Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communication in politics – Lesotho

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Academic literature on the topic 'Communication in politics – Lesotho'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Bulled, Nicola L. "(Re)distribution of blame: examining the politics of biomedical HIV knowledge in Lesotho." Critical Arts 27, no. 3 (June 2013): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2013.800664.

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Fandrych, Ingrid. "The importance of English communication skills in multilingual settings in Southern Africa." English Today 25, no. 3 (July 30, 2009): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409990277.

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ABSTRACTAn account of the need for appropriate language skills in a developing multilingual context.Language issues in Southern Africa have always been marked by political struggle. In South Africa, these were sometimes violent, as with, for example, the 1976 Soweto uprisings, in which protests over the medium of education were prominent. One of the priorities of the first democratically elected government of 1994 was to democratise the situation by making eleven languages official, in contrast to the two prior to that, namely Afrikaans and English. In other Southern African countries, language issues have also been characterised by debates and struggles. A prime example is the decision by the Namibian government to make English the official language of the country, even though English had never even been a colonial language in Namibia. Another example is Lesotho, a former British protectorate, with two official languages, English and Sesotho. In the last two decades, there have been numerous debates about the status of English as a subject necessary for a pass in schools and as a prerequisite for admission to university. Kramsch's observation that ‘[l]inguistic wars are always also political and cultural wars’ captures the situation well. Language issues are still on many speakers' minds and influence their sense of self and identity. As Baugh observes, ‘[i]n societies like the United States and South Africa, where race and language development have strongly been influenced by racial strife, many students do not aspire to “talk like Whites”’.
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Coldevin, Gary. "Communication Campaigns in Lesotho." Educational Media International 27, no. 4 (December 1990): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952398900270410.

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THETELA, PULENG. "Critique Discourses and Ideology in Newspaper Reports: A Discourse Analysis of the South African Press Reports on the 1998 SADC's Military Intervention in Lesotho." Discourse & Society 12, no. 3 (May 2001): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926501012003004.

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Mukurunge, Mukurunge, and Takura Bhila. "Gender Inequality in Politics Lesotho." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (February 28, 2019): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21401.

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Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Lesotho." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 25, no. 4 (April 2, 2019): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2019.25.4.206.

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Makafane, David, and Tankie Khalanyane. "The Micro-Politics of Schooling in Lesotho: Bullying." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 2, no. 3 (August 15, 2018): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v2n3p191.

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<p><em>The paper is based on a study undertaken in 2015 to 2017 that explored the micro-politics of schooling in Lesotho, with specific focusing on bullying. A qualitative research design was adopted to probe for in-depth information about bullying in schools. The methodology employed was the case study approach in two high schools in Roma Valley. The population of the study was all teachers and students in the two high schools in Roma valley, while the sample comprised six teachers and eight students, who were purposively selected.</em></p><p><em>The study found out that bullying exists not only during school activities, but even during after school activities that learners are involved in. It was also found that bullying has negative consequences to all parties; perpetrators, victims and bystanders. Findings further revealed that the minority members of the society like visually impaired people, physically challenged and students with poor background are more prone to bullying because most of them do not have power to counteract bullies. The study further found that newly arrived students are the ones who are mostly targeted by bullies under the pretext of being taught the culture of the school. The study also found that teachers view bullying as an act of power imbalance where a powerful person takes advantage of a less powerful or vulnerable person. The study also found that cyber bullying is the latest form of bullying which is more harmful than any other form of bullying. The study also found that bullying contributes to depression and low self-esteem, which can lead to poor school performance and suicidal tendencies amongst the victims and bystanders. </em></p><p><em>The study therefore recommends that Lesotho government should come up with a policy to eliminate bullying in schools and establish programmes directed at teaching learners attitudes, knowledge and skills which they can use to circumvent bullying.</em></p>
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Setšabi, Setšabi, and Resetselemang Clement Leduka. "The Politics of Street Trading in Maseru, Lesotho." Urban Forum 19, no. 3 (May 22, 2008): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-008-9033-x.

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Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "The Politics of Coalition Formation and Democracy in Lesotho." Politikon 35, no. 3 (December 2008): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340903017999.

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Gibbon, Peter. "AGOA, Lesotho' ‘Clothing Miracle’ & the Politics of Sweatshops." Review of African Political Economy 30, no. 96 (June 2003): 315–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2003.9693503.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Quinlan, Tim. "Marena a Lesotho: chiefs, politics and culture in Lesotho." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23740.

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'What is a chief?' and 'what do chiefs do?' are the two questions which begin this study of political authority in rural Lesotho. These questions are contained within a broader one, 'why do villagers often hold chiefs, individually and generally, in contempt but recoil at the suggestion of dissolution of the chieftainship?' The latter question arose from the author's initial field experiences to become the basis for a study which examines the history of the chieftainship in Lesotho. This history is seen as a dialectical process involving a struggle over, and a struggle for, the chieftainship. The former struggle refers to the interventions of elites in society, namely senior chiefs, colonial government officials and, in more recent times, post-independence governments and foreign aid agencies. The latter struggle refers to the interventions of chiefs and the rural populace. Having outlined different ethnographic descriptions of Lesotho's chieftainship, in order to illustrate the different criteria of authority which were applied in the making of the chieftainship, the study goes on to consider the efforts of different agencies to make the chieftainship in the image they desired. The contradictions within, and between, these interventions are explored as the study moves towards consideration of why rural Basotho still support the chieftainship. This analysis takes the discussion from the colonial context, during which Basutoland and the chieftainship were created, to contemporary regional and local rural contexts, in which the chieftainship exists. The discussion illustrates how chiefs have been personifications of family and society, and how this representation is being challenged amongst the rural populace today. The multiplicity of forces which have shaped the chieftainship are then drawn together in a conclusion which examines the pivotal role of the chieftainship in the creation of a national identity and in the crisis of legitimacy facing the contemporary state in Lesotho. The study is informed by a marxist theoretical perspective, but it is also influenced by the debate on postmodernism in Anthropology. This leads the study to acknowledge the current context of theoretical uncertainty for ethnographic research, and the opportunities this affords for exploration of new perspectives. One result is that the study examines tentatively the role of bio-physical phenomena in the way Basotho have constructed society and nature, and represented this construction in their collective understanding of political authority.
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Makoa, Francis Kopano. "Lesotho : the politics of development 1966-1993." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1994. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359080.

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Mohapi, Refiloe Alphonce. "Democracy in Lesotho: theory and practice of opposition." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003016.

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Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
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Monyane, Chelete. "The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.

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Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
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Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in Maseru." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996.

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This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
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Letsie, Tlohang Willie. "What causes election-related conflict within democracies :a case study of Lesotho." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5685_1297834576.

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This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians&rsquo
desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country&rsquo
s economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.

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Lerotholi, Lelingoana Benedict. "The role of online communication on social development in Maseru (Lesotho)." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1343.

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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Communication Science at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2012.
Majority of developing societies are usually succumbing to numerous socio-economic challenges. Communities in Maseru, the capital of Lesotho, are not excluded from this trend. Online collaborations are consequently at the heart of addressing these challenges. This study examines the probability of encouraging and engaging online communication for social and economic development in Maseru. The promises of online communication for transforming society and advancing the new economy have rested on the arguments that online communication could expand and widen access to electronic commerce, enhance the quality of distance education, improve the general quality and standard of living , and eventually improve the economy of Maseru. Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) are very powerful tools for diffusing knowledge and information to society which is a fundamental aspect of the development process. The presence of new communication technologies has a greater influence on human lives than we ever thought. It is imperative that every community in Lesotho examines ways and means of adopting their information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure as soon as possible or face the possibility of social and economic stagnation and isolation. The Internet has ushered in innovative ways of socialising and conducting business. Although it has, through the process of globalization, created a wide space to engage in business and eradicate poverty, many societies are still isolated. There are many reasons for this which could range from voluntary isolation, inadequate infrastructure, ignorance or sheer laziness. The study was conducted within the paradigm of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Stratified and simple random sampling techniques were used and this allowed the researcher to divide the population of Maseru into various Strata. This research explored why Maseru is slow to adopt ICTs to enhance their economic and social development. Revelations from the study will benefit this community and will also assist in making recommendations for overcoming economic and social decline.
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Driver, Thackray Sebastian. "The theory and politics of mountain rangeland conservation and pastoral development in colonial Lesotho." Thesis, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299474.

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Guedes, Olga M. R. "Green politics, ideology and communication." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27785.

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Matlanyane, Letlatsa. "Local government in post-1993 Lesotho : an analysis of the role of traditional leaders." Thesis, Bloemfontein: Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/240.

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Thesis ( M. Tech. (Public Management )) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013
Traditional Leaders (Chiefs) historically served as “governors” of their communities with authority over all aspects of life, ranging from social welfare to judicial functions. The Basotho generally hold Chiefs in high esteem, continue to turn to them for assistance when conflict arises, depend on them for services, such as birth and death registration and regard them as integral and relevant role-players in local governance. Although many countries in Africa maintain a system of Traditional Leadership and many have incorporated Traditional Leaders into democratic forms of government, a concern exists in some quarters that Chieftainship in Lesotho may present a challenge to democratic governance and development. Similarly, local government structures created by the current decentralisation processes are perceived by many as deteriorating the authority of Chiefs. According to the Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 (Act 5 of 1993), the co- existence of the Chiefs and local Councils are legitimised. Under the legislation governing this process (the Local Government Act, 1997 (Act 6 of 1997), some of their powers and functions have been transferred to local government structures. The major sources of conflict between Chiefs and Councillors appear to be uncertainty and confusion around roles and functions of the various role-players created by the legislative and institutional framework and the loss of power and status that many Chiefs feel. Some of this confusion may be a deliberate form of resistance to the changes, but it is apparent that legislative clarity is required and that the roles and functions of all role- players need to be clearly defined and understood if development is to take place in a coordinated way. The inclusion of two Chiefs in each Community Council as well as two in District Municipalities would seem a genuine attempt to ensure that Chiefs are not marginalised in this modern system of local governance in Lesotho. The high proportion of Traditional Leaders (Principal Chiefs) in the Senate is a clear indication of the pre-eminence of the institution of Chieftaincy (Traditional Leadership) in Lesotho. On the other hand, the National Assembly is completely elected and consists of 120 members, elected through the so-called Mixed–Member-Proportional representation model. Although Chieftaincy is part of this organ of the state, it has limited powers in the legislative process and general decision-making processes outside Parliament. These powers are instead a jurisdiction of the elected representatives in the National Assembly. A similar set up exists at the local government level where Councillors enjoy decision-making powers with Chieftainship structures, such as the village, area and ward Chiefs role being ambiguously defined. It is very clear that the co-existence of the two institutions is a very crucial and challenging one. This co-existence has raised a number of political, developmental and conceptual problems and problems and challenges that have not been adequately addressed, let alone resolved. One of the problems is the anomalous situation in which people are simultaneously citizens of the state and subjects of the Chiefs. Other challenges include, amongst others, contradicting legislation, revenue constraints, a lack of human resource capacity, poor stakeholder management, the increasing rate of HIV/Aids in Lesotho, and so forth. Possible causes of these challenges had been investigated as well as how they can be managed or minimised in order to enable Chiefs to play an effective role in a modern democracy. With this research study an attempt was made to explore the role of Traditional Leaders in the current system of local government in Lesotho and how to improve Chieftainship as a strategy to complement governance at the grassroots level. The term “Chiefs” is used in this research study as synonymous to Traditional Leaders, because it is the term used in all legislation dealing with Traditional Leaders in Lesotho and it includes Principal Chiefs, Area Chiefs, Chiefs and Headmen, unless the context clearly indicates otherwise.
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Books on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Kasoma, Francis Peter. Communication policies in Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland. Tampere: University of Tampere, Dept. of Journalism and Mass Communication, 1992.

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Lesotho. Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. Behaviour change communication in Lesotho: National behaviour change communication strategy, 2008-2013. Maseru: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, 2008.

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Mapetla, E. R. M. Decentralisation & development in Lesotho. Roma, Lesotho: National University of Lesotho, 1989.

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Mapetla, E. R. M. Decentralisation & development in Lesotho. Maseru: National University of Lesotho, 1989.

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Coetzee, C. J. Botswana, Lesotho en Swaziland: Politieke verwikkelinge. Potchefstroom: Departement Sentrale Publikasies, Potchefstroom Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys, 1986.

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Nchafatso, Sello Caleb, and Electoral Institute of South Africa, eds. Political parties and democratisation in Lesotho. Johannesburg: EISA, 2005.

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1973-, Mazzei Leonardo, O'Leary Donal, and World Bank, eds. Lesotho Highlands water project: Communication practices for governance and sustainability improvement. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2010.

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Who owns the land in Lesotho?: Land disputes and the politics of land ownership in Lesotho. Roma, Lesotho: Institute of Southern African Studies, National University of Lesotho, 1998.

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Nkiwane, Tandeka. My brother's keeper: The Lesotho crisis in perspective. [Harare]: African Association of Political Science, 1997.

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, ed. Democratic consolidation and political parties in Lesotho. Auckland Park: Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Marake, Makoala V., and Polile A. Molumeli. "Environmental Management in Lesotho." In Environmental Planning, Policies and Politics in Eastern and Southern Africa, 80–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27693-6_5.

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Paton, Bill. "Lesotho: Labour Export, Domestic Politics and Foreign Relations." In Labour Export Policy in the Development of Southern Africa, 208–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13499-1_7.

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Salminen, Jenniliisa. "Politics." In Children's Literature as Communication, 201–12. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sin.2.14sal.

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Huggins, Richard. "Discursive power – communication and politics." In Politics, 371–401. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | “Second edition published by Routledge 2002”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629346-13.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "Political communication." In Comparative Government and Politics, 111–29. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_7.

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop, and John McCormick. "Political Communication." In Comparative Government and Politics, 233–50. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52838-4_14.

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Leach, Robert, Bill Coxall, and Lynton Robins. "Political Communication and the Mass Media." In British Politics, 157–71. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34422-8_9.

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Jones, Bill. "The mass media and political communication." In Politics UK, 216–43. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-16.

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Savigny, Heather. "How is Politics Communicated beyond the News?" In Political Communication, 103–19. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-01139-8_7.

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de Nardis, Fabio. "Communication and Political Process." In Understanding Politics and Society, 429–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37760-1_12.

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Conference papers on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Charles, Drupa Dinnie, Azhagu Meena, Simiran Lalvani, Syeda Zainab Akbar, Divya Siddharth, and Joyojeet Pal. "Performing Gender, Doing Politics." In ICTD2020: Information and Communication Technologies and Development. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3392561.3394648.

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Kutlu, Asuman. "THE INTERNET AND POLITICS: TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION." In International Conference on Research in Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icrhs.2018.12.04.

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House, Richard, Jessica Livingston, Sarah Summers, and Anneliese Watt. "Elevator pitches, crowdfunding, and the rhetorical politics of entrepreneurship." In 2016 IEEE Professional Communication Society (ProComm). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ipcc.2016.7740526.

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Khumsupa, Malinee. "Divided Virtual Politics: Micro-Counter Transcripts in Thailand." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.88.

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Muktiyo, Widodo. "Power of Persuasion: Creative Communication in Business and Politics." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Creative Media, Design and Technology (REKA 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/reka-18.2018.6.

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Saprykina, Olga A. "Language Politics in the Portuguese Speaking Countries: Institutional Aspect." In Culture and Education: Social Transformations and Multicultural Communication. RUDN University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09669-2019-346-351.

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Tyutelova, Larisa G., Viacheslav D. Shevchenko, and Ekaterina S. Shevchenko. "Role of artistic communicative strategies in modern day politics." In 2018 IEEE Communication Strategies in Digital Society Workshop (ComSDS). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/comsds.2018.8354991.

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Jarernpanit, Thannapat. "The Moral Community and The Contestations of Politics in Thailand." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.97.

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Peng, Xiamei. "The Pragmatics in Cross-Cultural Communication." In 2016 International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-16.2016.8.

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Dwijayanti, Rizkya, Stefanus Rodrick Juraman, and Shirley Y. V. I. Goni. "The Strategy of Politics in Using Portal Online Media to Implicate a Personalization of Politics that has been done by an Elite Group in North Sulawesi." In International Conference on Media and Communication Studies(ICOMACS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icomacs-18.2018.53.

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Reports on the topic "Communication in politics – Lesotho"

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Cabezuelo-Lorenzo, Francisco, and María Ruiz-Carreras. Digital Communication and Politics in Aragon. A two-way communication formula for the interaction between politicians and citizens. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-65-2010-904-340-353-en.

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Gómez de Travesedo Rojas, Ruth, and Marta Gil Ramirez. Vestir la política: la indumentaria como estrategia en comunicación electoral/Dress politics: clothing as strategy in electoral communication. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-06-95-118.

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.

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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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African Open Science Platform Part 1: Landscape Study. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0047.

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This report maps the African landscape of Open Science – with a focus on Open Data as a sub-set of Open Science. Data to inform the landscape study were collected through a variety of methods, including surveys, desk research, engagement with a community of practice, networking with stakeholders, participation in conferences, case study presentations, and workshops hosted. Although the majority of African countries (35 of 54) demonstrates commitment to science through its investment in research and development (R&D), academies of science, ministries of science and technology, policies, recognition of research, and participation in the Science Granting Councils Initiative (SGCI), the following countries demonstrate the highest commitment and political willingness to invest in science: Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. In addition to existing policies in Science, Technology and Innovation (STI), the following countries have made progress towards Open Data policies: Botswana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, South Africa and Uganda. Only two African countries (Kenya and South Africa) at this stage contribute 0.8% of its GDP (Gross Domestic Product) to R&D (Research and Development), which is the closest to the AU’s (African Union’s) suggested 1%. Countries such as Lesotho and Madagascar ranked as 0%, while the R&D expenditure for 24 African countries is unknown. In addition to this, science globally has become fully dependent on stable ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) infrastructure, which includes connectivity/bandwidth, high performance computing facilities and data services. This is especially applicable since countries globally are finding themselves in the midst of the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR), which is not only “about” data, but which “is” data. According to an article1 by Alan Marcus (2015) (Senior Director, Head of Information Technology and Telecommunications Industries, World Economic Forum), “At its core, data represents a post-industrial opportunity. Its uses have unprecedented complexity, velocity and global reach. As digital communications become ubiquitous, data will rule in a world where nearly everyone and everything is connected in real time. That will require a highly reliable, secure and available infrastructure at its core, and innovation at the edge.” Every industry is affected as part of this revolution – also science. An important component of the digital transformation is “trust” – people must be able to trust that governments and all other industries (including the science sector), adequately handle and protect their data. This requires accountability on a global level, and digital industries must embrace the change and go for a higher standard of protection. “This will reassure consumers and citizens, benefitting the whole digital economy”, says Marcus. A stable and secure information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure – currently provided by the National Research and Education Networks (NRENs) – is key to advance collaboration in science. The AfricaConnect2 project (AfricaConnect (2012–2014) and AfricaConnect2 (2016–2018)) through establishing connectivity between National Research and Education Networks (NRENs), is planning to roll out AfricaConnect3 by the end of 2019. The concern however is that selected African governments (with the exception of a few countries such as South Africa, Mozambique, Ethiopia and others) have low awareness of the impact the Internet has today on all societal levels, how much ICT (and the 4th Industrial Revolution) have affected research, and the added value an NREN can bring to higher education and research in addressing the respective needs, which is far more complex than simply providing connectivity. Apart from more commitment and investment in R&D, African governments – to become and remain part of the 4th Industrial Revolution – have no option other than to acknowledge and commit to the role NRENs play in advancing science towards addressing the SDG (Sustainable Development Goals). For successful collaboration and direction, it is fundamental that policies within one country are aligned with one another. Alignment on continental level is crucial for the future Pan-African African Open Science Platform to be successful. Both the HIPSSA ((Harmonization of ICT Policies in Sub-Saharan Africa)3 project and WATRA (the West Africa Telecommunications Regulators Assembly)4, have made progress towards the regulation of the telecom sector, and in particular of bottlenecks which curb the development of competition among ISPs. A study under HIPSSA identified potential bottlenecks in access at an affordable price to the international capacity of submarine cables and suggested means and tools used by regulators to remedy them. Work on the recommended measures and making them operational continues in collaboration with WATRA. In addition to sufficient bandwidth and connectivity, high-performance computing facilities and services in support of data sharing are also required. The South African National Integrated Cyberinfrastructure System5 (NICIS) has made great progress in planning and setting up a cyberinfrastructure ecosystem in support of collaborative science and data sharing. The regional Southern African Development Community6 (SADC) Cyber-infrastructure Framework provides a valuable roadmap towards high-speed Internet, developing human capacity and skills in ICT technologies, high- performance computing and more. The following countries have been identified as having high-performance computing facilities, some as a result of the Square Kilometre Array7 (SKA) partnership: Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Mauritius, Namibia, South Africa, Tunisia, and Zambia. More and more NRENs – especially the Level 6 NRENs 8 (Algeria, Egypt, Kenya, South Africa, and recently Zambia) – are exploring offering additional services; also in support of data sharing and transfer. The following NRENs already allow for running data-intensive applications and sharing of high-end computing assets, bio-modelling and computation on high-performance/ supercomputers: KENET (Kenya), TENET (South Africa), RENU (Uganda), ZAMREN (Zambia), EUN (Egypt) and ARN (Algeria). Fifteen higher education training institutions from eight African countries (Botswana, Benin, Kenya, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania) have been identified as offering formal courses on data science. In addition to formal degrees, a number of international short courses have been developed and free international online courses are also available as an option to build capacity and integrate as part of curricula. The small number of higher education or research intensive institutions offering data science is however insufficient, and there is a desperate need for more training in data science. The CODATA-RDA Schools of Research Data Science aim at addressing the continental need for foundational data skills across all disciplines, along with training conducted by The Carpentries 9 programme (specifically Data Carpentry 10 ). Thus far, CODATA-RDA schools in collaboration with AOSP, integrating content from Data Carpentry, were presented in Rwanda (in 2018), and during17-29 June 2019, in Ethiopia. Awareness regarding Open Science (including Open Data) is evident through the 12 Open Science-related Open Access/Open Data/Open Science declarations and agreements endorsed or signed by African governments; 200 Open Access journals from Africa registered on the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ); 174 Open Access institutional research repositories registered on openDOAR (Directory of Open Access Repositories); 33 Open Access/Open Science policies registered on ROARMAP (Registry of Open Access Repository Mandates and Policies); 24 data repositories registered with the Registry of Data Repositories (re3data.org) (although the pilot project identified 66 research data repositories); and one data repository assigned the CoreTrustSeal. Although this is a start, far more needs to be done to align African data curation and research practices with global standards. Funding to conduct research remains a challenge. African researchers mostly fund their own research, and there are little incentives for them to make their research and accompanying data sets openly accessible. Funding and peer recognition, along with an enabling research environment conducive for research, are regarded as major incentives. The landscape report concludes with a number of concerns towards sharing research data openly, as well as challenges in terms of Open Data policy, ICT infrastructure supportive of data sharing, capacity building, lack of skills, and the need for incentives. Although great progress has been made in terms of Open Science and Open Data practices, more awareness needs to be created and further advocacy efforts are required for buy-in from African governments. A federated African Open Science Platform (AOSP) will not only encourage more collaboration among researchers in addressing the SDGs, but it will also benefit the many stakeholders identified as part of the pilot phase. The time is now, for governments in Africa, to acknowledge the important role of science in general, but specifically Open Science and Open Data, through developing and aligning the relevant policies, investing in an ICT infrastructure conducive for data sharing through committing funding to making NRENs financially sustainable, incentivising open research practices by scientists, and creating opportunities for more scientists and stakeholders across all disciplines to be trained in data management.
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