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1
Quinlan, Tim. "Marena a Lesotho: chiefs, politics and culture in Lesotho." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23740.
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'What is a chief?' and 'what do chiefs do?' are the two questions which begin this study of political authority in rural Lesotho. These questions are contained within a broader one, 'why do villagers often hold chiefs, individually and generally, in contempt but recoil at the suggestion of dissolution of the chieftainship?' The latter question arose from the author's initial field experiences to become the basis for a study which examines the history of the chieftainship in Lesotho. This history is seen as a dialectical process involving a struggle over, and a struggle for, the chieftainship. The former struggle refers to the interventions of elites in society, namely senior chiefs, colonial government officials and, in more recent times, post-independence governments and foreign aid agencies. The latter struggle refers to the interventions of chiefs and the rural populace. Having outlined different ethnographic descriptions of Lesotho's chieftainship, in order to illustrate the different criteria of authority which were applied in the making of the chieftainship, the study goes on to consider the efforts of different agencies to make the chieftainship in the image they desired. The contradictions within, and between, these interventions are explored as the study moves towards consideration of why rural Basotho still support the chieftainship. This analysis takes the discussion from the colonial context, during which Basutoland and the chieftainship were created, to contemporary regional and local rural contexts, in which the chieftainship exists. The discussion illustrates how chiefs have been personifications of family and society, and how this representation is being challenged amongst the rural populace today. The multiplicity of forces which have shaped the chieftainship are then drawn together in a conclusion which examines the pivotal role of the chieftainship in the creation of a national identity and in the crisis of legitimacy facing the contemporary state in Lesotho. The study is informed by a marxist theoretical perspective, but it is also influenced by the debate on postmodernism in Anthropology. This leads the study to acknowledge the current context of theoretical uncertainty for ethnographic research, and the opportunities this affords for exploration of new perspectives. One result is that the study examines tentatively the role of bio-physical phenomena in the way Basotho have constructed society and nature, and represented this construction in their collective understanding of political authority.
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Makoa, Francis Kopano. "Lesotho : the politics of development 1966-1993." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1994. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359080.
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Mohapi, Refiloe Alphonce. "Democracy in Lesotho: theory and practice of opposition." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003016.
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Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
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Monyane, Chelete. "The kingdom of Lesotho : an assessment of problems in democratic consolidation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1136.
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Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.
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Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in Maseru." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996.
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This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
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Letsie, Tlohang Willie. "What causes election-related conflict within democracies :a case study of Lesotho." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5685_1297834576.
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This research sought to understand the nature of election-related conflict and what needs to be done to arrest the eruption of such conflict in Lesotho. It sought the opinions of selectively respondents who have been involved in the conflicts in different ways. The interviews and documented literature revealed that what constitutes a background to election-related conflict involves issues that are many and varied. Among others such issues include the following: weak political institutions, use of vulgar language by political leadership, and the weak economy that intensifies neo-patrimonial tendencies. The research concluded that all the factors associated with the eruption of illegitimate conflicts during and after general elections in Lesotho are a result of the politicians&rsquo
desire to retain or capture national resources to satisfy their selfish interests and those of their cronies. The conflicts could be minimised if the country&rsquo
s economy could be transformed to provide the politicians with alternatives of economic survival outside the structures of government. Furthermore, to minimise the conflict, the country should consider establishing electoral courts. These have the potential of speeding up the resolution of electoral grievances, in the process preventing them from graduating into serious conflicts.
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Lerotholi, Lelingoana Benedict. "The role of online communication on social development in Maseru (Lesotho)." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1343.
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A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Communication Science at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2012.Majority of developing societies are usually succumbing to numerous socio-economic challenges. Communities in Maseru, the capital of Lesotho, are not excluded from this trend. Online collaborations are consequently at the heart of addressing these challenges. This study examines the probability of encouraging and engaging online communication for social and economic development in Maseru. The promises of online communication for transforming society and advancing the new economy have rested on the arguments that online communication could expand and widen access to electronic commerce, enhance the quality of distance education, improve the general quality and standard of living , and eventually improve the economy of Maseru. Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) are very powerful tools for diffusing knowledge and information to society which is a fundamental aspect of the development process. The presence of new communication technologies has a greater influence on human lives than we ever thought. It is imperative that every community in Lesotho examines ways and means of adopting their information communication technology (ICT) infrastructure as soon as possible or face the possibility of social and economic stagnation and isolation. The Internet has ushered in innovative ways of socialising and conducting business. Although it has, through the process of globalization, created a wide space to engage in business and eradicate poverty, many societies are still isolated. There are many reasons for this which could range from voluntary isolation, inadequate infrastructure, ignorance or sheer laziness. The study was conducted within the paradigm of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Stratified and simple random sampling techniques were used and this allowed the researcher to divide the population of Maseru into various Strata. This research explored why Maseru is slow to adopt ICTs to enhance their economic and social development. Revelations from the study will benefit this community and will also assist in making recommendations for overcoming economic and social decline.
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Driver, Thackray Sebastian. "The theory and politics of mountain rangeland conservation and pastoral development in colonial Lesotho." Thesis, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299474.
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Guedes, Olga M. R. "Green politics, ideology and communication." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27785.
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Matlanyane, Letlatsa. "Local government in post-1993 Lesotho : an analysis of the role of traditional leaders." Thesis, Bloemfontein: Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/240.
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Thesis ( M. Tech. (Public Management )) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013Traditional Leaders (Chiefs) historically served as “governors” of their communities with authority over all aspects of life, ranging from social welfare to judicial functions. The Basotho generally hold Chiefs in high esteem, continue to turn to them for assistance when conflict arises, depend on them for services, such as birth and death registration and regard them as integral and relevant role-players in local governance. Although many countries in Africa maintain a system of Traditional Leadership and many have incorporated Traditional Leaders into democratic forms of government, a concern exists in some quarters that Chieftainship in Lesotho may present a challenge to democratic governance and development. Similarly, local government structures created by the current decentralisation processes are perceived by many as deteriorating the authority of Chiefs. According to the Constitution of Lesotho, 1993 (Act 5 of 1993), the co- existence of the Chiefs and local Councils are legitimised. Under the legislation governing this process (the Local Government Act, 1997 (Act 6 of 1997), some of their powers and functions have been transferred to local government structures. The major sources of conflict between Chiefs and Councillors appear to be uncertainty and confusion around roles and functions of the various role-players created by the legislative and institutional framework and the loss of power and status that many Chiefs feel. Some of this confusion may be a deliberate form of resistance to the changes, but it is apparent that legislative clarity is required and that the roles and functions of all role- players need to be clearly defined and understood if development is to take place in a coordinated way. The inclusion of two Chiefs in each Community Council as well as two in District Municipalities would seem a genuine attempt to ensure that Chiefs are not marginalised in this modern system of local governance in Lesotho. The high proportion of Traditional Leaders (Principal Chiefs) in the Senate is a clear indication of the pre-eminence of the institution of Chieftaincy (Traditional Leadership) in Lesotho. On the other hand, the National Assembly is completely elected and consists of 120 members, elected through the so-called Mixed–Member-Proportional representation model. Although Chieftaincy is part of this organ of the state, it has limited powers in the legislative process and general decision-making processes outside Parliament. These powers are instead a jurisdiction of the elected representatives in the National Assembly. A similar set up exists at the local government level where Councillors enjoy decision-making powers with Chieftainship structures, such as the village, area and ward Chiefs role being ambiguously defined. It is very clear that the co-existence of the two institutions is a very crucial and challenging one. This co-existence has raised a number of political, developmental and conceptual problems and problems and challenges that have not been adequately addressed, let alone resolved. One of the problems is the anomalous situation in which people are simultaneously citizens of the state and subjects of the Chiefs. Other challenges include, amongst others, contradicting legislation, revenue constraints, a lack of human resource capacity, poor stakeholder management, the increasing rate of HIV/Aids in Lesotho, and so forth. Possible causes of these challenges had been investigated as well as how they can be managed or minimised in order to enable Chiefs to play an effective role in a modern democracy. With this research study an attempt was made to explore the role of Traditional Leaders in the current system of local government in Lesotho and how to improve Chieftainship as a strategy to complement governance at the grassroots level. The term “Chiefs” is used in this research study as synonymous to Traditional Leaders, because it is the term used in all legislation dealing with Traditional Leaders in Lesotho and it includes Principal Chiefs, Area Chiefs, Chiefs and Headmen, unless the context clearly indicates otherwise.
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Gazali, Effendi. "Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.
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Proefschrift--Universiteit Nijmegen, 2004.Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
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Mahao, Lehloenya. "The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009.
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This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
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Mpiti, Konosoang Cecilia. "The potential use of Information and Communication Technologies to enhance agritourism in Lesotho." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/1779.
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Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology Business Information Systems in the Faculty of Business and Management Sciences at the Cape Peninsula University of TechnologyAgritourism represents a significant form of strategy that supports the rural communities and enhancing the sustainable rural development. Over the years, technology has changed the nature of business transactions between the consumers and suppliers of goods and services. As within any other industry, changes driven by technology pose a major challenge in agritourism especially to farmers that do not have access to and knowledge about available technologies in agritourism. This study explores the different Information and Communications Technologies (ICTs) available to agritourism farmers in rural communities. It also explores the information that agritourism farmers need in order to successfully run their farms, the different barriers and factors that inhibit the use of technologies by farmers as well as how these technologies can be used to enhance agritourism development in rural communities of Maseru in Lesotho. The study is interpretative in nature and has employed an inductive approach. It involved four types of participants which include farmers, farm employees, tourists and government. Multiple-case studies were used as a research strategy selecting commercial farms using a non-probability sampling and judgmental techniques. Primary data was collected using face- to-face interviews with the respondents and a literature review was used to collect secondary data. Data collected from the interviews was analysed using content analysis techniques. The main reason for using content analysis was to analyse the data collected and to get a valid overview of the different case studies which assisted in strengthening the interpretation and enhancing the outcomes of the research. Since the study focuses on the factors that determine the use of ICT, it proposes a framework adapted from the Information Innovation Adoption Model to explain the behaviour of farmers and employees concerning ICT use. Despite the fact that ICT is being used and available albeit limited, the findings revealed that it is still a new concept to small farmers especially in rural communities of Lesotho. Farmers still do not know which specific ICT to use and how to use it and by whom in different areas of agritourism projects. On the proposed framework, the researcher included farm employees and tourists as participant and some the factors that are significant within the ICT ecosystem. From the framework, only factors that are significant and have a relationship with ICT use in agritourism will be evaluated. These consist of the farm size, farmer’s age, income, attitude, education, farming experience, distance. The findings revealed that, while ICT has the potential to enhance agritourism development in rural communities, issues like high cost of ICT, accessibility, lack of infrastructure, lack of ICT skills, lack of training, education and awareness are some of the barriers that inhibit the potential use of ICT in rural communities of Lesotho. The study also made some recommendations on how to improve or overcome some negative impacts affecting the agritourism farmers with regards to the use of ICT in rural communities.
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Mda, Zanemvula K. G. "The utilization of theatre as a medium for development communication : an examination of the Lesotho experience." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15862.
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Includes bibliography.This thesis undertakes to investigate the nature and function of theatre-for-development. The objectives are to place theatre-for-development in the context of development communication theory, and to examine how theatre functions as communication. In the process of this examination a new model of theatrical communication in theatre-for-development, and a new paradigm of intervention, are evolved. The thesis begins by exploring the reasons for the failure of existing media systems to serve the needs of development in Africa. The failures are mostly due to the fact that the majority of the people have minimal or no participation in information generation and dissemination. Theatre is identified as one medium that could be utilized towards the realization of democratizing communication systems, and of giving the periphery access to the production and distribution of messages. The thesis then proceeds to review crucial literature in theatre-for-development and on development communication. The literature that has been selected has particular relevance in that while it treats current perspectives in these disciplines, it gives an historical account of theatre in Africa, and an account of the various perspectives and orthodoxies in the history of mass communication in general, and development communication in particular. The major case study of the thesis is a theatre-for-development cooperative society in Lesotho called Marotholi Travelling Theatre. The thesis therefore discusses the problems of underdevelopment in Lesotho. Since this study deals with-development communication, and attempts a structural examination of the context of theatre-for-development, the reader is introduced to the conditions that engender the theatre that is analyzed in the study. An account of the communication environment is also given. Because the communication environment of the rural areas in Lesotho is characterized by the predominant use of oral and traditional methods, popular and traditional media in Lesotho are also examined. After setting a theoretical framework by examining theatrical communication in theatre-for-development, and the rules underlying it, the thesis proceeds to analyze five plays created by Marotholi Travelling Theatre. First, a brief history of each play is given, and this is followed by an analysis of how the play functions as a vehicle for conscientization, and as communication. The plays are discussed in the context of five different methodologies of theatre-for-development: agitprop, participatory agitprop, simultaneous dramaturgy, forum theatre, and comgen theatre. It is in the process of this analysis that a new model of theatrical communication in theatre-for-development is evolved. The new paradigm of intervention that is posited also emanates from the analysis of the plays. It illustrates the extent to which the various methodologies of theatre-for-development can be utilized either for development (and, therefore, liberation), or for dissemination. The thesis concludes by focussing on the salient points that have emerged in the analysis. Crucial points are summarized, and recommendations for an effective utilization of theatre as a medium for development communication are posited.
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Workman, Cassandra Lin. "A Critical Ethnography of Globalization in Lesotho, Africa: Syndemic Water Insecurity and the Micro-politics of Participation." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4616.
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In spite of decades-long development programs, Lesotho faces an ongoing problem of water insecurity with far- reaching individual and social impacts. The purpose of this research was to understand how women in Lesotho are impacted by the synergistic epidemics, or syndemics, of water insecurity and HIV/AIDS and how they respond to these forces. Little has been done to address how water insecurity, defined in terms of both sufficient amount and quality of water, catalyzes the syndemic impact on the people of Lesotho. Access to safe and reliable sources of water is crucial for all individuals, particularly those who have been affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. First, water is essential for adequate nutrition since it is required for the growing of agricultural products and for the preparation of adequate foods needed to maintain the nutritional health of those already infected with the virus. Second, food and water security is essential for the treatment of AIDS, as the complex drug regimes of anti-retroviral (ARV) medications require reliable and constant access to safe water and nutritious foods to facilitate compliance with medications.
This research was also concerned with understanding the psycho-emotional experience of water insecurity. Water insecurity constrained people's ability to effectively care for their families and, as a result, created additional work and stress. Indeed, quantitative findings revealed that there was a significant relationship between water insecurity and psycho-emotional distress, and that water insecurity predicted higher scores on the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25), holding constant socio-economic variables and food insecurity. Water security is dependent on many dimensions from adequate availability, secure access, and having enough water for one's daily needs. However, worry about water safety emerged as an important focus in both the qualitative and quantitative data. Water safety was a noted stress in people's daily lives, and significantly predicted increased scores on the HSCL-25.
More broadly, this research theoretically informs critical medical anthropology and development anthropology. While this research was conducted in three villages in the Lesotho lowlands, this research must be contextualized within larger anthropological theory regarding international development and women in relation to it. This research combines several theories used in anthropology, international development, and social geography including political economy and structural violence, post-structuralism and governmentality, and theorizations about space and place to understand how women in Lesotho respond to globalization.
Despite the proliferation of the terms participation and participatory development nearly 20 years ago, these constructs remain important in international development. While the ideology of participation originally stems from activist understandings of the role of communities in development, the use of participation has become depoliticized. As opposed to grassroots mobilization and the foregrounding of local realities, participation often means little more than a method for facilitating project implementation. Furthermore, respondents routinely discussed programs coming into communities and leaving without notice or explanation. It is imperative for donor organizations to consider the ethics of sustainability when planning and implementing new programs. In terms of community programs and grassroots organizing, findings from this research indicate that there are many material and social barriers to participation. Understanding not only women's other responsibilities but also the support they may receive from family and friends is important in any discussion of community participation.
Many feminist critics of development argue that gender and class considerations have not been meaningfully addressed in policy and development programs. As global feminists argue that development aims should understand the heterogeneity of women worldwide, more research on women's perceptions of their vulnerability and their position in society is needed to inform development. Women in the global South are not passive victims and their views are important in delineating the goals and methods of development plans. Furthermore, it is important to recognize that participation may not always be in women's, or men's, best interest and that often activism and collective organizing may be more subtle than expected. In short, neither globalization nor resistance are complete power is contingent and negotiated, and thus this research reaffirms the importance of ethnography in uncovering the lived experience of globalization, or a critical ethnography of globalization.
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Moeletsi, Motheba Gwendoline. "Grassroots diplomacy between Lesotho and South Africa: the district liaison committees." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003015.
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Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.
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Letlatsa, Relebohile Magdalene Matsepo. "Implementation of a communication strategy for stakeholder engagement in institutions of higher learning in Lesotho." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/67764.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this research was to establish how institutions of higher learning
(IHLs) in Lesotho can enhance the implementation of their strategic plans by engaging
stakeholders in the communication planning and implementation process. This was
achieved by exploring how four IHLs in Lesotho, National University of Lesotho (NUL),
Lerotholi Polytechnic (LP), Lesotho Agricultural College (LAC) and Centre for Account
Studies (CAS) use communication strategies to engage their internal and external
stakeholders for effective implementation of their strategic plans.
The research was a phenomenological, exploratory and descriptive inquiry in to
stakeholder engagement and it employed non-empirical and empirical phases of
research. The non-empirical aspect comprised extensive literature review of three
primary themes, namely: stakeholder engagement, communication strategy, strategy
formulation and implementation; as well as content analysis of institutional strategic
plans. The empirical research phase encompassed collection of primary data through
interviews and questionnaires while secondary data was collected through strategic
plans of the institutions. A convergent mixed-methods design was used to collect and analyse research data.
Data analysis of both qualitative and quantitative strands was done independent of
each other, while interpretation of obtained results was merged. A computer aided
qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS), Leximancer, was used to analyse the
qualitative data while SPSS software analysed the quantitative data of the study.
Thematic analysis of strategic plans and transcriptions of interviews conducted with
members of IHLs senior management were analysed using Leximancer, whereas
closed-ended responses of questionnaires were analysed using SPSS software.
Content analysis was carried on with open-ended question responses of the
questionnaires. An exploratory-based mixed method was applied to sort raw data into
four public institutions due to their relative similarity. Subsequently the entire set of
interdependent relationships amongst the institutions was analysed simultaneously.
Research findings from the internal and external stakeholders of the institutions
revealed that it was in the institutions’ culture to practise a one-way/top-bottom
communication to inform and engage stakeholders in the implementation of their
strategic plans. They use improper and inefficient communication platforms.
Therefore, a communication strategy implementation framework was developed. The
framework proposed that the IHLs practise three steps recommended for
enhancement of effective implementation of strategic plans.
Whilst the institutions engage in a two-way communication process to enhance
stakeholder engagement, they should firstly align formulation and implementation of
strategic plans with the institutional culture because institutional culture can enforce
certain types of institutional growth or oppose some institutional values.
Secondly, it was proposed that IHLs identify their strategic and legitimate
stakeholders, and maintain long-term relationships with them. This would enable
identification of implications of strategic issues on institutions and stakeholders.
Thirdly, the institutions were encouraged to use proper and clear communication
platforms for the right type of message to engage stakeholders. The use of these
platforms should be inclusive, regardless of the type of stakeholder or their length of
affiliation with the institutions.Communication Management
PhD
Unrestricted
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Watson, Sharon Elizabeth. "Investing In Change: Illuminating Interactive Systems in HIV Research, Communication Diffusion, and Financing in Lesotho." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6977.
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In the field of HIV, more than 30 years into the epidemic, the need to ensure that what researchers learn makes its way into tangible actions in the real world is especially poignant. This dissertation addresses the critical divide between research production and its translation into practice. It advances ways to measure the investments of citizens and stakeholders in qualitative studies and offers new perspectives on the losses inadvertently caused by particular investments in health research and services. Unfortunately, many of the problems in how we practice and disseminate research are rampant throughout the health and development research sector. Therefore, while this anthropological dissertation focuses on HIV and Lesotho, several of the findings are applicable in other geographical and topical settings.
This dissertation explores how the practice of conducting qualitative research becomes a type of disease prevention intervention itself cutting across systems. Using a large qualitative HIV sexual, social, and behavioral health research project, as a case study, I illuminate how health research knowledge makes its way (or not) to the populations for whom it is intended. Following up four years later, using in-depth semi-structured and structured interviews, I probe practical and theoretical issues involving the original research assistants, a comparison group, and representatives from organizations targeted to be most likely to use the research findings. I pilot a communication diffusion measurement tool that visualizes the researchers’ ability to apply what they learned from the research experience in talking to their families, partners, acquaintances, work colleagues, and students/trainees. The results indicate significant differences between the original team and the comparison group’s communication diagrams, demonstrating the tool’s usefulness in visualizing who is talking to whom, with what magnitude, and the types of life moments that trigger opportunities to have quality conversations about HIV, sex, and Multiple Concurrent Partnerships (MCP).
As evidenced in this study, team members are part of the larger social system. They have the potential to influence the formal dissemination of HIV prevention information into policy and programming as well as the informal diffusion into their own life and in the lives of those they encounter in their social network. Nowhere in translation and dissemination research descriptions are the research team members discussed. Based on this research, I argue that, in addition to greater involvement of the public and stakeholders in translational research, there is a need to include the “implementers” of research beyond that of the principal investigators: the research staff. There is a need to further conceptualize the role of the “research team” in the translation of research to practice paradigm.
Data have been collected from grey documents, project reports, scientific papers, newspapers, and websites establishing current points of focus for well-funded global entities in context with our understanding of transmission and prevention dynamics and debates. Analysis of these sources reveal strong rhetoric for combined biomedical, social, behavioral and structural approaches but programming and funding reports reflect much more weight and financing to biomedical solutions. The findings from organizational representatives interviewed in this study reveal that the creation of research and diffusion of information will follow the funding. Similar to Lesotho, many researchers and health professionals in developing countries are hired into biomedical or clinical projects for employment. This project explores the HIV response as part of economic, social and health development in Lesotho supported by the aid industry, and presents data on how the investments of money influence the ways in which local leaders and everyday citizens define, communicate, and conceive solutions to the problem of HIV.
In the mid-term, translating biomedical findings into real world realities requires qualitative research. Ethically sound and well-trained qualitative researchers are fundamental in the creation and diffusion of knowledge. As the findings in this study indicate, the qualitative experience provides an opportunity to understand the epidemic that leads people to change their own behaviors, influence those around them, and have the desire to facilitate conversations to provoke social action and change. However, this study also demonstrates how people can go years talking, studying, and working in HIV without ever having an “awakening” or deeper understanding of HIV in their local reality. Study results delve into the long-term effects on the local researchers, furthering our understanding of the different ways in which “capacity” is built in the local involvement. The dissertation also explores critical questions about qualitative research methods and ethics within a context of investigating a disease where everyone—researchers and the researched—are either infected or affected.
Based on this research, I argue that true education about HIV is a dialogical perpetual process of interrogating what we know, imagining what should be done and trying: Praxis. This heightened awareness of how our daily research practices link to larger systems will help us not to allow our do-gooder attempts to blind us to the harm we may inadvertently do, or to the lost opportunities we squander. Instead, we must capture and maximize our investments in research and people as agents of change and not only as patients, participants, or employees.
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Bukae, Nkosi Makhonya. "An analysis of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy in the kingdom of Lesotho: a case study." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008296.
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The focus of this study is the Southern African Development Community (SADC) preventive diplomacy interventions in Lesotho in 1994, 1998 and 2007. The core aim of the study was to evaluate the efficacy of the SADC security mechanism (the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (OPDS) in conflict prevention, management and resolution on the basis of the Lesotho experience. Data for this qualitative case study was collected through interviews and document analysis. The twenty four participants for the study were drawn from the SADC OPDS unit, Lesotho political parties, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Academics from the University of Botswana (UB) and the National University of Lesotho (NUL), retired Botswana Defence officers who participated in the Lesotho missions and office of the post-2007election dispute dialogue facilitator in Lesotho. Documents on the SADC Treaties, Protocols, Communiqués and interventions in other set ups were used to highlight its operational policies, mandate, structures, successes and challenges. Lesotho was chosen as a case study because SADC employed both non-coercive (SADC Troika and Eminent Person mediation, 1994 and 2007 respectively) and coercive measures (the 1998 military intervention). The findings of the study revealed that SADC as a regional body had its own successes and challenges. Different perceptions on the SADC interventions in Lesotho emerged mainly between the participants from the ruling party and the opposition parties. While the former commended SADC for successfully mitigating the calamitous effects of 1994, 1998 and 2007 post-electoral violence, the opposition parties viewed the regional organisations as engaged in illegal interference in the domestic affairs of the country to defend the incumbent governing party. It also emerged from the study that the SADC security mechanism has numerous structural and operational flaws. There were several unanswered questions revolving around the legality and mandate of some of the missions. For instance, no concrete evidence emerged as to whether the 1998 military intervention was authorised by the SADC. The study also revealed that SADC has learnt valuable lessons from the Lesotho missions. Some of the reforms which the SADC has introduced in the OPDS such as the establishment of the SADC Stand by Force, Early Warning structures, the Mediation Unit, and a panel of expert mediators emanated mainly from the Lesotho experiences. The study recommends that SADC needs to harmonise the efforts of its OPDS structures such as the Mediation Unit; the Troika; the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC); the Inter-State Politics and Diplomacy Committee (ISPDC) and the Summit of Heads of States and Governments for rapid, coherent and well coordinated interventions in future regional preventive missions. It is also recommended that SADC should focus on identifying and mitigating underlying causal factors such as underdevelopment; poverty; deprivation of freedoms, marginalisation and other forms of social stratifications and oppression in its preventive diplomacy missions if durable peace is to be achieved in Lesotho and any other future cases.
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Mota, Molikuoa Adolphine. "Managing stakeholders involvement in website communication: a comparative study of Lesotho and South African national websites." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/3529.
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Engagement of stakeholders in government website communication has emerged as an important strategy that can build trust, improve transparency and strengthen loyalty between governments and their citizens. This is because websites provide access to a broader spectrum, offer unlimited storage of information and rapid feedback. This main purpose of the study therefore was to find out how the Lesotho and South African national governments utilise their websites to engage stakeholder’s in websites communication for maintaining and building mutual relationships. The literature review for this study covered the role of public relations in government, different kinds of governments’ stakeholders and the importance of engaging stakeholders in website communication for relationship building and maintenance of such relationships. The methodology that was employed involved analysis of twenty websites which were selected using purposive sampling technique. Coding sheets were designed and used to collect data based on the three principles of dialogic communication namely: Ease of interface, Generation of return visits, Usefulness of information and the two models of communication which are One-way communication and Two-way communication. The results revealed limited efforts for stakeholder’s engagement in both Lesotho and South African government ministries and made recommendations on how this challenge can be addressed. The study concluded that the two countries can improve stakeholders’ participation and engagement in websites communication by aligning their websites with the three principles of dialogic communication and two models of communication.
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Lisko, Chelsie Lee. "Politics, Policy, and Some Emotion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1291238299.
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Bredin, Marian. "Aboriginal media in Canada : cultural politics and communication practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28692.
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This dissertation considers the relation between culture and communication with respect to the development of aboriginal media in Canada. It introduces and elaborates a concept of cultural politics with which to interpret the history of contact between aboriginal and non-aboriginal people. This concept is further applied to an analysis of Canadian cultural and communications policy and the intervention of native broadcasters in policy procedures and discourses. The dissertation undertakes a critical review of existing research on aboriginal media. It assesses the usefulness of interpretive tools drawn from poststructuralist philosophy, ethnography and postcolonial theory in understanding the relation between cultural politics and communication practices. These tools are then implemented in the presentation of a case study of Wawatay Native Communications Society, a regional native broadcasting organization based in Northwestern Ontario.
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Abuzanouna, Bahjat A. "Enhancing democratic communication? : television and partisan politics in Palestine." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z5x9/enhancing-democratic-communication-television-and-partisan-politics-in-palestine.
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Against the political backdrop of the Palestinian conflict and Israeli occupation, this thesis focuses on the most important media in the Palestinian context, television, which has the widest reach and influence among Palestinians. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the question of how far, in the perceptions of Palestinians, the two television channels – Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV – are contributing to the development of a new democratic political state through participative communication processes. Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected in the Gaza Strip between December 2009 and July 2010 through a survey questionnaire of 500 Gazans, semi-structured and unstructured interviews and focus groups with a range of participants, from university students and human rights activists, to journalists and non-governmental organization (NGO) employees. The thesis investigates the perceptions of different sectors of Palestinian society and media workers about their access to the television channels, their views on media reliability, freedom of expression, the watchdog role of television, their opinions on the status of democracy and human rights, and other issues related to media functions and democracy in Palestine. Three functions of the media - as a forum for discussion and debate; as provider of information and as a watchdog, critiquing the powers that be – are explored. The thesis examines how the media perform in providing the functions of democratic communication through exploring the relationship between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas governments and the two television channels Palestine Television and Al-Aqsa. The key findings of the research were, in the view of many respondents, that the two television channels, Palestine TV and Al-Aqsa TV, were controlled by the two political parties - Fatah and Hamas respectively and that this has compromised the media’s function to promote democratic communication and the democratic process. The thesis argues that the two political factions are trying to manipulate the public and conceal information that affects their power. As a result, the political parties have polarized the emerging public sphere. The lack of freedom of expression and access to information has prevented the establishment of a democratic space essential to create a coherent political system and on which to base a democratic society that respects human rights. The thesis concludes by suggesting, however, in the transition to democracy, the existence of partisan media may be able to fulfil a role in contributing to the democratization of Palestine. The two television channels do provide limited functions of democratic communication to their own factions, so between them they may benefit Palestinian society in the progress towards the development of independent media.
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Flynn, Gemma. "Political communication of crime." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20456.
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This thesis seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary crime communication landscape. While this landscape is considered in its constituent parts, including specific features of current British politics, the evolving media sphere and the voice of the public, this thesis argues for a conceptualization of this realm that grasps its fluid and dynamic character. Original research is conducted through case studies of the 2010 UK General Election, the Phone Hacking Scandal and the 2011 Riots. Discourse analysis is employed in order to enhance our awareness of supralinguistic behaviour and of the play of power in the construction of crime narratives. This is contrasted with influential current accounts of ‘populism’ which, it is argued here, tend to be unduly deterministic and to err towards the dystopian. The research suggests that structural shifts in the media landscape, specifically the recent ubiquity of new media coinciding with an undermining of the singular tabloid narrative, have enabled a redistribution of power in the symbolic construction of crime which can make it harder for political actors to capture the crime question for populist purposes. Furthermore, this shift has empowered the public voice and has infused political debate with a chaotic plurality of views. Nevertheless, the symbolic weight of crime issues remains prominent in this landscape and Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chains (2004) is employed to add a microsociological picture of the escalation from small scale narrative to broad righteous anger. This requires an adaptation of this model to address interactions that occur outside the context of physical co-presence. Such perspectives on the plurality of mediated communication today both broaden and update our grasp of the political communication of crime and in so doing argue for a degree of optimism concerning the scope for democratic debate about criminal justice issues.
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Maliehe, Sean. "A Historical and Heritage Studies of indigenously-owned business in Post-colonial Lesotho : politics constraints marginalisation and survival. 1966-2012." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/53431.
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This study chronicles the economic history of Basotho business owners in post-colonial Lesotho, from 1966 to 2012. It focuses on their individual and collective entrepreneurial initiatives as they endeavoured to play a significant role in the country s economic development after independence. Using the political economy of Lesotho as a context, the study explored how indigenously-owned business survived in the local economy, notwithstanding a myriad of constraints and marginalisation it faced.
Using archival documents, oral histories and ethnography at the Lesotho Chamber of Commerce and Industry, carried out in 2013, the study documents and utilises the history of Basotho in business to question the dominant post-Second World War development ideology. This ideology prescribed a technical blueprint, which Basotho, like other indigenous people in developing countries, were expected to follow in order to modernise their economies and nurture the perceived lack of entrepreneurial capacity and business acumen, typically found in the West. For the development of indigenously-owned business, technocratic development prioritised the prevalence of various psycho-social entrepreneurial subjectivities and economic rationality, which, according to the model, are indispensable to computational and enthusiastic maximisation of economic gains by and for individuals and national economic development.
After independence, Lesotho embraced the post-Second World War dominant development ideology. Accordingly, it followed the economic models of the developmental state from 1966 to 1986 and neo-liberalism from 1987 to the present, in order to transform the backward and externally dependent country s economy. These models were prescribed by the Bretton Woods Institutions and were shepherded by development experts, mainly economists. In line with William Easterly s conception of development as the tyranny of the experts , the study argues that development discourse and practice concealed a narrative of indigenously-owned business, which contrary to popular misconceptions, demonstrates economic spontaneity, freedom of expression and economic solidarity. Apart from trivialising Basotho s entrepreneurial initiatives, it also perpetuated the classic imperialist thinking that African people lacked the capacity to develop independently and had no history to prove otherwise.
Basotho business owners efforts would have realised better results had it not been for constant violent and strategic suppression by successive governments that used the altruistic-sounding predispositions of development intervention in order to mask their sinister motives of greed, corruption and encouragement of elitism at the expense of the majority of Basotho in business. Nonetheless, Basotho in business did not stand submissively in the margins of the economy. They organised themselves politically and economically through voluntary associations, credit schemes, movements and cooperatives to change their economic fortunes and challenge exclusion and post-colonial governments authoritarianism and lack of democratic benevolence. Basotho business owners economic pursuits exposed the exclusive character of the neo-liberal ethic and political patronage by demonstrating economic pluralism and economic solidary that can inform the creation of inclusive social, political and economic conditions and formations for the marginalised majority in the Global South.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
Historical and Heritage Studies
PhD
Unrestricted
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Röxe, Anke. "Political communication and multi-level politics : making the Scottish news agenda." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=197208.
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The thesis contributes towards a better understanding of political communication in multi-level settings. For the most part scholars of political communication focus their enquiries on the level of the nation-state. Moreover, they often assume that effective political campaigning and media management are predicated on a high level of centralisation. As a result researchers have by and large failed to theoretically and empirically address the implications of multi-level politics on the study of political communication. Constitutional change in the UK presents an ideal opportunity to consider the relationship between the transfer of power from central government to institutions at the sub-state level on the one side and modern political communication processes on the other (Fawcett 2002). The thesis looks at the case of devolution in Scotland to answer three sets of research questions. Firstly, it enquires how legislative devolution has affected the professionalization of political communication in Scotland. In other words, to what degree have political actors north of the border participated in the trend towards greater use of and reliance on professional communicators in public life before and after the creation of the Scottish Parliament? Secondly, it asks what adjustments political parties, central government and the devolved administration have made to their communication strategies in order to deal with the requirements of message control in multi-level settings? How do political actors organise their agenda building efforts across different localities and which coordination problems arise in this context? Thirdly, the thesis asks who sets the news agenda in Scotland, politicians attached to the UK-wide institutions or their counterparts from the devolved sphere of government?
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Dhital, Pragya. "Paper chains : the techno-politics of communication in modern India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2016. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23639/.
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Curry, Alexander Lawrence. "The Intersection of Politics and Sports." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3296.
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Candidates for public office expend a tremendous amount of time, energy, and financial resources in the hopes of connecting with voters. And because voters differ in their levels of political involvement, candidates need to utilize various avenues to make these connections with the electorate. One way that candidates convey their personal values and characteristics is by showcasing themselves as being involved in and knowledgeable about sports. This thesis utilized an experimental design to analyze whether a candidate's involvement in sports actually has an impact on how voters evaluate the candidate's image. Results indicated that voters' gender, as well as their levels of political knowledge, helps predict how they will evaluate a political candidate's image.
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Ramakhula, Abeloang Ramakhula. "The role of the private radio stations in promoting participatory democracry in Lesotho : the case of Moafrika FM, Catholic FM, Peoples's choice FM and Harvest FM." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/859.
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This study is an exploratory assessment of the role of private radio stations in promoting participatory democracy in Lesotho. It seeks to describe the current situation of the role of radio in the country, including levels of rural development programming and community participation. There are eight private radio stations operating in the country. The emergence of the liberalised airwaves created an opportunity for people to have access to information, hence promotion of participatory democracy, though problem of freedom of expression and speech and absence of media policy hinders positive effective participation in issues affecting both journalists and society. The study will use a survey within the purposely selected media professionals to assess how citizens obtain and use information to make informed political choices as well as to measure the influence of private radio stations on political knowledge, attitudes and behavior. The field research will take place in the capital Maseru, where all the private radio stations are based. This will enable the researcher to draw inferences about the role of private radio stations and participatory democracy in Lesotho. The study explores changes that have occurred following the emergence of liberalisation of the radio airwaves in Lesotho from 1994, from almost a century of state owned and dominated national radio station. The central argument in this study is to establish if liberalisation of the airwaves in particular has a significant impact on the democratisation process in the country. Given the country’s limited literacy rate and historic role of broadcast media in Lesotho as a source of all major official information, private radio stations occupies a central role of mobilising and debating issues of national concern. The study, therefore, concludes that the emergence of the private radio stations in Lesotho has increased community participation in political and current affairs. The coverage of radio in the country and its pluralistic character suggest that the private radio stations will remain a crucial broadcast medium of communication in Lesotho, especially for the rural people whose access to television and print are inaccessible.
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Kelshaw, Todd Spencer. "Public meetings and public officials : officeholders' accounts of participatory and deliberative democratic encounters with citizens /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6169.
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Gabryszewska, Maria. "Gender, Party, and Political Communication in the 114th Congress." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3744.
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This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting.
I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.
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Miller, Jerry L. "Dynamics of political advertisements, news coverage, and candidate gender : a content analysis of the campaign messages of the 1990 and 1994 California and Texas gubernatorial elections /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1996.
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Pratchett, Lawrence. "The politics of new technologies in local government." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4107.
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Glassco, Michael Alan. "Contested images: the politics and poetics of appropriation." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2875.
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As a tactic of dissent and political protest, appropriation artists use commercial and government images to critique power, by subverting the intended message and displaying their critique in public spaces. Appropriation activists are revolutionary subjects, graphic agitators, and rebellious bricoleurs who engage in the tactics of guerrilla semiotics, `subvertising,' fauxvertising and culture jamming, to expose advertising imagery as a system of ideology that manufactures identity, sublimates desire, and naturalizes the construction of race, class, and gender. Their tactics also indicate the attempt to reclaim public space to address the privatization of culture and the unequal access to cultural resources. The use of images and tactics of appropriation creates a more diverse array of voices in the public sphere and opens spaces for active participatory engagement with the public to address systematic asymmetries of power. The appropriation tactics and images used by Barbara Kruger, Jenny Holzer, and the Guerrilla Girls in the late seventies and eighties, for example, addressed the normalizing representations of gender, sexuality and identity in advertising and the idealized promises of consumption. In the late 1980s and 1990s, the Billboard Liberation Front, Adbsuters, Robbie Conal, and Shepard Fairey engaged in ideological warfare over the right to own, access, produce and display appropriated images. From billboards intended for commercial advertising to the display of `subvertisements' in magazines, and the un-commercials to promote Buy Nothing Day and TV Turn off Week, these activists confront the prevailing cultural apparatuses of meaning and the political economic structures that enable their power. To capture the cynical trendsetting demographic more resistant to traditional advertising, advertisers have co-opted the imagery, style and tactics of these artists. Their tactical strikes and visual style now convey hip, new, edgy and cool brand identities. Their images have also been commodified as commercial products and institutionalized art and have become fashion. As appropriation artists and advertising agencies engage in the same tactics and use the same visual style, the lines between art, appropriation and advertising have blurred and the public sphere overcome with a pastiche of visual codes.
The dissertation traces the tactics of appropriation of Barbara Kruger, The Billboard Liberation Front and Shepard Fairey as exemplars of transgression and commodification within the changing commercial conditions of neo-liberalism. Their works, tactics and strategies are emphasized as points of insight into the practices and conditions of subversion as well as the limits of hegemonic containment that reproduces the political and economic structure within which they operated. The dissertation furthers and contributes to the theoretical and methodology of critical cultural studies as it emphasizes the role of the economy and ideology in reproducing the prevailing hegemonic order. Critical cultural studies hinges on the concepts of hegemony as lived discursive and ideological struggles over meaning and communication resources within historically specific and socially structured contexts. This framework emphasizes the poetics of appropriation - the use, meaning and spaces of articulation of visual representations with the politics - the socio-economic and discursive conditions that reproduce the dominant social order.
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Likoti, Fako Johnson. "African military intervention in African conflicts: an analysis of military intervention in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4006_1182235430.
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The dissertation examines three military interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa which took place in the mid and late 1990s in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho. These interventions took place despite high expectations of international and regional peace on the part of most analysts after the collapse of cold war in 1989. However, interstate and intrastate conflicts re-emerged with more intensity than ever before, and sub-Saharan Africa proved to be no exception.
The study sets out to analyse the motives and/or causes of military interventions in Rwanda in 1990, the DRC in 1996-7, and the DRC military rebellion and the Lesotho intervention in 1998. In analysing these interventions, the study borrows extensively from the work of dominant security theorists of international relations, predominantly realists who conceptualise international relations as a struggle for power and survival in the anarchic world. The purpose of this analysis is fourfold
firstly, to determine the reasons for military interventions and the extent to which these interventions were conducted on humanitarian grounds
secondly, to investigate the degree to which or not intervening countries were spurred by their national interests
thirdly, to assess the roles of international organisations like Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, in facilitating these interventions
as well as to evaluate the role of parliaments of intervening countries in authorising or not these military interventions in terms of holding their Executives accountable. In this context, the analysis argues that the intervening countries
Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe appeared to have used intervention as a realist foreign policy tool in the absence of authorisation from the United Nations and its subordinate bodies such as the OAU and SADC.
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Jannusch, Amber. "Politics among friends : political persuasion through the lens of sequential inferential paradigm." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1339.
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The purpose of this research is to investigate actual communication and real world interactions among friends, in order to add to our understanding of political persuasion. Opinions and attitudes are affected by more than deliberate persuasive attempts, and politics are more than just elections and candidate speeches. What people say or do on an everyday basis with friends can be just as - if not more - influential, particularly as a meaning-making endeavor to establish, test, or solidify attitudes. An alternative approach to political communication should address the ongoing interactive nature of meaningmaking and the role of relationships in political persuasion. Thus this study uses discourse analysis through the lens of Sequential Inferential Paradigm to examine a conversation among friends about a political topic, finding that the structure of the conversation and the relationship between the participants are important considerations of influence.
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Garcia, Maria Emilia. "Stoning VAW, communication and the politics of power in the Philippines." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/MQ51345.pdf.
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Altides, Christina. "Making EU politics public : how the EU institutions develop public communication /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996952829/04.
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Trytko, K. "The politics of anonymity : Poland's media discourse on anonymous communication online." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2016. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/31332/.
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Online anonymity has been an important element in scholarly debates on the role of the internet in modern day democracy. Proponents of the right to anonymity argue that it helps secure users' privacy, autonomy and freedom of speech. Critics, on the other hand, see the act of withdrawing identity information as a way to limit or avoid responsibility for one's actions. Despite large amount of evidence that the role of anonymity on the internet is diverse and context sensitive, researchers have observed a unidirectional trend towards its limitation or even complete elimination. The process, which might be called de-anonymisation of online spaces, is influenced by what Lessig (2006) described as four main forces shaping internet’s architecture: law, technology, market and social norms. But it also features at the level of discourse, which so far has received very little academic attention. The meanings, values and power struggles underlying the debate on online anonymity have also been largely ignored in Central and Eastern European contexts. In order to close this gap, this study examines a case from Poland, in which an identity of an anonymous blogger was revealed by a mainstream newspaper. It also investigates the broader characteristics of the coverage of online anonymity in the Polish press. By employing content and discourse analyses, and drawing on the work of critical internet scholars, it offers first empirical evidence that newspapers in Poland can be agents of de-anonymisation. Specifically, the findings reveal the debate on online anonymity is characterised by four key conflicts: 1) a conflict over the status of journalists and internet users in online deliberation; 2) a conflict over the vision of the digital public sphere; 3) a conflict over Poland's democratisation process; and 4) a conflict of values underlying perceptions of online anonymity.
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Dudash, Elizabeth A. "Generational shifts and the creation of political selves a focus group investigation /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4775.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on March 10, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Strand, Cecilia. "Perilous Silences and Counterproductive Narratives Pertaining to HIV/AIDS in the Ugandan, Lesotho and Namibian Press." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-157234.
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Research on Western mainstream media’s framing of HIV/AIDS in the 1980’s, showed that media narratives influenced audiences’ understanding of the epidemic, as well as society’s responses. Subsequently, by analyzing a society’s mass media and its framing of HIV/AIDS, it is possible to explore what understandings are given preferential treatment in that society, as well as explore what social change those narratives indirectly or directly facilitate. Such an analysis is particularly important in Sub-Saharan Africa, the continent most affected by HIV/AIDS and which has struggled to reverse the course of the epidemic. This dissertation has in five separate articles, not only identified and described media narratives on HIV/AIDS and the closely related topic of same-sex sexuality in three countries hard-hit by the epidemic –Lesotho, Namibia and Uganda – but also discussed the potential effects of persistent silences, as well as narratives that are counterproductive to the countries’ ability to respond to their epidemics. The research uses a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches: content analysis of independent and government-controlled print media products, semi-structured interviews with media practitioners and representatives from organizations that seek to influence the media agenda, as well as analysis of legislative and policy documents. The articles discuss a range of persistent silences and counterproductive narratives on HIV/AIDS in the three countries. Overall, the media is found to largely fail in providing its readers with narratives that contain many of the particular factors – economic, social, cultural, biological, as well as those related to stigma and discrimination –that fuel their epidemics. The research however also finds differences between the countries and the types of media. In particular privately-owned media is found to play important role in terms of acknowledging the existence of same-sex sexuality as well as relevance in relation to HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment services in Namibian and Ugandan.
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Onomake, Umoloyouvwe Ejiroghene Ovbije. "Elite exchanges : the cultural politics of Chinese business in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/69510/.
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Weas, David A. "Globalization, Polanyi, and the Chinese Yuan." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWeas.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Looney, Robert ; McNab, Robert M. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-85). Also available in print.
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Moug, Peter. "Understanding democratic engagement at the micro-level : communication, participation and representation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2621.
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Theoretical and ‘real world’ research into democratic engagment concentrates on larger-scale contexts. There is an accompanying tendency to focus on participation, neglecting other aspects of engagement. The thesis rethinks the notion of democratic engagement by dividing it into three analytically distinct, but interwoven, aspects namely communication, participation and representation, and drawing attention to small-scale or micro-level contexts. Understanding the communicative, participative and representative aspects of engagment in micro-level settings favours a case study approach and a research strategy designed to capture the minutiae of experiences of engagement. ‘Mossbank’, a neighbourhood in a small-to-medium sized Scottish town, has been chosen as an appropriate case. Mossbank is undergoing a physical and social regeneration initiative that has created new sites of democratic activity centred on Mossbank-related issues. It is also a setting where democratic engagement is likely to be constrained. A flexible mixed methods approach to data collection has been adopted using questionnaires, interviews, documentary analysis and non-participative observation, enabling the generation of ‘rich’ and ‘thick’ data. A theoretically informed analytical framework is used to explore the different aspects of democratic engagement in Mossbank. Here, Iris Marion Young’s theorising on communication in deliberative settings has been particularly influential. Democratic engagement in Mossbank is dominated and constrained by formal, familiar and broadly conventional institutions, processes and roles ‘imported’ from established larger-scale democratic settings. Less visible, context-specific factors also have an influence. ‘Messy’ practices and asymmetry affect the ‘quality’ of communication. Participation in democratic processes has its own particular constraining characteristics related to individual motivations and abilities to ‘fit in’ and ‘succeed’ within pre-existing processes. Representation in Mossbank is distant and sporadic, culminating in the evolution of an increasingly brokered approach to the relationship, administered by an intermediary. The thesis contributes to ‘empirical’ debates relating to the scope and nature of democratic engagement. This is especially relevant given the continued growth and development of micro-level democratic institutions and processes in developed democracies. The thesis also contributes to debates concerning the nature and extent of the ‘dialogue’ between normative ideals of democracy and engagement, and research into ‘real world’ democratic engagement.
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Winsler, Robert. "The Accidental Motivator: Florida's Medicinal Marijuana Ballot Initiative's Impact on the Youth Vote." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5334.
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The purpose of this study was to examine single-issue voting in the youth population, specifically involving the upcoming medical marijuana ballot initiative to be voted on in Florida November, 2014. Single-issue voting is becoming a more prevalent trend in American politics. The young voter demographic has historically showed the lowest percentage of voter turnout thus giving it the highest potential to influence the outcome of an election if more voters showed up to the polls. This study sought to understand if a single issue such as medical marijuana could be that motivation to go vote. Data was gathered through conducting focus groups of students 18 to 24 years old. The content was analyzed and quotes were collected then compared against two existing mass communication theories. The qualitative nature of the work allowed the study to produce a picture of the essence of how some young voters thinks when an election is approaching. This information will be vital as the field of study begins to grow quantitatively as well.
Though no definitive result was determined, young voters may be motivated to vote by a single issue but it is doubtful that issue will not be medical marijuana. This study aids an understanding of how a young voter is perceived as well as what issues were most important to those who participated. Organizations tasked with targeting this population could use these results to help cater a more effective message and reach a demographic that has so far been nearly unattainable.
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Meissner, Richard. "The transnational role and involvement of interest groups in water politics : a comparative analysis of selected Southern African case studies." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-09072005-122600.
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Ivey, Kevin A. "Social Media and Contentious Politics| Tunisia 2010-2013." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586659.
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How do social media contribute to groups engaged in contentious politics within a domestic environment? While many have examined the influence of social media on the Arab revolutions of 2010-2011 from an international perspective, there are fewer studies examining the impact of social media within a national environment after these events. Through interviews with a group of 40 Tunisians, many of them active in contentious politics from 2010-2013, this research identifies what sources initially informed the group members of a movement as well as the sources that ultimately pushed them to become active. While information gleaned via social media certainly played a role in the decisions of many interviewees to join the movements examined in this research - unsurprising, given the high rates of internet use within the group - social media were often cited as less trustworthy than other sources and were more likely to inform the respondents of a movement's existence than to push them to act. While these findings are not unexpected, they do require that future efforts examining the role of social media in contentious politics within a country's borders differentiate how different types of sources are viewed by potential supporters and how they might contribute to mobilization in different ways.
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Hill, Sarah Jane. "Performing politics : representation and deliberation in the public sphere." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5502.
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The metaphor of politics-as-performance is commonly found in the political vernacular, from political ‘actors’ on the world ‘stage’ to the phenomenon of actors-turned-politicians. This interdisciplinary thesis comprises an extended exploration of the metaphor of politics-as-performance to generate a thick description of how political actors are represented in the visible public sphere. Performance theory has a strong heritage in other disciplines within social science, notably sociology (Goffman) and social anthropology (Turner), but has had more limited application in political science. Taking this limitation as a starting point, the thesis will argue that the metaphor of politics-as-performance is more than a banal turn of phrase. It can be a powerful analytical and theoretical tool in exploring the role, form and content of political information in a deliberative democracy. The thesis sets up and draws upon four UK-based case studies: the 2007 Blair-Brown premiership handover; the Scottish National Party’s 2007 election campaign; the Faslane 365 nuclear blockade in 2006-2007; and the London ‘7/7’ terrorist attack in 2005. These cases generate a thick description of the metaphor by combining ethnographic participant-observation and document analysis with the analytical tools and concepts of performance analysis such as staging, scripting and body work analysis. The analysis of the empirical research highlights the complexity of the practice of political representation in an increasingly mediatised public sphere, as well as providing an experiential account of lived deliberation. In the case of the Blair-Brown handover, the thesis shows how the scripted characterisation and iterative rituals of national identity reinforce each political actor’s representative authority. This is contrasted with the more playful, ludic performance of the Scottish National Party’s election campaign based on the ‘presence’ of key actors. The thesis also shows how unconventional political actors used more visceral and embodied performance techniques to gain visibility in the public sphere. The Faslane protestors, as well as incorporating devices such as humour and music into their performance, focus on transformations of their performing bodies and use themselves as representations of resistance. This theme of representing resistance is developed in the London terror attack case where the performance enforces violent transformations not only of the political actors’ bodies and symbolically-resonant spaces but of the audience as well. The empirical cases thus provide a richly textured account of the techniques that both conventional and unconventional political actors use to insert themselves into the public sphere. In conclusion, the thesis offers a descriptive construction of the metaphor of politics-as-performance. This demonstrates its applicability to the political sphere and highlights the performative aspects of deliberation.
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Jackson, Nigel. "Online political communication : the impact of the Internet on MPs 1994-2005." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2008. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/12339/.
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Existing research on MPs using the Internet (Halstead 2000, Perrone 2002, Ward and Gibson 2003, Jackson 2003, Ward and Lusoli 2005, Ward et al. 2005, Jackson 2005, Auty 2005, Jackson 2006b) has tended to be too reliant on content analysis; restricted to one part of the Internet, and involved limited research on the views of actual users of an MP.s online presence their views of it. This thesis seeks to identify the impact of the Internet on MPs through: their campaigning abilities; the impact on their role as representatives and how MPs communicate. The research triangulates data on the impact of websites, email, e-newsletters and weblogs through content analysis, questionnaires and interviews. The data collated has helped develop a theoretical understanding of how MPs campaign, represent and communicate. First, there is evidence that e-newsletters can be used as effective vote- winners by encouraging constituents to switch votes. This „incumbency effect. (Krasno 1994) suggests that existing research (Curtice and Steed 1997, Butler and Collins 2001) has under-estimated the effect of a personal vote (Cain et al. 1987). Second, websites and e-newsletters are helping MPs develop a new representative role, by providing an „information portal. which encourages local participation. Third, there is evidence that we are on the threshold of a new model of e-representation. MPs. use of e-newsletters appears to be developing a parallel of e-constituency which enhances the relationship geographical constituents have with their MP. At the same time, weblogs are creating a separate e-constituency whose online link to an MP is based on interest not geography. Fourth,a typology has been created for explaining how MPs use the Internet, with four different characteristics:technophobes; bandwagoners; mapie; and pioneers. The Internet is creating a new architecture of representation with both a territorial axis, and an issue axis accessible from the computer keyboard.
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Shubert, Natalie E. "No Farm, No Food: Organizing Appalachian Family Farms around the Politics of 'Good Food'." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1272911792.
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