology has allowed us to notice the presence of communalism as from the stage of pretest and it has been confirmed in the quantitative as well as the qualitative analysis. We have been able to prove that an overreacted communalism leads to a high social identity, leading in counterpart to less importance regarding the personal part of identity. In fact, our results indicate that the existence of communities contributes in making our participants prefer the community to which they belong and they have negative stereotypes towards other communities. In addition to this, we have found that belonging to a community is directly linked to social identity, which is essentially comprised of religious belonging, physical appearance and social class. Furthermore, we have noticed that our participants have an intercultural inner living which is opposed to the prescribed social identity. We arrive to the conclusion that the official existence of communities in Mauritius should be reviewed, based on the results of our research and we propose more implications in intercultural education and towards the promotion of personal identity

Dans une colonie britannique aux structures communautaires, les principes sportifs initiaux de l instauration d une fédération de clubs par des Franco-Mauriciens et des Métis, sont remis en cause l année suivante par la Constitution de 1947. Devenue Mauritius Sports Association, cet organisme évolue jusqu à dominer et gérer les pratiques compétitives. Pendant les périodes pré et post Indépendance, le mouvement sportif devient le miroir de la construction identitaire et des luttes de pouvoir. Si, Ministère et M.S.A. s opposent sur fond de communalisme, certains secteurs (industriel et scolaire) montrent une autre image des relations sociales. Décommunalisation du sport, loi de 1984 et réussite de l organisation des Jeux des Îles en 1985, marquent la fin du sport colonial et l avènement de la mauricianisation. L analyse historique s appuie sur les critères économiques et politiques et met en exergue le double rôle du sport : outil de positionnement social et reflet de la société.

Il s’agit d’une « photographie » géopolitique de la République de Maurice avec deux axes très précis : la géopolitique interne et la géopolitique externe du pays. L’analyse est faite à partir de faits essentiellement rapportés dans la presse mauricienne, si riche en diversité et commentaires. Puisant dans la profondeur historique pour essayer d’expliquer le présent, c’est le premier travail d’analyse et de réflexion sur la géopolitique de la jeune république mauricienne. La complexité des rapports entre les différents territoires (Rodrigues et Agaléga) avec l’île Maurice est expliquée, de même que les relations et positions d’ambiguïté avec la Grande-Bretagne (et les Etats-Unis) et la France sur les « contentieux » au sujet de l’archipel des Chagos et de Tromelin respectivement. Les rapports tendus entre les différentes communautés présentes à Maurice sont exposés, de même que la problématique de conversion de terres, souvent agricoles, en résidences de luxe pour étrangers fortunés et projets immobiliers d’envergure. La politique étrangère « neutre », propre à Maurice, est aussi examinée dans le cadre de sa géopolitique externe, de même que sa multiple appartenance aux organismes régionaux indianocéaniques et africains. De par sa « réussite économique » connue de l’étranger, Maurice ambitionne de devenir le centre de toutes choses dans la région et elle se propose d’être la passerelle financière entre l’Afrique et l’Asie. Ayant des liens « ombilicaux » avec l’Inde, Maurice est restée cependant pro-occidentale avec une nette poussée de la francophonie et un déclin de l’influence britannique. Africaine politiquement, Maurice s’oriente économiquement vers l’Asie
The work is a ‘snapshot’ of the geopolitics of the Republic of Mauritius with a two-pronged approach: The Internal Geopolitics and the External Geopolitics of the country. The analysis made is from facts mainly reported in the Mauritian press, so rich in diversity and comments. Going down the historical depth to try to explain the present, it is the first work of analysis and reflection on the geopolitics of the young Mauritian republic.The complexity of the relationships between the different territories (Rodrigues and Agalega) with Mauritius Island is explained, as well as the relationships and ambiguous positions with Great Britain (and the United States) and France on the issues of the Chagos Archipelago and Tromelin respectively. The tense relationships between the different communities present in Mauritius are exposed, as well as the controversial issue of land conversion -often agricultural land- to luxury residences for wealthy foreigners and ambitious real estate projects. The ‘neutral’ foreign policy of Mauritius, so unique, is also examined in the context of its External Geopolitics, as well as its multiple belongings to regional organisations in the Indian Ocean and in Africa. Known abroad for its ‘economic success’, Mauritius aspires to become the regional hub of all possible things and it has positioned itself to be the financial gateway between Africa and Asia. Having ‘umbilical’ links with India, Mauritius has remained however pro-western with an impressive Francophone boost and a decline of the British influence. Politically African, Mauritius is now economically oriented towards Asia

This thesis examines the founding and development of Pinesdale, Montana. Established by the Mormon fundamentalist leader Rulon Allred and his group in 1961, the town served as a haven for those practicing polygamy as well as an opportunity for group members to live a Mormon form of communalism known as the United Order. Compelled by the social upheaval and shifting cultural standards in the United States and instability in international affairs during the Cold War era, the fundamentalists considered the two practices to be essential to Christian perfection and preparation for a biblical Apocalypse and Millennium. But as a sect comprised of individuals who broke away from the Latter-day Saint Church, dissension continued to characterize the group, compromising communal efforts. The conflict between communalism and individualism in the community recalled an archetypical American struggle that can be traced to Puritan communities and seen repeated in the history of the American West. Like other groups in the West, Pinesdale wanted to preserve its autonomy, but when it sought self-government by incorporating as a city, it became dependent upon the American government. This pushed the community further into the mainstream, a tendency accelerated by the loss of an apocalyptic paradigm at the end of the Cold War. The story of Pinesdale here contributes to a growing scholarship of communalism in America and ethnic groups in the West that is more inclusive and less exceptional, and demonstrates how American the community had been in the context of the postwar period.

The search for an appropriate hermeneutic for relevant biblical interpretations in African contexts remains one of the major challenges facing African biblical scholars. Although considerable progress has been achieved since the second half of the last century, in the wake of such approaches as postcolonial criticism in particular, there is ample room for more theoretical contributions. This thesis formulates communalism as a hermeneutical framework to interpret the Imprecatory Psalms from a Kamwe perspective, thereby contributing towards the burgeoning African-centered biblical hermeneutics. The methodology that describes my use of communalism is influenced by the interpretive theories of other African biblical scholars – notably, Justin S. Ukpong and Gerald O. West, who both emphasize collaboration between trained African biblical interpreters and ordinary readers. Communalism as an interpretive theory and its usefulness for interpreting the Imprecatory Psalms in particular is my contribution to collaborative African biblical interpretation. This I have demonstrated through an analysis of qualitative data on the Kamwe concept of cursing and blessing, which leads to and justifies communalism as my hermeneutic. I have focused on the Kamwe because the particularity of each African ethnic group determines how symbols of communalism (such as ‘land’ and ‘mountains’) are harnessed and interpreted. Moreover, I aim to illustrate how a specific African socio-cultural context contributes towards the interpretation of the Imprecatory Psalms, which may otherwise be missed if a rather generalized pan-African approach were used. The methodology of communalism as a Kamwe hermeneutic is developed in response to Tuesday David Adamo’s African Cultural Hermeneutics, which is currently the dominant African-centred approach to the Imprecatory Psalms in biblical scholarship.

The thesis examines the agitations and riots that broke out in Calcutta in the aftermath of the Second World War. Through a close analysis of local outbreaks of urban violence, it hopes to contribute to the understanding of decolonization in the subcontinent. It interrogates existing chronological and conceptual frameworks through which decolonization has been understood in the historiography of the region. At the same time, the study analyses the continuities and changes in the practices of the local state apparatus, especially the police, through the transition ‘from the colonial to the post-colonial’ regime in South Asia. The scope of the study is limited to incidents and experiences in Calcutta, although it attempts to take into account relevant issues at the regional and all-India level wherever possible. The historiography of popular politics in South Asia is fairly unanimous in concluding that the immediate aftermath of the Second World War saw widespread ‘anti-imperialist’ ‘cross-communal’ protests throughout the subcontinent. In this period, many argue, people of all religions came together for the last time to fight the colonial regime. However, this moment of communal unity was quickly lost as the subcontinent plunged into communal violence on an unprecedented scale. Incidents in Calcutta are believed to exhibit this pattern very clearly. In February 1946 the city witnessed large-scale protests against the conviction of Captain Rashid Ali of the Indian National Army. However, just six months later, Calcutta witnessed massive communal riots. The Great Calcutta Killing of August 1946 set off the chain of communal violence across the subcontinent that ultimately precipitated the partition of British India into two mutually hostile post-colonial states of India and Pakistan. This thesis hopes to challenge some of these assumptions in the historiography of decolonization. It seeks to complicate this linear narrative by questioning the ‘cross-communal’ dimension of the anti-colonial protests. It also argues that the outbreak of communal violence was not as sudden as has been assumed. Rather, communal tension often co-existed with periods of united anti-colonial agitations. The thesis will also examine inter-community relations in the city in the very first years after independence. It will study how new minorities produced by the Indian nation state grappled with, and were affected by, the changed circumstances in Calcutta.

Militant Hinduism announced its presence in India in the early 1980s. Since then, it has posed a challenge to the biggest functioning democracy in the world and the secular ethos on which its nation state was formed. The Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as an alternative force to the once dominant, secular Congress party and came to power in the 1990s. The rise of Hindu nationalism was accompanied by recurring large-scale communal (Hindu-Muslim) riots. The notion of a monolithic Hindu identity is, of course, inherently implausible in view of the differences of caste which fragment it. This thesis seeks to investigate and explain the formation of a "Hindu identity" and the growth of communalism in India since the 1980s. The key questions my research addresses are: why and how did a "Hindu identity" crystallise and why were such a large number of people mobilised in its name with sufficient success to affect the shape of Indian politics? The growth of Hindu nationalism over that period, I argue, is better understood as the effect of transformations among Hindus rather than simply as a conflict between Hindus and Muslims. This dissertation argues that Hindu nationalism, while ostensibly directed against Muslims, was, in fact, the product of tensions between Hindus. The hostility of some Hindus against Muslims is closely related to caste conflicts, especially those between `forward' and `backward' castes. Remarkably, the startling rise of Hindu militancy against Muslims in the 1980s coincided with the extensive growth of caste conflicts. Actually, in some cases, caste conflicts turned into Hindu-Muslim violence. These caste conflicts have revolved around the state's redistributive policies for the benefit of backward castes Hindus. These preferential policies for backward castes have served to complicate and antagonise caste relations, especially as they appeared to offer lower and backward castes greater opportunities for social mobility. As some segments of the lower and backward castes appeared to improve their economic situation, forward caste Hindus feared that their own opportunities were being restricted and their dominance challenged. They were now suddenly forced to compete with the lower castes, of lesser status, on terms, which they perceived to be disadvantageous. The intensification of communal antagonism since the 1980s, I argue, reflected the resulting and growing uncertainties within the Hindu moral order. The growth of Hindu militancy and the formation of a "Hindu identity" was therefore informed by the complex inter-relationship between caste and class. Its ascent was largely reproduced and energised by the state's policies and political discourse. These findings make it difficult to see either religion or cultural particularism as the sole, or even primary source of the conflict in India. This line of reasoning is pursued through the lens of the large-scale Ahmedabad riots of 1985. Chapter one establishes the background. It delineates the transformations in the political economy and socio-economic changes, particularly in the interrelations between caste and class among Hindus. Chapter two sets out the political context in which the reservation crisis and the growth of communalism occurred. In the 1970s and 1980s there was no evidence of endemic or even newly developing Hindu-Muslim strife in the politics of Gujarat. Political conflicts, in so far as they concerned religion, focused on the "Hindu order" and issues of caste. The intervention of the state, especially in its reservations policy, addressed issues of equality as if they were synonymous with the rights of religious minorities. In so doing, it enabled caste conflicts to develop and deepen communal rivalries. Chapters three and four present two views of the Ahmedabad riots of 1985. Chapter three recaptures the formal view of the riots as it was seen by the various agencies of the state and represented in their documents. Chapter four provides an alternative account, and reflects on the events from a vernacular grass-roots perspective as revealed in both archival documents and oral testimonies of survivors and witnesses. Consequently, it exposes the formal view to critical analysis. Chapter five provides an analysis of the making of EthnoHinduism. It analyses the implications of the Ahmedabad riots for the relationships between caste, class and communalism. By investigating the riots in the context of Gujarat politics the thesis seeks to offer an explanation for the rise of militant Hindu nationalism in India since the 1980s.

Thesis (D.Min.)--Brite Divinity School, Texas Christian University, 2009.
Title from dissertation title page (viewed Apr. 19, 2010). Includes abstract. "A project report and thesis submitted to the Faculty of Brite Divinity School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Ministry." Includes bibliographical references.

Entre le début du xviiie siècle et les années 1970, soit durant plus de deux siècles et demi, il s'est noué dans les Alpes Briançonnaises un ensemble de relations entre une ressource, le charbon, et une population d'hommes, paysans et montagnards. Cette étude s'attache à faire le récit de ces relations, à parcourir la chaîne des associations au moyen desquelles les paysans et le charbon se sont simultanément inventés, concourant à la constitution d'une socio-nature, concrétisée dans des formes spécifiques d'exploitation, les charbonnières, qui ont cohabité durablement avec les petites mines industrielles installées progressivement dans la bassin. Le réseau de l'activité charbonnière paysanne tient à quatre associations successivement explorées : la relation au charbon et sa naturalisation comme charbon-qui-convient ; l'investissement " communaliste " de la forme d'État de la concession ; la stabilisation d'un dispositif sociotechnique qui offre une troisième voie à l'alternative socio-économique à laquelle sont soumises les population montagnardes : émigrer ou rester et subir le " bagne " de la mine industrielle ; enfin une relation instrumentale à la technologie, c'est-à-dire l'équipement pratique et discursif de la mine rationnelle et industrielle porté par les ingénieurs des mines. Dans ce récit, on ne rencontrera pas de structures sociales, pas de systèmes techniques et bien sûr pas leurs agents théoriques autres que ceux que mobilisent les personnages du récit, dans les filets desquels ils se prennent, avec lesquels ils composent, auxquels ils se soumettent, qu'ils utilisent comme guide pour l'action ou sur les terres desquels ils braconnent. Mobilisant les cadres d'analyse des sciences studies, de la sociologie pragmatique et de la micro-histoire, cette étude propose la relation singulière d'un moment de la société, considéré dans son individualité historique.

Technology has several advantages, but the growing fear is that the power of human beings over nature through technology is growing in an alarming rate so that, if not checked with a new ethics of responsibility, we may be heading to the destruction of nature and the annihilation of humanity. In response to this fear, Hans Jonas set a whole new debate into motion, both in Germany and America, when he argues (in his book entitled, The imperative of responsibility: In search of ethics for the technological age (1984) that the existing approaches to philosophical ethics, including theological ethics, are inadequate since they do not tackle the serious issues produced by the rapid expansion of modern technology. He then asserts that we must make a concerted effort to develop a theory of responsibility, so that humanity could be salvaged from future extinction. Whereas Jonas denies that religion could form the basis of a universal ethics of responsibility, Schweiker strives to prove him wrong by producing a Christian version of an ethics of responsibility from that of Jonas. Using Schweiker’s formulation of a Christian ethics of responsibility, this researcher aims at taking the debate to another level by engaging his Christian ethics of responsibility with African ethics to come out with an African Christian ethics of responsibility. The reason why we are formulating an African Christian ethics of responsibility is that if Africa is seen as the fastest growing Christian continent in the world, then formulating an African Christian ethics of responsibility is worthwhile since such an ethics addressing the negative impact of modern technology will be available and accessible to a substantial part of the world population. Although African and Christian in its point of departure, this ethics of responsibility claims to be universal in a normative sense of the word. It strives to provide moral guidance that should be heeded by everyone. This is because in our formulation, we will call Christians and non-Christians alike to emulate the altruistic love of Christ for the world as the core of an ethics of responsibility that is future-oriented.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Dogmatics and Christian Ethics
unrestricted

How does state capacity affect the state's ability to intervene in events of communal violence? Communal violence is conflict that occurs between two non-state groups that share a communal identity. The state controls the monopoly on the use of force, so it should be expected that the state will control these violent events. Research on intervention has shown that a state's military is an important indication of their ability to intervene. The study of other elements of state capacity such as the bureaucracy and political institutions have been largely ignored as factors to explain intervention. This paper builds on these elements of state capacity to argue that intervention can be explained by the state's military, bureaucracy, and the institutions that are in place. This argument has support from an empirical analysis conducted through replication data in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1989 to 2010.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse how India’s Minister of Home Affairs, Amit Shah, constructs the image of minorities and refugees in articles, speeches, and on social media platforms. The analysis is performed with the method of qualitative content analysis within a theoretical framework of propaganda put against the backdrop of Hindu nationalism. The main analysis is divided into four categories, based upon Jowett and O'Donnell’s model of analysing propaganda, going into the themes of: context surrounding the speech; communalism; values; and target audience. This paper argues that Amit Shah’s speech in the upper house of the parliament of India, is a part of a larger Hindu nationalist campaign concerning questions of Indian identity that dates back to, at least, the early 20th century.

A partir de l'ethnographie d'une secte minoritaire de l'islam indien, les ismaéliens daoudi bohras, cette thèse explore les processus menant à la construction identitaire en tant que communauté religieuse distincte. Les daoudi bohras, dont une large majorité vit entre Mumbai, le Gujarat et le Sind, forment à la fois une caste commerçante et une secte ismaélienne chiite avec ses propres rites. Dès l'époque coloniale, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui, des conflits internes ont porté sur les modalités de l'autorité suprême, celle du guide religieux le d'ai et de l'organisation par laquelle il gouverne, la dawat. Cette thèse, à travers un travail monographique, explore les différents aspects d'un conflit qui a abouti au relatif échec des réformes religieuses demandées par une branche 'progressiste'. Une première partie historique revient sur la genèse de ce communautarisme durant la période coloniale puis dans le contexte de l'émergence des nationalismes religieux en Asie du sud. Une deuxième partie explore les composantes de l'identité communautaire. Quelle est la nature de la « dawat », l'institution religieuse représentative de l'ensemble des membres? La réorganisation de cette institution s'est opérée dans la concurrence avec d'autres organisations prosélytes (hindouisme militant, islam réformé, sécularisme ressenti). Progressivement, l'association fonctionnelle de la caste, dont l'objectif premier était de représenter les intérêts du réseau mercantile, s'est affirmée comme la résurgence d'un modèle de gouvernance idéal. Tandis que les relations politiques se teintent de clientélisme, la communauté est sacralisée autour de sa puissante institution centrale
This thesis explores the processes which frame the identity construction as a distinctive Ismaili religious community. The research is based on a detailed ethnography study of this minority of Indian Muslims. The Dawoodi Bohras are largely settled in the region of Mumbai, Gujarat and Sind. They represent both a business caste as well as an Ismaili shia sect which nurtures its own rites. Since the colonial time, internal conflicts have confrontated the supreme authority and the “dawat” central organization. This thesis explores the various aspects of the conflict which have resulted in a relative failure of the religious reforms which were requested by a progressive branch of the community. The first part of the thesis examines the genesis of this communalism within the context of the emerging religious nationalisms in South Asia.The second part investigates the different aspects of the community identity. What is the nature of the “dawat”, the religious institution representing the dawoodi bohras? The reorganization of this institution occurred in the confrontation with the political environment (Hindutva, reformed Islam, secularism). The association of the mercantile caste, promoting the interests of the membres of the network, has gradually become sacralized and emerged like « a religious ideal society ». While the political relations of the dawat are based on clientelism, the power of this central institution is sacralized within the community

This thesis explores the origin of one of the most engrossing concerns of the post-colonial Indian state, that is, its extensive, intricate, and expensive feeding arrangements for the civilians. It tracks the colonial origin of the post-colonial welfare state, of which state-management of food is one of the most publicized manifestations. This thesis examines the intervention of the late colonial British state in food procurement and distribution in India during the Second World War, and various forms of such intervention, such as the introduction of food rationing and food austerity laws. It argues that the war necessitated actions on the part of the colonial state to secure food supplies to a vastly expanded British Indian Army, to the foreign Allied troops stationed in India, and to the workers employed in war-industries. The thesis brings forth the constitutional and political predicaments that deprived the colonial central government's food administration of success. It further reveals how the bitter bargaining about food imports into India between the Government of India and the War Cabinet in Britain hampered the state efforts to tackle the food crisis. By discussing the religious and cultural codes vis-à-vis food consumption that influenced government food policies, this thesis has situated food in the historiography of consumption in colonial India. In addition to adopting a political approach to study food, it has also applied sociological treatment, particularly while dealing with how the wartime scarcity, and consequent austerity laws, forced people to accept novel consumption cultures. It also contributes to the historiography of 'everyday state'. Through its wartime intervention in everyday food affairs, the colonial state that had been distant and abstract in the perception of most common households, suddenly became a reality to be dealt with in everyday life within the domestic site. Thus, the macro state penetrated micro levels of existence. The colonial state now even developed elaborate food surveillance to gather intelligence about violation of food laws. This thesis unravels the responses of some of the political and religious organizations to state intervention in quotidian food consumption. Following in this vein, through a study of the political use of famine-relief in wartime Bengal, it introduces a new site to the study of communal politics in India, namely, propagation of Hindu communal politics through distribution of food by the Hindu Mahasabha party. Further, it demonstrates how the Muslim League government's failure to prevent the Great Bengal Famine of 1943-44 was politically used by the Mahasabha to oppose the League's emerging demand for the creation of Pakistan.

Depuis les années 2000, le secteur de la santé de la reproduction, longtemps délaissé par le gouvernement indien, semble constituer un sujet d’inquiétude, notamment dans le nord du pays. Les taux de mortalité encore élevés discréditent l’image de superpuissance que l’État indien aime afficher, le déséquilibre du sex-ratio continue de se creuser en dépit des mesures législatives en vigueur et, malgré une importante baisse du taux de fécondité, le pays doit faire face à une population de plus d’un milliard deux cent millions d’habitants. À partir d’un terrain ethnographique d’un an et demi dans un hôpital public et dans des bidonvilles de Jaipur où une ONG œuvrait pour l’institutionnalisation de la santé maternelle, cette étude analyse les réactions des femmes et de leur famille face aux techniques persuasives et au pouvoir discrétionnaire que le personnel hospitalier et les membres de l’ONG utilisent à leur égard. Elle montre également en quoi les programmes de santé, censés garantir l’accès aux soins, tendent paradoxalement à rendre les bénéficiaires les plus vulnérables davantage conscients des inégalités socio-économiques dans leur vie quotidienne et renforcent les stéréotypes existants. À travers l’expérience des femmes, la santé de la reproduction apparaît comme un domaine sensible où des tensions sociales (castes, classes) et religieuses s’expriment et se cristallisent. La prise en charge de la santé de la reproduction ne se réduit pas à la santé materno-infantile mais englobe les questions de discrimination à l’égard des petites filles, du faible pouvoir décisionnel des femmes et du recours limité à la contraception, enjeux cruciaux qui attisent les différences au sein de la société indienne, sous couvert de progrès et au nom de l’intérêt de la nation
Since the 2000s, the Indian government’s long-neglected reproductive health sector has been a subject of growing concern, especially in the northern part of the country. Mortality rates remain high, calling India’s superpower image into question; the sex ratio imbalance keeps growing despite legislative measures to correct it; and, despite a significant dip in the fertility rate, the country now has a population of over one-billion-two-hundred-million inhabitants. Drawing on one-and-a-half years of ethnographic fieldwork in a public hospital and several slums in Jaipur, this study analyses the reactions of women and their families to the techniques of persuasion and decision-making power used by hospital staff and NGO workers who institutionalise maternal health. The study also shows how health programmes meant to secure universal access to care paradoxically reinforce existing stereotypes and tend to make vulnerable patients even more aware of socioeconomic inequalities in their daily lives. Through the lens of women’s experiences, reproductive health appears to be a sensitive node where religious and social tensions of caste and class get expressed and crystallised. Thus, reproductive health is not confined to maternal and child healthcare; it includes core issues of discrimination toward young girls, the limited decision-making power of women, and ambivalence about contraception among women. While often presented in the guise of progress and the national interest, the institutionalisation of reproductive health actually maintains social disparities within Indian society

L'évocation de l'Île Maurice fait rêver : ses couleurs « arc-en-ciel », ses plages paradisiaques et sa population accueillante sont bien connues dans le monde. L'île a été tour à tour colonie hollandaise, colonie française et colonie britannique. Aujourd'hui, elle fait toujours partie du Commonwealth, au même titre que d'autres ex-colonies, notamment l'Inde. Après presqu'un siècle et demi de domination britannique (1810-1968), Maurice est aujourd'hui une république indépendante qui souffre des maux typiques de la décolonisation et de l'ère postcoloniale. On y observe les problèmes liés à la construction identitaire, comme dans les sociétés multiethniques, sur lesquels se greffent des dysfonctionnements liés aux inégalités entre les groupes qui composent le pays. Cette thèse se propose de dépasser l'image idyllique que nous avons de cette île, pour nous concentrer sur la vie quotidienne de ses habitants, plus spécifiquement sur les relations sociales qu'entretiennent les « Créoles » avec les autres groupes en présence. Nous tentons d'identifier et d'expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles une certaine catégorie de Créoles est particulièrement touchée par la pauvreté et les discriminations, ce qui entraîne des fléaux tels que la prostitution, la drogue, l'alcoolisme, la violence domestique, le viol, les enfants des rues et les grossesses précoces. Après avoir rappelé les différentes phases de peuplement de l'Île Maurice, nous nous penchons sur les notions, parfois controversées, de « race », couleur, mondialisation, regard et perception, pour essayer de comprendre les relations assez conflictuelles entre les différentes communautés, notamment entre les Créoles et les Hindous. Nous émettons l'hypothèse selon laquelle le passé historique lié à l'esclavage, avec la déshumanisation dont ont été victimes les ancêtres d'un certain nombre de Créoles, pèse encore aujourd'hui sur leurs descendants. À travers des études de cas, des interviews et des observations, nous analysons les limites dans les relations interethniques, intergroupes et intercommunautaires, prenant en compte les particularités de chaque groupe afin de savoir dans quelle mesure certains peuvent être qualifiés d'ethnies, de communauté ou simplement de groupe. Le résultat de nos recherches sur le terrain nous montre que différentes formes de discrimination sont exercées contre les Créoles et qu'elles sont dues essentiellement au verrouillage exercé par les Hindous, les seuls véritables détenteurs des rênes politiques locales, en plus, bien entendu des riches Blancs et des riches Chinois. Nous observons cependant que les Créoles semblent enfin commencer à accepter leur identité, dans un monde postcolonial où ils s'autonomisent et se distancient d'un passé esclavagiste
The image conveyed by Mauritius is full of fantasy with pretty rainbow colours everywhere, beaches of white sand and friendly people. The island was alternately a Dutch, a French and a British colony. It is still a member of the Commonwealth, like other former British colonies, including India. After almost one and a half century under British rules (1810-1968), Mauritius is now an independent Republic, which suffers from the typical trauma linked to decolonisation and the post-colonial era. As a result, we can spot problems linked to identity construction in multiethnic societies along with the dysfunctions related to inequalities among the groups in this country. This thesis proposes to go beyond the idyllic image that we have of this island, to focus on the daily life of its inhabitants, more specifically on the social relationships among the Creoles and between the Creoles and other groups. We try to identify and explain the reasons why a certain class of Creoles is particularly affected by poverty and discrimination, which lead to evils such as prostitution, drugs, alcoholism, domestic violence, rape, street children and teenage pregnancy. After recalling the different phases of settlement in Mauritius, we focus on some controversial concepts such as, "race", colour, globalisation, gaze and perception, to understand the rather conflicting relations among the different communities, especially between Creoles and Hindus. We hypothesise that the historical past and slavery – as well as the dehumanisation affecting Creole ancestors – are still weighing on their descendants. Through case studies, interviews and observations, we analyse the limits in inter-ethnic and inter-community relations, and attempt to define the specificities of each group to determine whether it can be considered as an ethnic group, a community or a simple social group. The results of our field research show that different forms of discrimination are exercised against the Creoles, and that they are mainly due to obstruction by the Hindus, the only true ‘owners' of local political power along with the wealthy Whites and the wealthy Chinese. However, we observe that the Creoles finally seem to accept their identity in a postcolonial world where they find empowerment and are able to distance themselves from their ancestors' slave past

Despite the increasingly common situation of statelessness in the contemporary Middle East, a majority of the theoretical tools used to study nationalism are contingent upon the existence of a sovereign state. As such, they are unable to fully explain the mechanisms of national identity, political participation, and integration in non-institutional contexts, where other social identities continue to play a significant political role. In these contexts, the position of demographic minorities in society is significant, as actors with the most popular support –majorities -- tend to have the strongest impact on the shape of the political field. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying the mechanisms of nationalism and political participation for one such minority group, the Palestinian Christians, particularly with regards to how national identity fails or succeeds in instilling attachment to the state and society. This is accomplished by applying the theoretical framework of social identity theory to empirical field research conducted in the West Bank in 2014, combined with an analysis of election and survey data. It is argued that the level of attachment individuals feel towards the “state” or confessional communities is dependent on the psychological or material utility gained from group membership. If individuals feel alienated from the national identity, they are more likely to identify with their confessional community. If they are alienated from both, then they are far likelier to emigrate. Additionally, I suggest that the way in which national identity is negotiated in a stateless context is important to future state building efforts, as previous attempts to integrate national minorities into the political system through, e.g., devolved parliaments and quotas, have failed to instil a universal sense of the nation.

La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe.
Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe.
Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Le Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a été fondé en 1980 par les nationalistes hindous, soucieux de légitimer leur option politique. Le parti s'est rapidement imposé dans le système politique indien en transition. De force marginale et marginalisée au début de la décennie, il est parvenu à devenir une réelle menace pour le parti du Congrès dès la fin des années 1980. Il a propulsé son idéologie, l'Hindutva, a participé à la communalisation du jeu politique et a dirigé l'Inde à la fin des années 1990, au moment même où paradoxalement l'idéologie nationaliste hindoue perdait du terrain. Ce mémoire s'interroge donc sur la relation entre le parti politique, le BJP, et l'idéologie, l'Hindutva. Comment un parti politique peut-il connaître une ascension fulgurante sans que l'idéologie sur laquelle il fonde ses idées et son programme en fasse autant? Nous concluons que les contraintes du système moderne indien de partis politiques, le manque de cohésion de la communauté hindoue et l'évolution de l'électorat indien à partir des années 1980 expliquent ce phénomène. En effet, si le système politique indien en transformation dans les décennies 80 et 90 a permis à l'Hindutva de s'imposer, par sa nouvelle structure, il l'a aussi contenu. La nouvelle dynamique politique de l'Inde ne permet plus à un seul parti politique de diriger le pays. Les coalitions s'imposent dans ce système fédéral et obligent les partis à nuancer leurs positions pour construire des alliances solides avec des formations qui évoluent sur la scène fédérale et d'autres qui oeuvrent au niveau régional, dans les États de l'Union. Le système jadis dirigé par un seul parti, celui du Congrès, a évolué à tel point qu'il s'est transformé en système multipartite avec deux pôles principaux, le Congrès et le BJP. L'Hindutva a connu ses moments de gloire, mais la communauté hindoue n'est pas suffisamment unie. Elle est trop diversifiée, elle est dispersée sur un vaste territoire, n'a pas d'autorité religieuse centrale et rassembleuse, et ses membres ne partagent pas les mêmes rituels et les mêmes références. Le BJP, dans un tel contexte, n'a eu d'autres choix que d'assouplir sa promotion de l'Hindutva. D'autant plus que l'électorat indien a bien changé depuis 25 ans. Il y a eu une révolution par les basses castes au cours des dernières décennies. Grâce à la régionalisation de la politique, ces groupes auparavant exclus se sont affirmés et ont réclamé leur part des récents progrès économiques. Ces Indiens moins nantis, n'adhèrent pas naturellement au nationalisme hindou, d'autant plus que cette idéologie les désavantage et tente d'entretenir leur soumission à la hiérarchie sociale défendue par les Indiens brahmanes. Les basses castes ont condamné le BJP en choisissant plutôt en 2004 la coalition dirigée par le parti du Congrès, davantage considérée à l'écoute des besoins des dalits. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Hindutva, Hindouité, Nationalisme hindou, Nationalisme culturel, BJP, Bharatiya Janata Party, Système politique, Partis politiques, Régionalisation, Coalitions, Castes, Communalisme, Nationalisme.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1990.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 49-52).

Communalism has been a central feature of Malaysian politics. Communal identity and competing communal interests formed the basis of Malaysia's "constitutional contract" agreed upon by leaders of major communal groups - Malays, Chinese and Indians - on the eve of independence in 1957. Contrary to the liberal notion of social contract, the communally-based constitutional contract had been tilted toward serving competing communal interests rather than promoting individual liberties. Continuing articulation of competing communal interests in post-independent Malaya, coupled with a communist threat, prompted the government to enact and enforce illiberal laws, aiming at maintaining national security and racial harmony in a communally-divided society. The courts too, recognizing the importance of state policies on ethnic relations, economic development and national security, legitimated illiberal statist legal meanings, which prioritized state power over individual freedoms. However, by the 1990s, the easing of ethnic tension and the end of the communist threat led to the questioning of the use of illiberal laws against political opponents and government critics. The trend in subjecting them to criminal and civil proceedings also raised concerns that the courts had been turned into one-sided political arenas to disgrace and humiliate political opponents and make oppositional political activities illegitimate. The criminal trials of former Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim vividly illustrated the conduct of political trials in Malaysia. However, the politics of Reformasi, which began soon after Anwar's ouster from the government in September 1998, had promoted a non-communal vision of Malaysian politics and proliferated liberal legal meanings based on the liberal conception of rule of law, contesting the illiberal statist legal meanings. The government responded to this development by making "superficial" legal changes in politically less sensitive areas like women's rights and normal crime, while continued to maintain an illiberal legal structure in the politically highly sensitive areas like national security and ethnic relations. Progress toward greater government responsiveness in these areas however had been slow and halting. By the mid 2000s, tussles between the Islamic mainstream, which promoted the more conservative view of Islam and religious freedom, and the liberals, who promoted the more liberal understanding of the same, reinforced communalism and raised a specter of divisive communal politics. This in turn provided the government with justifications to maintain the illiberal legal structure on the grounds of maintaining religious and racial harmony. Despite the recent push for democracy and non-communalism, the politics of race, religion and repression continued to be a dominant feature of Malaysian politics.

This study looks at one instance of the security predicaments faced by many states in the Third World: primordialist challenges based on ethnicity, language or religion. More specifically, it discusses the impact of Hindu communalist organizations, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), on one issue of Indian domestic politics which is linked with its foreign policy: the problem of secessionism in Kashmir, which is allegedly supported by Pakistan. The thesis stated here is that while the BJP may represent a factor likely to complicate the task of the Indian state in its efforts to ensure socio-political cohesiveness over a culturally fragmented polity, the influence of that movement is very limited in sensitive areas of national security like foreign policy. The first chapter reviews the literature on conflicts in South Asia, with reference to Kashmir and the role played by Hindu communalist organizations. This overview identifies a methodological difficulty limiting our understanding of this conflict: the Euro-centric bias of the discipline of international relations theory. This bias is expressed by a tendency to overlook a major source of in security within most Third World states: the lack of socio-political cohesiveness. The continuum from strong to weak states established by Barry Buzan is brought forward in an attempt to over come this methodological difficulty because it points to the low degree of socio-political cohesive ness in weak states as a problem generating high levels of violence within and between states. As such, it seems relevant to analyze the impact of domestic cleavages on foreign policy-making. The second chapter presents the contradiction between communal and secular nationalism in India as a fundamental political cleavage with repercussions for Indian foreign policy. The nature of Hindu communalism is explored through a presentation of its origins, its scope and its political philosophy. The divisive potential of this world-view is explained by pointing to the problems like ly to be raised by the attempts to implement its recommendations. The overview concentrates on the policies advocated by the Hindu communalists towards secessionism in Kashmir and its implications for the relationship between New-Delhi and Islamabad. The third chapter describes how Hindu communalist organizations have sought to influence the Indian central government in its policy towards Kashmir. It illustrates how Hindu communalism can have a direct and indirect influence with evidence from the campaign of the Praja Parishad in 1952 and the exploitation of communal cleavages by the Congress in 1983. The central part of the case study focuses on the attempts made by the BJP to influence the National Front government of 1989, and contrasts the uncertainties of that period with the firmness showed by the Congress government of Narasimha Rao in late 1991 and early 1992. The fourth chapter evaluates the attempts by the BJP to influence the policy of New Delhi to wards Kashmiri secessionists and assesses to what extent this influence was conducive to interstate tension between New Delhi and Islamabad. What emerges is that the BJP was rather unsuccessful in prodding the government into adopting policies that would compromise a political settlement in Kashmir.

This dissertation examines the antecedents to the outdoor education movement that proliferated in the first decades of the twentieth century, arguing that it stemmed from the Romanticism that emerged in the nineteenth century. Drawing on a Romantic approach to pedagogy, early outdoor educators looked to nineteenth-century literature and art as inspiration for their educational methods, curriculum and marketing. Rejecting the concepts of "rugged individualism," these outdoor educators expressed an ideal of "rugged communalism" where concepts of selflessness, community, and democracy became the lessons learned in the outdoors. The first chapter provides an overview of Puritan understanding of the wilderness and corresponding perspectives on childhood and education by drawing on the writings of John Winthrop, Cotton Mather, and Jonathan Edwards as well as John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress and the experience of King Philip's War. The Romantic revolution as expressed by Washington Irving, James Fenimore Cooper and others form the basis of the second chapter. Chapter three charts the transformation of American perspectives on wilderness through the visual arts and literature, specifically those writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Nathaniel Hawthorne combined with the work of Thomas Cole. This chapter also explores the White Mountain tourist industry as an expression of these ideals. The fourth chapter follows the changing conceptions of childhood throughout the nineteenth century with a focus on the image of the barefoot boy and street urchins. Chapter five discusses the development of a Transcendental pedagogy through the writings and educational experiments of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Bronson Alcott, Margaret Fuller, Henry David Thoreau, and Louisa May Alcott, including the impact of the Temple School and Brook Farm. The second half of the dissertation addresses specific applications of experiential outdoor pedagogy. This includes the Boston Farm School on Thompson Island, Charlesbank and the playground movement in Boston, the North Bennett Street Industrial School's outdoor programs, the relationship between the Grand Army of the Republic and the Boy Scouts of America, and the impact of Dudley Allen Sargent and Sargent Camp.

This research focuses on the impact of the moral community (or social context) on the formation of conscience and its implication for moral responsibility. It is an interdisciplinary approach to theological reflection that is particularly attentive to psychological, philosophical, sociological, and neurobiological viewpoints showing how these have either distorted or broadened our understanding of conscience in its relation to community and social responsibility, or its formation in relationship to our moral development. It stresses reciprocity of conduct (for we are "responders") and the complementarities of internal and external sanctions. It insists that the influence of conscience on behavior is undermined by a fixation on its cognitive aspect at the detriment of the feeling aspect such that retrieving the latter will broaden our appreciation of its deep but subtle influence. While admitting the richness of African <italic>communalism<<</he basis for a healthy formative process, it also sees in it a perplexing paradox given the socio-political realities of venal leadership and systemic corruption that de-colors the African landscape. Focusing on Nigeria, it identifies "tribalism" as a socio-moral "pathology" (an institutionalized self-interest) that not only distorts the traditional process of moral formation but has evolved as a core driver of systemic corruption. It claims that globalization enables "external powers" to impact local moral orientation. It links "local tribalism" and "international tribalism" as "pathologies" based on kinship of disordered self-interest. It exposes how the latter influences local moral disorientation in a way analogous to how the local moral community impacts the malformation of individual conscience and thus influencing irresponsibility. Its recommendations include: a "glocalized" moral reform aimed at "updating" conscience formation process and overcoming tribalism; a paradigm shift in foreign policy agenda towards a new ethic; and a "three-stage-process" that focuses on deconstructing unhealthy belief systems and building "active" moral communities as part of a robust long-term strategy against systemic corruption and deeper socio-moral transformation.
McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts;
Theology
PhD;
Dissertation;

The dissertation analyzes the history of tourism at Shaker communities from their foundation to the present. Tourism is presented as an interaction between the host Shakers and the visitors. The culture, expectations, and activities of both parties affect their relationship to each other. Historically, tourists and other visitors have gradually dominated the relationship, shifting from hostility based on religion to acceptance based on a romantic view of the Shakers. This relationship has spilled over into related cultural phenomena, notably fiction and antique collecting. Overall, the analysis extends contemporary tourism theory and integrates Shaker history with the broader course of American history.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the Indian Hindu nationalist concept of “love jihad”, an idea based upon the alleged fact that Muslim men actively seeks out non-Muslim women for conversion to Islam by various methods including, false promises of love and abductions. While the accusation that Muslims are conducting love jihad currently is being propagated by several active Hindu nationalist groups, the focus of this paper lies on the Viśva Hindū Pariṣad (VHP) and the Rāṣṭrīya Svayaṃsevak Saṃgh (RSS), two major branches within the so-called family of Hindu nationalist organisations, or the Saṃgh Parivār. The material primarily con-sists of articles pertaining to love jihad, published in each organisation’s mouthpiece magazines. Utilising theories on Indian nationalism placed within a structure of analysing propaganda, based on the propaganda model of Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell, this paper investigates the idea of love jihad in relation to the VHP and RSS constructs of Indian identities.

abstract: In contemporary Indian literature, the question over which sets of Indian identities are granted access to power is highly contested. Critics such as Kathleen Waller and Sara Schotland align power with the identity of the autonomous individual, whose rights and freedoms are supposedly protected by the state, while others like David Ludden and Sandria Freitag place power with those who become a part of group identities, either on the national or communal level. The work of contemporary Indian author Aravind Adiga attempts to address this question. While Adiga's first novel The White Tiger applies the themes and ideology of the worth of the individual from African American novelists Ralph Ellison, Richard Wright, and James Baldwin, Adiga's latest novel, Last Man in Tower, shifts towards a study of the consequences of colonialism, national identity, and the place of the individual within India in order to reveal a changing landscape of power and identity. Through a discussion of Adiga's collective writings, postcolonial theory, American literature, South Asian crime novels, contemporary Indian popular fiction, and some of the challenges facing Mumbai, I track Adiga's shifts and moments of growth between his two novels and evaluate Adiga's ultimate message about who holds power in Indian society: the individual or the community.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. English 2013

This research examines the relation of scalar arrangements of the statist political orders and the formation of the condition of exile, exemplified in the case of the Kurdish statelessness through a critical reading of Abdullah Öcalan's theory of democratic confederalism. This reading, I will argue, permits understanding the scalar implications of what I call the tyranny of the present of the state. The tyranny of the present refers to the tendency of statist formations to expand the domination of their metaphysical presence through attempting to turn their present into the future of those who are considered less developed and aiming to prevent the perception of any unpredictable future that might interrupt their presence. This temporal hegemony is imposed through a centralized and hierarchical scalar order that determines quantitative multiplication of the diversity of human societies and the order of authority of the structure that brings them together as a whole. Together the scalar-temporal arrangement of the structure implies the ways through which the presence of the state determines the condition of the impossibility of the presence of the stateless and the exclusion of the stateless determines the condition of the possibility of the presence of the state. I will argue that this is the desire to leave the aporetic condition of the state/statelessness binary that leads Öcalan to aim for the destruction of the state and the construction of a communalist structure that permits the non-exclusive existence of time’s pure being in itself. However, his solution, similar to the communalist approaches by whom he is influenced, is limited by his ignorance of the paradoxicality of the creation of communalism externally and the destruction of the state internally and by his underestimation of the state-generating forces of the of rules of securitization in the international system that is not based on communal values.
Graduate

The cultivation of a culture of constitutionalism remains the greatest challenge to Nigeria’s constitutional democracy. Militarism affected in a very substantial way Africa’s efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism in the continent. Nigeria typifies the failed African effort in trying to establish an enduring democracy and constitutionalism. After ten years of transition from militarism to constitutional democracy and the euphoria of the country’s return to democracy, the country is still on a slow march in the entrenchment of the practice of constitutionalism. This work primarily sets out to investigate the state of constitutionalism in Nigeria. Human rights and judiciary as constituents of constitutionalism are the main focus of that investigation. A crucial question that encapsulates the main objective of the study is how can Nigeria entrench a culture of constitutionalism? The study, therefore, investigates the question whether constitutional formalism or textualism without more can guarantee constitutionalism. It advocates that constitutionality does not necessarily lead to constitutionalism. The work further probes into the nature, extent and reasons for the past failure of constitutionalism in the country and its current state. The study also embarks on an exploration into the mechanisms for the protection of human rights, the problems and challenges in Nigeria. The challenges include the introduction of the “new Sharia” by some States in Nigeria; the failure to accord socio-economic rights due consideration in Nigerian jurisprudence and the poor pace of the domestication of human rights norms. The work demonstrates the relationship and linkage between human rights, democracy and judicialism in the study of constitutionalism.
Public Constitutional and International Law
LL.D.

This study provides a critical interrogation of the perceptions held by the undergraduate Philosophy of Education students at an open and distance learning institution, towards African philosophy. The study is premised on famed Kenyan philosopher, Odera Henry Oruka‟s classification of African philosophy into four trends: ethno-philosophy, philosophic sagacity, nationalist-ideological philosophy and professional philosophy. These trends confirm that African philosophy is more than traditions, culture or ubuntu, and more complex than the students make it to be. The study makes a link between the students‟ flawed perceptions of African philosophy with their lack of critical thinking skills. The study has attempted to answer questions such as why students have flawed perceptions of African philosophy; how critical thinking assists in changing their perceptions of African philosophy, and what role can the education system play in equipping students with critical thinking skills. The study‟s findings show that undergraduate Philosophy of Education students conflate African philosophy with African people‟s traditions and cultures, and with ubuntu. Students perceive that African philosophy lacks reason and rationality - key elements of critical thinking. The study‟s findings show that students lack critical thinking skills. The study notes that the way students are taught makes a large contribution to their perceptions and lack of critical thinking skills. The study makes the following recommendations. Firstly, to deal with the problem of students‟ conflations, the study recommends the introduction of the principles of African philosophy, namely, ubuntu, communalism and indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) in the school curriculum, and to emphasise these principles in the curricula of higher education institutions. Secondly, the study recommends the introduction of philosophy for children (P4C) in schools. It is envisaged that P4C will assist learners to acquire critical thinking skills at an early stage of learning. Thirdly, the study recommends the teaching of critical thinking skills at universities. Finally, the study recommends that in- service training be made an integral part of teachers‟ and lecturers‟ professional training, to bring them up-to-date with new ideas and methods of teaching.
Educational Studies
D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

Text in English
The problem of leadership and corruption in Nigeria is a known fact. A good number of Nigerian politicians and top government officials do not think that politics has anything to do with ethics. Currently, injustice is displayed in all spheres of Nigerian life. Indigenous moral values are almost completely ignored and abandoned. Nigeria no longer operates according to the hallowed observance of the rubric ‘Aa kii see’ (it is not done). It is no longer a society of law and order, crime and punishment, good behaviour and adequate reward. It is no longer a society which recognises the principles of abomination/taboos, or what the Yorubas describe as eewo. Taboos represent the main source of guiding principles regulating and directing the behaviour of individuals in the community. However, experience has shown over the years that politics’ functional peak is only attainable with the help of ethics. Politics based on the ethical principle of social equality is one of the indispensable features of true democracy. For politics to be effective and meaningful, ethics must not be forgotten. Politics without morality produces unethical leadership. This study claims that, the much desired political moral uprightness is achievable in Nigeria, if African traditional ethics is harnessed as a tool in solving the problem of unethical leadership and corruption, especially embezzlement. The thesis also attempts to show that, through reinforced moral education for both young and old, it will become more accepted that morality is the backbone of politics and it must not be ignored.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)