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Journal articles on the topic 'Communication in politics – Lesotho'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Bulled, Nicola L. "(Re)distribution of blame: examining the politics of biomedical HIV knowledge in Lesotho." Critical Arts 27, no. 3 (June 2013): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2013.800664.

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2

Fandrych, Ingrid. "The importance of English communication skills in multilingual settings in Southern Africa." English Today 25, no. 3 (July 30, 2009): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409990277.

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ABSTRACTAn account of the need for appropriate language skills in a developing multilingual context.Language issues in Southern Africa have always been marked by political struggle. In South Africa, these were sometimes violent, as with, for example, the 1976 Soweto uprisings, in which protests over the medium of education were prominent. One of the priorities of the first democratically elected government of 1994 was to democratise the situation by making eleven languages official, in contrast to the two prior to that, namely Afrikaans and English. In other Southern African countries, language issues have also been characterised by debates and struggles. A prime example is the decision by the Namibian government to make English the official language of the country, even though English had never even been a colonial language in Namibia. Another example is Lesotho, a former British protectorate, with two official languages, English and Sesotho. In the last two decades, there have been numerous debates about the status of English as a subject necessary for a pass in schools and as a prerequisite for admission to university. Kramsch's observation that ‘[l]inguistic wars are always also political and cultural wars’ captures the situation well. Language issues are still on many speakers' minds and influence their sense of self and identity. As Baugh observes, ‘[i]n societies like the United States and South Africa, where race and language development have strongly been influenced by racial strife, many students do not aspire to “talk like Whites”’.

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3

Coldevin, Gary. "Communication Campaigns in Lesotho." Educational Media International 27, no. 4 (December 1990): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0952398900270410.

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4

THETELA, PULENG. "Critique Discourses and Ideology in Newspaper Reports: A Discourse Analysis of the South African Press Reports on the 1998 SADC's Military Intervention in Lesotho." Discourse & Society 12, no. 3 (May 2001): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926501012003004.

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5

Mukurunge, Mukurunge, and Takura Bhila. "Gender Inequality in Politics Lesotho." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (February 28, 2019): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21401.

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6

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Lesotho." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 25, no. 4 (April 2, 2019): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2019.25.4.206.

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7

Makafane, David, and Tankie Khalanyane. "The Micro-Politics of Schooling in Lesotho: Bullying." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 2, no. 3 (August 15, 2018): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v2n3p191.

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<p><em>The paper is based on a study undertaken in 2015 to 2017 that explored the micro-politics of schooling in Lesotho, with specific focusing on bullying. A qualitative research design was adopted to probe for in-depth information about bullying in schools. The methodology employed was the case study approach in two high schools in Roma Valley. The population of the study was all teachers and students in the two high schools in Roma valley, while the sample comprised six teachers and eight students, who were purposively selected.</em></p><p><em>The study found out that bullying exists not only during school activities, but even during after school activities that learners are involved in. It was also found that bullying has negative consequences to all parties; perpetrators, victims and bystanders. Findings further revealed that the minority members of the society like visually impaired people, physically challenged and students with poor background are more prone to bullying because most of them do not have power to counteract bullies. The study further found that newly arrived students are the ones who are mostly targeted by bullies under the pretext of being taught the culture of the school. The study also found that teachers view bullying as an act of power imbalance where a powerful person takes advantage of a less powerful or vulnerable person. The study also found that cyber bullying is the latest form of bullying which is more harmful than any other form of bullying. The study also found that bullying contributes to depression and low self-esteem, which can lead to poor school performance and suicidal tendencies amongst the victims and bystanders. </em></p><p><em>The study therefore recommends that Lesotho government should come up with a policy to eliminate bullying in schools and establish programmes directed at teaching learners attitudes, knowledge and skills which they can use to circumvent bullying.</em></p>

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8

Setšabi, Setšabi, and Resetselemang Clement Leduka. "The Politics of Street Trading in Maseru, Lesotho." Urban Forum 19, no. 3 (May 22, 2008): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12132-008-9033-x.

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9

Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony. "The Politics of Coalition Formation and Democracy in Lesotho." Politikon 35, no. 3 (December 2008): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340903017999.

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10

Gibbon, Peter. "AGOA, Lesotho' ‘Clothing Miracle’ & the Politics of Sweatshops." Review of African Political Economy 30, no. 96 (June 2003): 315–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2003.9693503.

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11

Mojalefa, Mamoeletsi Limakatso. "Factors Contributing to Industrial Conflicts within Higher Education Institutions in Lesotho: A Case of the National University of Lesotho." Business and Economic Research 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ber.v11i2.18550.

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Incidences of industrial actions, which have frequently paralyzed learning at most of the educational institutions, are frequent in Lesotho. Despite the safeguards for collective bargaining in Lesotho, the incidences of industrial actions at higher institutions of learning in Lesotho are still common. The study was conducted to investigate the factors which contribute to industrial conflict at the National University of Lesotho. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the participants’ unionism experiences, semi-structured interviews were used to collect data. This study reveals that lack of transparency, inconsistent application of policies, lack of communication, lack of motivation, poor salaries, bias as well as poor working conditions are some of the factors that cause strikes at the institutions of higher learning in Lesotho.

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12

Ferguson, J., and L. Lohmann. "The Anti-Politics Machine: “Development” and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Sociology of power 28, no. 4 (2016): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2074-0492-2016-4-152-167.

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13

Eldredge, Elizabeth A. "Land, Politics, and Censorship: the Historiography of Nineteenth-Century Lesotho." History in Africa 15 (1988): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171859.

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Violent territorial competition is one of the dominant forces in the history of southern Africa, and all historiography with reference to land has significant political ramifications to this day. Nineteenth-century sources in the history of the BaSotho reflect these political considerations, which were as salient then as they are today.In this paper I investigate the principal nineteenth-century sources for the history of land rights and land conflict affecting the BaSotho. On the basis of archival materials, I identify and assess the sources which early historians relied on. I also examine the background and orientations of these observers, in order to evaluate their interpretations of BaSotho history. The works with which I deal with are well-known to students of Lesotho history, and because they are so often used by modern scholars it is important that their origins, authenticity, and value be assessed.

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14

Mirumachi, Naho. "The politics of water transfer between South Africa and Lesotho: Bilateral cooperation in the Lesotho Highlands water project." Water International 32, no. 4 (December 2007): 558–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02508060.2007.9709688.

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15

Marshall, Barbara L. "Communication as politics." Women's Studies International Forum 18, no. 4 (July 1995): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(95)80036-o.

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16

Selinyane, Nthakeng Pheello. "The Media and Electoral Politics in Lesotho Between 1993 and 2007." Journal of African elections 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2008/v7i1a11.

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17

Darbon, Dominique, and James Ferguson. "The Anti-Politics Machine: Development, Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485885.

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18

Gerhart, Gail M., and James Ferguson. "The Anti-Politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 5 (1991): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045099.

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19

Epprecht, Marc. "Women's ‘Conservatism’ and the Politics of Gender in Late Colonial Lesotho." Journal of African History 36, no. 1 (March 1995): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026967.

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The triumph of the ‘conservative’ BNP over the ‘radical’ BCP in Lesotho's pre-independence elections has long been a source of contention among analysts. While many factors are seen to have contributed to the BCP defeat, one which consistently appears in passing or in footnotes is the ‘conservative’ inclination of Basotho women who, in 1965 comprised two-thirds of the electorate. Women's ‘conservatism’ is commonly accepted as a given, stemming from their purportedly natural domesticity, religiosity or love of tradition. This article examines the actual history of Basotho women in politics in the late colonial era (1920s–1965) and finds no empirical grounds for these assumptions. On the contrary, even the most ostensibly ‘conservative’ women often adopted non-traditional, self-emancipatory behaviour. In the context of a ‘modern’ colonial state with retrograde, often punitive policies towards women, such ‘conservatism’ was in fact rather progressive. On the other hand, Lesotho's self-proclaimed ‘radicals’ exhibited strong elements of male chauvinism, ignorance and contempt for women's needs. The implication for African nationalist or other radical politicians and sympathic academics is that failure to take serious account of women and gender can undermine political integrity and effectiveness.

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20

Christopher, AJ. "Land law in Lesotho: The politics of the 1979 land act." Land Use Policy 14, no. 1 (January 1997): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0264-8377(97)84400-6.

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21

POULTER, SEBASTIAN. "The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, depoliticization, and bureaucratic power in Lesotho." African Affairs 90, no. 358 (January 1991): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098391.

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22

BLORE, IAN. "The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, depoliticization and bureaucratic power in Lesotho." African Affairs 94, no. 374 (January 1995): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098778.

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23

Murray, Colin, and James Ferguson. "The Anti-Politics Machine: 'Development', Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho." Man 29, no. 1 (March 1994): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803531.

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24

Akintunde, Moruf Abiola O., and Oladimeji Idowu Oladele. "Use of Information Communication Technologies among Agricultural Extension Officers in Lesotho." Journal of Agricultural Extension 23, no. 3 (August 15, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jae.v23i3.4.

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25

Carciotto, Sergio, and Mulugeta F. Dinbabo. "Role of Development Communication in Fostering Social Change: Evidence from Lesotho." Journal of Communication 4, no. 2 (December 2013): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0976691x.2013.11884808.

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26

Bob, Urmilla, Kamilla Swart, Edwin Perry, and Dinolen Gounden. "Profiling and Examining Travel Patterns Pertaining to Domestic Tourism in Lesotho." African Journal of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure, no. 9(6) (December 15, 2020): 1076–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46222/ajhtl.19770720-69.

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While some studies have examined aspects of tourism in Lesotho, there is limited research examining domestic tourist profiles and travel patterns, crucial to unlocking Lesotho’s domestic tourism potential. There is a need for such research to enable the development of appropriate tourism products and strategies. This study then critically examines results from a household survey that was undertaken in Lesotho to assess domestic tourists’ profiles, travel patterns, main motivations, and tourism products or services. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in 1 210 households across all administrative districts of Lesotho using a proportionate sampling approach. Within each District, a systematic sampling approach was adopted to minimise bias. Lesotho has several tourism products such as cultural and heritage sites, nature-based destinations and unique leisure experiences. Pre COVID-19 levels of domestic tourism and travel were relatively high. The study found that several socio-economic factors influence the willingness and ability of households to consume domestic tourism products. It is concluded that domestic tourism in Lesotho can be improved with better, more appropriate communication and marketing strategies, as well as an upgraded transport infrastructure and tourism services.

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27

Rafoneke, L. P., P. M. Mshenga, G. Owuor, and A. M. Rantlo. "Influence of transaction costs on choice of marketing outlets among smallholder peach farmers in Lesotho." African Crop Science Journal 28, s1 (October 2, 2020): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/acsj.v28i1.13s.

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Peach (Prunus persica) production is a major agro-economic activity in Lesotho. However, most smallholder peach farmers in Lesotho still fail to reap the benefits that are in line with peach commercialization. This is because of high transaction costs, which vary along with different peach marketing outlets. This study was conducted to determine the influence of transaction costs on the choice of marketing outlets of peaches in Lesotho. A multistage sampling technique was used to select 90 respondents for this study. Cross-sectional data were collected using a semi-structured questionnaire. A Multivariate probit model was used to analyse transaction costs influencing the choice of marketing outlets among smallholder peach farmers. The study revealed that gender and communication costs positively influenced the choice of farm gate; while the time taken to reach other outlets and average monthly income negatively influenced the choice of farm gate outlets. Sorting, grading and communication costs negatively impacted the local market; whereas, the average monthly income positively influenced it. Household size influenced farmers’ export market choice negatively. Evidence from the results suggests that the improvement of roads and communication infrastructure could enhance farmers’ income through the proper selection of marketing outlets. Access to market information regarding both distance and the time taken to reach each of the outlets should also be improved.

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28

Toscheva, Anna V. "COMMUNICATION RESOURCE IN POLITICS." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 15 (September 30, 2013): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2013.iii-2(15).15.

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29

Rocheleau, Jordy. "Communication, Recognition and Politics." Social Philosophy Today 17 (2001): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday2001172.

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30

Dumitrescu, Delia. "Nonverbal Communication in Politics." American Behavioral Scientist 60, no. 14 (December 2016): 1656–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216678280.

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This article reviews research contributions in political science and communication to the topic of nonverbal communication and politics from 2005 to 2015. The review opens with research on the content of nonverbal communication, then considers studies examining what moderates the impact of nonverbal aspects of political messages on attitudes and behavior and the mechanisms that underpin these effects. Over the period reviewed here, research shows that the nonverbal channel is rich in political information and is consequential for political decision making, particularly under certain circumstances, such as in low-information conditions. Visuals affect political decisions through cognitive and emotional routes. This review article also identifies several directions where further research is required, particularly with regard to social media, nonvisual aspects of nonverbal communication, the interplay of visual and verbal arguments, and the mechanisms behind the effects of nonverbal communication.

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31

Freeman, Michael. "Children, Politics and Communication." International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 4 (2010): 673–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x522342.

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32

Jasny, Barbara R. "Better communication without politics." Science 361, no. 6409 (September 27, 2018): 1351.6–1352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.361.6409.1351-f.

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33

Aerni-Flessner, John. "DEVELOPMENT, POLITICS, AND THE CENTRALIZATION OF STATE POWER IN LESOTHO, 1960–75." Journal of African History 55, no. 3 (September 22, 2014): 401–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000395.

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AbstractThe rhetoric of development served as a language for Sotho politicians from 1960–70 to debate the meanings of political participation. The relative paucity of aid in this period gave outsized importance to small projects run in rural villages, and stood in stark contrast to the period from the mid-1970s onwards when aid became an ‘anti-politics machine’ that worked to undermine national sovereignty. Examination of the democratic period in Lesotho from 1966–70 helps explain the process by which newly independent states gave up some of their recently won sovereignty, and how a turn to authoritarianism helped contribute to this process.

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34

Matlosa, Khabele, and Victor Shale. "The Impact of Floor Crossing on Electoral Politics and Representative Democracy in Lesotho." Journal of African elections 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 138–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2008/v7i1a9.

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35

Vincent, Joan. "The Anti-Politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho. James Ferguson." Journal of Anthropological Research 47, no. 3 (October 1991): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.47.3.3630620.

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36

Slater, David. "Book Review: The anti-politics machine: ‘development’, depoliticization, and bureaucratic power in Lesotho." Ecumene 5, no. 3 (July 1998): 364–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096746089800500314.

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37

Jongh, Michael de. ": The Anti-Politics Machine: "Development, Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho . James Ferguson." American Anthropologist 94, no. 1 (March 1992): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1992.94.1.02a00930.

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38

Venter, Denis. "Democracy and Multiparty Politics in Africa: Recent Elections in Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Lesotho." Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 19, no. 1 (2003): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eas.2002.0014.

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39

ESCOBAR, ARTURO. "The Anti-politics machine: “Development,” Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho . JAMES FERGUSON." American Ethnologist 18, no. 3 (August 1991): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1991.18.3.02a00270.

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40

Máthé, Veronika. "Reformatting Politics." Információs Társadalom 13, no. 3 (December 1, 2013): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22503/inftars.xiii.2013.3-4.7.

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41

Meadow, Robert G. "New Communication Technologies in Politics." American Political Science Review 79, no. 4 (December 1985): 1275. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956386.

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42

Kernell, Samuel, and Robert G. Meadow. "New Communication Technologies in Politics." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1348. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960893.

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43

Webb, Jen, and Tony Schirato. "Communication Technology and Cultural Politics." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 12, no. 3 (August 2006): 255–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856506067067.

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44

Kamerow, D. "Mammograms, poor communication, and politics." BMJ 339, dec02 3 (December 2, 2009): b5175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b5175.

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45

Mojalefa, Mamoeletsi Limakatso. "Union Strategies of Addressing Conflicts at the National University of Lesotho." Business Management and Strategy 12, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/bms.v12i1.18617.

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This paper discusses the strategies that are used by the unions to address industrial conflict at the National university of Lesotho (NUL). Content analysis was undertaken to understand the interviewee’s responses and the NUL policy documents. The strategies are analyzed within the policy context, pre-industrial action, industrial action and post-industrial action. The study also shows that unions at the higher education institutions consult with other unions in the sector and, where other strategies have failed, they resort to either industrial action or legal process to resolve conflicts at the workplace. The findings further show that unions employ widespread communication between their members to share new development in the negotiation process. The findings reveal that strategies which unions normally adopt at NUL are: constant consultations and joint decision making, strikes/industrial action, work to rule, negotiations, collective bargaining, taking legal process and communication of possible ideas and solutions.

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46

Manyeli, Louis. "Niccolo Machiavelli and His Influence on Lesotho Political Rulers." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): p9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n2p9.

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In his famous “The Prince”, Machiavelli drastically differs from all political writing of ancient antiquity, the Middle Ages and Renaissance that had one central question: the end of the state. Machiavelli assumes that power is an end in itself, and maintains that the ruler ought to focus on acquiring, retaining and expanding power. While the moralist adheres to the supremacy of his moral code and the ecclesiastic to his religious code, Machiavelli recognizes the supremacy of the precepts of his code in politics: the acquisition, retention and expansion of power. It is argued that most Lesotho political rulers follow in the footsteps of Machiavelli, and this has occurred from gaining independence in the Mountain Kingdom. For Lesotho political rulers heavily influenced by Machiavelli’s amorality, power is regarded as an end in itself. Consequently, the Mountain Kingdom governed by ruthless and tyrant rulers whose aim is to retain and expand power, have subjects who live below poverty line.

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47

Juntunen, Laura, and Esa Väliverronen. "POLITICS OF SEXTING." Journalism Studies 11, no. 6 (December 2010): 817–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616701003643996.

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48

Friedlander, Jennifer. "Politics Inside-Out." Review of Communication 5, no. 2-3 (April 2005): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590500297102.

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49

Schudson, Michael. "Introduction: All politics is local, some local politics is personal." Communication Review 3, no. 3 (June 1999): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714429909368580.

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50

Rantšo, Tšepiso A. "Factors affecting performance/success of small-scale rural non-farm enterprises in Lesotho." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 10, no. 3 (August 8, 2016): 226–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-10-2014-0020.

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Purpose This paper aims to study the different factors that determine the performance or success of small-scale, non-farm enterprises in Lesotho. Evidence shows that small-scale enterprises in developing countries are confronted with different challenges and problems that make them less viable. As a result, the capacity of small-scale, non-farm enterprises in employment creation, income generation and providing the means of livelihood to the poor people is not significant. In Lesotho, many people who are retrenched from the South African mines are absorbed in small-scale, non-farm enterprises to make a living. However, small-scale enterprises are faced with different challenges. The research findings suggest that factors leading to success/performance of rural non-farm enterprises in Lesotho include gender of the entrepreneur, age of the entrepreneur, ability of the entrepreneur to establish wider social networks, large population/market, availability of communication networks and infrastructure, participation of enterprises in the international market and costs of doing business and competition. In this regard, the paper makes policy recommendations that can be used to improve performance/success of small-scale, non-farm enterprises. Design/methodology/approach This research uses both qualitative and quantitative research methods to analyse data. Findings The main finding of the research is that foreign competition hinders the success of non-farm enterprises in Lesotho. The research findings further reveal that enterprises owned by women make the highest turnover compared to those owned by men. Practical implications This study brings in different factors that can ensure or hinder success/performance of small-scale, rural non-enterprises. Originality/value The research paper is of value in that it is the first study in Lesotho that considers different factors that determine business success in relation to employment creation, turnover and profitability.

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