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Journal articles on the topic 'Communication in politics – China – Case studies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Chang, Ho-Chun Herbert, Samar Haider, and Emilio Ferrara. "Digital Civic Participation and Misinformation during the 2020 Taiwanese Presidential Election." Media and Communication 9, no. 1 (2021): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i1.3405.

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From fact-checking chatbots to community-maintained misinformation databases, Taiwan has emerged as a critical case-study for citizen participation in politics online. Due to Taiwan’s geopolitical history with China, the recent 2020 Taiwanese Presidential Election brought fierce levels of online engagement led by citizens from both sides of the strait. In this article, we study misinformation and digital participation on three platforms, namely Line, Twitter, and Taiwan’s Professional Technology Temple (PTT, Taiwan’s equivalent of Reddit). Each of these platforms presents a different facet of

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Tao, Yu. "Unlikely Friends of the Authoritarian and Atheist Ruler: Religious Groups and Collective Contention in Rural China." Politics and Religion 8, no. 1 (2015): 86–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000789.

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AbstractThis article examines the roles played by rural religious groups in China's local contentious politics. More specifically, it aims to explore whether religious groups stimulate or reduce collective contention when the ruler is both authoritarian and atheist. Drawing on national survey data and comparative case studies, this article finds that collective contention is less likely to occur in villages with religious groups that simultaneously overlap with secular social organizations and local authorities, and are hence more likely to serve as credible communication channels between loca

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Flew, Terry. "Evaluating China’s aspirations for cultural soft power in a post-globalisation era." Media International Australia 159, no. 1 (2016): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16638743.

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‘Soft power’ has been a concept that has generated great political and scholarly interest in China, as it raises the question of how to achieve cultural standing commensurate with the nation’s growing economic significance. But from the perspectives of communication and cultural studies, we can identify limits with both ‘soft power’ as a concept and how it understands culture and communication, and the assumptions made about the capacities of state cultural promotion through media to appeal to global audiences. Drawing upon case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, India,

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Zhong, Yong. "The other Edge of Commercialisation: Enhancing CCTV's Propaganda." Media International Australia 100, no. 1 (2001): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0110000115.

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This article re-examines the political economics of current Chinese television through three case studies into the operation of China Central Television Station (CCTV). It precedes the case studies with a review of a number of perspectives of Chinese television regarding its relation to businesses and its function as a propaganda instrument. The first case study presents an example to demonstrate the nature of the relationship between CCTV and its business partners. The second case study shows that CCTV is becoming a huge official-profiteering monopoly. The third case study leads to the argume

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Guo, Lei, Shih-Hsien Hsu, Avery Holton, and Sun Ho Jeong. "A case study of the Foxconn suicides." International Communication Gazette 74, no. 5 (2012): 484–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048512445155.

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This study used an international perspective to analyze how newspapers in the United States and China framed a specific global sweatshop issue: a continuous spate of suicides at the Foxconn Technology Group, a major supplier to Apple, Dell, and Hewlett-Packard. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of 92 newspaper articles appearing in US and Chinese newspapers, this study found Chinese newspapers framed the suicides mainly as the psychological problems of a young generation rather than a sweatshop issue. Newspapers in the US used a traditional human rights abuser frame to portray th

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Bowe, Brian J., Robin Blom, and Eric Freedman. "Cyber-Dissent and Power." International Journal of Information Communication Technologies and Human Development 4, no. 2 (2012): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jicthd.2012040101.

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The expansion of access to information and communication technologies (ICTs) has provided new political organizing tools for citizens — a development of particular importance for individuals living under authoritarian regimes that rely on the repression of free speech to maintain power. Such repressitarian elites exert control over citizen online communications, but it is economically counterproductive for countries hoping to engage in the 21st century’s wired economy to crack down tightly on Internet. This article examines the struggles between maintaining openness and crackdowns in Iran, Egy

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Zhong, Yong. "Competition is Getting Real in Chinese TV: A Moment of Confrontation between Cctv and Hstv." Media International Australia 124, no. 1 (2007): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712400107.

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China Central Television (CCTV) and Hunan Satellite Television (HST) have engaged in a moment of confrontation. The two networks have great stakes in that confrontation, and each has a lot to gain or to lose, including access to television utilities, reach to national audiences and share of the advertising market, not to mention the right to represent the viewers. I attempt to document that moment of confrontation in this paper. I begin with a brief review of existing knowledge about Chinese television, moving away from a propaganda monolith. I continue with a discussion of regional satellite

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8

Rico, Rico, Siti Fatimah, and Muzahid Akbar Hayat. "Hong Kong Public Social Communication Strategies in a Demonstration Against the Proposed Extradition Law." Journal of Sosial Science 2, no. 3 (2021): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jsss.v2i3.93.

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Hong Kong, one of the global financial centers, was plunged into chaos for almost two months straight from June to July 2019. For eight weeks, demonstrations by the Hong Kong people have been going on and on until they become violent. The demonstration was intended to deny the proposed extradition law, which would allow Hong Kong prisoners, including foreigners, to be extradited to China. The extradition bill is also called to threaten the freedom of local people, to threaten democracy and law in the Hong Kong region. The different political systems between China and Hong Kong make the relatio

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Flew, Terry. "Entertainment media, cultural power, and post-globalization: The case of China’s international media expansion and the discourse of soft power." Global Media and China 1, no. 4 (2016): 278–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436416662037.

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The concept of soft power has been highly influential in recent years, both as a concept to inform understanding of the cultural dimensions of international relations and as providing a practical guide to state investment in the international expansion of both news and entertainment media. One of the places where it has been most influential has been China, where is has been used to support the international expansion of China Central Television and the growth of Chinese entertainment media conglomerates. It is argued in this article, however, that the concept rests upon a weak understanding o

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10

McLaren, Anne E. "Feminism, Women’s Agency, and Communication in Early Twentieth-Century China: The Case of the Huang-Lu Elopement by Qiliang He." Twentieth-Century China 46, no. 1 (2021): E—3—E—4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2021.0007.

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McLaren, Anne E. "Feminism, Women’s Agency, and Communication in Early Twentieth-Century China: The Case of the Huang-Lu Elopement by Qiliang He." Twentieth-Century China 46, no. 1 (2021): E—3—E—4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2021.0007.

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12

Tsai, Kellee S., and Qingyan Wang. "Charitable Crowdfunding in China: An Emergent Channel for Setting Policy Agendas?" China Quarterly 240 (April 11, 2019): 936–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101800139x.

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AbstractSocial media in China has not only become a popular means of communication, but also expanded the interaction between the government and online citizens. Why have some charitable crowdfunding campaigns had agenda-setting influence on public policy, while others have had limited or no impact? Based on an original database of 188 charitable crowdfunding projects currently active on Sina Weibo, we observe that over 80 per cent of long-term campaigns do not have explicit policy aspirations. Among those pursuing policy objectives, however, nearly two-thirds have had either agenda-setting in

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13

Lee, Siu-yau. "Surviving Online Censorship in China: Three Satirical Tactics and their Impact." China Quarterly 228 (November 28, 2016): 1061–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016001454.

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AbstractWhat accounts for online satirical campaigns that survive censorship in China where the state has formidable power to censor and manipulate online communication? Through comparative case studies of three attempts to challenge the policies or malpractices of the Chinese state in 2009, this article explains how different satirical tactics can influence the outcomes of online activism. It argues that online satirical campaigns are most likely to survive when activists adopt the tactic of “parodic satire,” whereby activists mimic a specific practice of the state and skilfully transplant it

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Guo, Yijun. "Effects of the interpreter’s political awareness on pronoun shifts in political interviews." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 64, no. 4 (2018): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00053.guo.

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Abstract This paper investigates the critical role of the interpreter’s political awareness in interpreting high-level political interviews in China, and its effects on pronoun shifts. Using former Chinese Premier Zhu’s debut press conference in 1998 as a case study, the study examines in detail the pronoun shifts of a China’s Foreign Ministry senior interpreter prompted by her political awareness. It identifies four types of pronoun shifts: (1) from first-person singular pronoun (“I”) to first-person plural pronoun (“we”); (2) from active voice with first-person plural pronoun as subject to p

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Zhang, Qi, Yubing Fan, and Mingyang Zhang. "An Empirical Analysis of Students’ Involvement and Exit Behaviors in College Organizations: The Case of Nanjing Agricultural University in China." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (2018): 3933. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10113933.

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Student organization is considered an important approach for the sustainable development of ideological and political education, and it helps construct learning style and campus culture. This research studies college students’ motivations for their involvement and exit behaviors. Using a binary choice model, we analyze critical factors affecting the involvement and exit behaviors of college students based on social cognition theory, Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, and expectancy theory. On the one hand, our results show active cognition is most influential for the involvement behavior, followed b

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16

Jiang, Qiaolei, and Anthony Y. H. Fung. "Games With a Continuum: Globalization, Regionalization, and the Nation-State in the Development of China’s Online Game Industry." Games and Culture 14, no. 7-8 (2017): 801–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555412017737636.

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As a case study, this article examines the development of China’s online game industry and how China responds to the forces of globalization. Based on in-depth interviews, ethnographic research, and the analysis of archive documents from the past few years, this study identifies China’s evolving strategy of neo-techno-nationalism. In the Chinese context, this national strategy manipulates technology to create a version of popular nationalism that is both acceptable to and easily censored by the authorities. Therefore, cultural industries that adopt this strategy stand a good chance of prevaili

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17

Lai, Yan-ho, and Ming Sing. "Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.41.

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In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the c

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18

Au, Cheuk Hang, Barney Tan, and Yuan Sun. "Developing a P2P lending platform: stages, strategies and platform configurations." Internet Research 30, no. 4 (2020): 1229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/intr-03-2019-0099.

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PurposeOnline Peer-to-Peer (P2P) lending platforms are becoming increasingly popular globally in recent years. Our knowledge of how to develop and manage the digital platforms that make P2P lending possible, however, is limited. Through an in-depth examination of the strategies deployed and actions taken across the various stages of development of Tuodao, one of the most successful online P2P lending platforms in China, the purpose of this study is to develop a process model of P2P Lending Platform Development to address this knowledge gap.Design/methodology/approachThe case research method wa

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19

Zou, Sheng. "When nationalism meets hip-hop: aestheticized politics of ideotainment in China." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 16, no. 3 (2019): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420.2019.1637008.

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20

Chen, Ling. "Culture, politics, communication and development- A tentative study on the case of China." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 48, no. 1 (1991): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929104800101.

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21

Liu, Jun. "Mobile Communication and Relational Mobilization in China." Asiascape: Digital Asia 1, no. 1-2 (2014): 14–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340003.

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AbstractRecent studies have shown what indispensable role mobile phones play as means of mobilization in contentious politics around the world. Nevertheless, there has been no clear elaboration of how mobile phone uses translate into mobilization in contentious politics. To fill this gap, the current study employs Passy’s (2003) framework of the threefold function of social ties as channels of mobilization to examine how mobile communication, embedding the dynamics of social ties, influences protest mobilization. It investigates two cases in rural and urban China in which Chinese people employ

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22

Keane, Michael. "Review: After the Propaganda State: Media, Politics and ‘Thought Work’ in Reformed China." Media International Australia 95, no. 1 (2000): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009500131.

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23

Singh, Shailendra, and Som Prakash. "Politics, democracy and the media: Case studies in Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.863.

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This article looks at three South Pacific Island nations—Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands—in terms of some landmark changes occurring in their political arenas. Fiji, beset by racial and political problems culminating in three coups, is experimenting with a multiracial, multiparty cabinet that could be emulated by other multiethnic countries. Tonga, a Polynesian monarchy, has recently seen an unprecedented number of protest marches against the ruling elite, the death of its King, and is in experiencing palpable democratic changes. In the Solomons, the strong desire for a fairer political sy

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Wang, Jian. "The Politics of Goods: A Case Study of Consumer Nationalism and Media Discourse in Contemporary China." Asian Journal of Communication 16, no. 2 (2006): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292980600638710.

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Flew, Terry, Mark Ryan, and Chunmeizi Su. "Culture, Communication and Hybridity: The Case ofThe Rap of China." Journal of Multicultural Discourses 14, no. 2 (2019): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447143.2019.1621322.

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26

Wu, Guoguang. "Command Communication: The Politics of Editorial Formulation in the People's Daily." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034111.

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Most studies of communication in China or in other Communist states focus on the functions of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. They examine the transmission of messages from state to society and see the news media under the Communist system as a crucial part of the party-state machine. These studies usually emphasize two features. First, mass media and the party-state are seen as identical in essence, as implied in the concept of “propaganda state.” Secondly, they focus on how this “propaganda state” restructures people's opinions and transforms society.

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Porto, Mauro Pereira. "Realism and Politics in Brazilian Telenovelas." Media International Australia 106, no. 1 (2003): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310600105.

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Telenovelas have been central to the constitution and development of Latin American cultures, becoming the most popular genre of television broadcasting. In the Brazilian case, the melodramatic serials soon became the basis for the commercial success of TV Globo, the dominant network. The prime-time telenovelas of TV Globo are currently watched in almost 50 per cent of the dwellings with TV sets every night. This paper argues that this popularity is specific to the Brazilian industry. The realism and treatment of political issues in the genre is traced to the role of scriptwriters.

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Shin, Donghee (Don). "Toward Fair, Accountable, and Transparent Algorithms: Case Studies on Algorithm Initiatives in Korea and China." Javnost - The Public 26, no. 3 (2019): 274–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2019.1589249.

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Banning, Marlia Elisabeth. "When Poststructural Theory and Contemporary Politics Collide—The Vexed Case of Global Warming." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (2009): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420903049736.

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Ellis, Katie, and Gerard Goggin. "Disability Media Participation: Opportunities, Obstacles and Politics." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (2015): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400111.

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This article discusses participatory media from a critical disability perspective. It discusses the relative absence of explicit discussion and research on disability in the literatures on community, citizen and alternative media. By contrast, disability has emerged as an important element of participatory cultures and digital technologies. To explore disability participatory cultures, the article offers analysis of case studies, including disability blogs, ABC's Ramp Up website and crowd-funding platforms (such as Kickstarter).

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Sun, Wanning. "Chinese-language digital/social media in Australia: double-edged sword in Australia’s public diplomacy agenda." Media International Australia 173, no. 1 (2019): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19837664.

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Using examples from Sydney Today, this article discusses the challenges facing Australia in its attempt to engage diasporic media for the purpose of public diplomacy towards China. Based on a pilot study, the article first reviews some of the major developments in the Chinese-language media in Australia, paying particular attention to the key features of digital/social media since the arrival of migrants from the People’s Republic of China. Second, it presents examples from four key content categories: Australia–China relations, politics, economics, and cultural life. Finally, the article iden

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Pfafman, Tessa M., Christopher J. Carpenter, and Yong Tang. "The Politics of Racism: Constructions of African Immigrants in China on ChinaSMACK." Communication, Culture & Critique 8, no. 4 (2015): 540–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cccr.12098.

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Kim, Yeran, Irkwon Jeong, Hyoungkoo Khang, and Bomi Kim. "Blogging as ‘Recoding’: A Case Study of the Discursive War over the Sinking of the Cheonan." Media International Australia 141, no. 1 (2011): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100112.

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This article explores how Korean bloggers, in contestation, participate in the social structure of communication and potentially transform it through their vernacular practices of decoding and recoding in the blogosphere. As a neo-liberal regime has been established, citizens practise discursive politics in a seemingly democratic and technologically advanced society that is actually a coercive-controlled communication system. Through the analysis of news blogs on the Cheonan disaster, it is suggested that a majority of bloggers are seen to utilise news media stories to gain leverage for their

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Shaw, Frances. "The Politics of Blogs: Theories of Discursive Activism Online." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (2012): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200106.

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Many discussions of discursive politics online take a deliberative democracy, or public sphere, approach. Public sphere theory has had value for the discussion of discursive politics online, but I argue that the problems of public sphere theory have led to the neglect of counter-hegemonic political projects in understandings of online deliberative democracy. Agonistic democracy should be explored further as an alternative framework for the study of online political communities. In addition, I propose that this conception be modified with greater analysis of the affective dimensions of online p

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Nolan, David. "Lessons from America? News and Politics in Hard Times." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (2012): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400117.

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On 30 October 2010, US news satirists Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert jointly held the ‘Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear’, attracting a crowd of over 200,000 in Washington, DC, and an estimated national audience of two million viewers on Comedy Central. While Stewart denied it, this event was widely interpreted as a satirical response to Fox News Anchor Glenn Beck's earlier ‘Restoring Honor’ rally, a controversial event that hosted numerous figures of the conservative and Christian right, including Sarah Palin. This event provides a case study in this article for a wider reflection on conte

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Rodriguez, Amardo. "Exclusion Now, Exclusion Forever." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 8, no. 4 (2019): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2019.8.4.41.

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De Carvalho, Pedro Guedes. "Comparative Studies for What?" Motricidade 13, no. 3 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.6063/motricidade.13551.

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ISCPES stands for International Society for Comparative Physical Education and Sports and it is going to celebrate its 40th anniversary in 2018. Since the beginning (Israel 1978) the main goals of the Society were established under a worldwide mind set considering five continents and no discrimination of any kind. The founders wanted to compare Physical Education and Sports across the world, searching for the best practices deserving consideration and applied on the purpose of improving citizen quality of life. The mission still stands for “Compare to learn and improve”.As all the organization

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Thompson, Peter A. "Desultory Dividends: The Politics of Funding the Tvnz Charter." Media International Australia 117, no. 1 (2005): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511700110.

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The introduction of the TVNZ charter legislation in 2003 restructured the broadcaster from a state-owned enterprise (SEO) to a Crown-owned company (CROC). TVNZ was given a charter involving a dual remit obliging the delivery of extensive public service functions while maintaining commercial performance. The government also decided to directly fund charter initiatives through the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, and TVNZ anticipated that the Treasury would forego any expectations of continued dividend payments. However, in 2004 TVNZ paid a $37.6 million dividend to the Treasury — double the a

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Ma, Sai, Yanrong Li, and Peipei Zhang. "Analysis of Undergraduates’ Compulsory Courses in China’s Comprehensive Universities – A Case Study." Higher Education Studies 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/hes.v11n1p42.

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Drawing on case study evidence, this article explores the development of compulsory courses in a China&rsquo;s high-level comprehensive university, which has achieved good results in the procedure of Quality Assessment of Undergraduate Education (QAUE) and China Discipline Ranking (CDR) issued by Ministry of Education (MOE). The general undergraduate majors of this university are classified into 5 categories, namely, journalism and communication, economics and management, science and engineering, foreign language and literature, humanities and social science. The research scope is from gra

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Chubb, Philip, and Chris Nash. "The Politics of Reporting Climate Change at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (2012): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400107.

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This article examines a particular moment in journalism at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, with the aim of elucidating the link between public-sector journalism and political controversy in the recent Australian response to climate change. The particular moment in question involved the reporting of visits to Australia in early 2010 by two international commentators on anthropogenic climate change, Christopher Monckton and James Hansen, and an unprecedented attack by the chairman of the ABC on the professional performance of ABC journalists in reporting on this issue. We use this case

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Phillipov, Michelle. "The new politics of food: Television and the media/food industries." Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (2016): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15627339.

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The provenance of food and the ethics of food production and consumption are increasingly a focus of media, particularly of television cooking shows. This is the result of complex dynamics of interaction between the media and food industries that are influencing consumer behaviours and business practices. This article offers a preliminary exploration of some of these relationships, focusing on Australian food television. Using two case studies that are arguably at opposite ends of the media/food spectrum – the first focusing on a niche lifestyle programme that advocates for small food producer

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Croucher, Stephen M., and Shawn M. Condon. "Hybridity and musical performance: the case of Rap of China." Journal of Multicultural Discourses 14, no. 3 (2019): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447143.2019.1640225.

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Keane, Michael, and Christina Spurgeon. "Advertising Industry and Culture in POST-WTO China." Media International Australia 111, no. 1 (2004): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411100111.

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This paper looks at recent developments in the Chinese magazine industry to illustrate trends in advertiser-funded media associated with China's accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Advertising services are an integral element of the WTO ‘wrecking ball’ now being wielded to reform the marketplace and promote innovation and entrepreneurship. As the smallest of ‘main media’ categories, the Chinese magazine industry provides an interesting starting point for a larger investigation of the impact of competition unleashed by internationalisation on key creative industries sectors. Two ca

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Morieson, Lucy. "Crikey, the Australian and the Politics of Professional Status in Australian Journalism." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (2012): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400113.

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This article presents a case study of editorial content in an ongoing ‘war of words’ between two Australian publications – independent daily email news source Crikey and the Murdoch-owned broadsheet newspaper The Australian – in order to demonstrate one of the struggles over professional status in the changing Australian media environment. This negotiation over professional status exemplifies the way in which rhetorics of professionalism are used to gain authority over the particular jurisdiction of journalism. Considering this example in relation to dominant discussions of journalistic profes

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Han, Xiao. "Uncovering the low-profile #MeToo movement: Towards a discursive politics of empowerment on Chinese social media." Global Media and China 6, no. 3 (2021): 364–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20594364211031443.

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In China, a few posts related to #MeToo movement survived and remained online well after its peak and the state’s response in July 2018. This article proposes a theoretical framework that pays attention to discursive meaning-making and employs a broad notion of empowerment, referred to as ‘empowerment through discourse’, in order to offer a more nuanced understanding of the low-profile #MeToo movement in the Chinese context. This framework is used to analyse a corpus of uncensored #MeToo material, which appeared on Chinese social media. This article combines a discourse analysis of these posts

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Wang, Wilfred Yang. "Remaking Guangzhou: Geo-Identity and Place-Making on Sina Weibo." Media International Australia 156, no. 1 (2015): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515600105.

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This study uses the concept of ‘place-making’ to consider the formation of geo-identity on Sina Weibo, one of the most popular microblogging services in China. Besides articulating state-public confrontation during major social controversies, Weibo has been used to recollect and re-narrate the memories of a city, such as Guangzhou, where dramatic social and cultural changes took place during the economic reform era. This study aims to explore how Weibo sustains political engagement through maintaining Guangzhou people's sense of belonging to their city. By collecting data from a Weibo group ov

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Chase, Thomas. "News translation, the Korean Other and the construction of Chinese national identity: the case of Ltaaa.com." Media International Australia 173, no. 1 (2019): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19873982.

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This article examines an underexplored area of communication studies to date, the relationship between news translation and national identity construction in China. By analysing the translation into Chinese of Korean language news that takes place on the Chinese volunteer news translation website Ltaaa.com , this article shows how the translation of news reports, and the discussions which these translations engender within the Ltaaa.com community, help to foster an aggressive form of Chinese national identity among community members. By constantly emphasising difference and promoting hostility

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Peng, Altman Yuzhu, Ivy Shixin Zhang, James Cummings, and Xiaoxiao Zhang. "Boris Johnson in hospital: a Chinese gaze at Western democracies in the COVID-19 pandemic." Media International Australia 177, no. 1 (2020): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20954452.

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In this article, we examine Chinese assessments of Western democratic systems in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This research is based on an up-to-date case study of how Chinese Internet users discussed the UK Prime Minister – Boris Johnson’s infection with COVID-19 in late March and early April 2020. The research collected original data from the Chinese community question-answering (CQA) site – Zhihu. Using a mixed-method approach, consisting of content analysis (CA) and thematic analysis (TA), we show how Zhihu users evaluate the incident (1) as a way to express their sentiments towar

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Xiang, Yu, and Xiaoxing Zhang. "CCTV in Africa: Constructive approach to manufacturing consent." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 2 (2020): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00018_1.

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China Central Television (CCTV) launched its first media centre in Nairobi, Kenya, in 2012 and is one of the main actors in the ‘China’s media go global’ campaign. CCTV-Africa’s reporting style has previously been engaged by media practitioners and academics in terms of its discursive practices. In 2014, a new paradigm studying the journalistic practice of Chinese media in Africa emerged. It has been argued that the journalistic approach deployed by Chinese media in Africa, especially CCTV-Africa, is more constructive than simply positive. This article aims to provide a structural analysis on

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Franklin J. Woo. "The Politics of Cross-Border Crime in Greater China: Case Studies of Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macao (review)." China Review International 16, no. 2 (2009): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2009.0047.

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