Academic literature on the topic 'Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies'
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Journal articles on the topic "Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies"
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Takavarasha, Sam, and John Makumbe. "The Effect of Politics on ICT4D." International Journal of E-Politics 3, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2012070103.
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Zimbabwe is the best contemporary example of how politics can affect economic development. Equally as significant, and yet under studied, is the effect of politics on Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D). In this case study of government of Zimbabwe’s five year battle to prevent Econet Wireless from operating a mobile phone network, the authors present the fear for the conviviality of ICTs as a reason why dictatorial states often restrict free use of ICTs and how this can inhibit its role in fostering development. Using a combination of aspects of Thomas Hobbes’ political theory and Sen’s capability approach the authors show how passions like fear for the power of ICTs in private hands and the appetite for proceeds from the telecoms sector fuelled a five year legal battle that was eventually won by Econet. A framework for assessing the motives behind restrictive political action and the concomitant erosion of political freedoms which inhibits free ICT use and investment in the sector is also presented.
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McClune, Caitlin. "Ubuntu Linux in Zimbabwe: the digital unhu in open source practices." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717745119.
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In this article, I argue for an alternative history of open source told from the perspective of the Southern African nation of Zimbabwe. This perspective on open source deviates from standard histories in that it reveals a more comprehensive relationship to technologies and its political possibilities by including the understudied region of Zimbabwe. I premise this analysis based on the concept of ‘digital unhu’, a concept that sketches out a Zimbabwean inflection of immaterial labor and contains three components of the fusion of new technologies with older traditions, an emphasis on collaborative practices, and a prominence placed on mobility. Examining this framework and these concepts through the aid of the case studies, Zim.doc, and the website Wild Forest Ranch, I provide evidence of the ways that open source practices are articulated to the local, historical, and political nuances of the region. I argue that the effort to disseminate information and skills to populations required to maneuver around the conditions of food scarcity, high levels of unemployment, and violent political repression existing under Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe particularly highlights digital unhu’s characteristic of mobility.
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Chuma, Wallace, Mbongeni J. Msimanga, and Lungile A. Tshuma. "Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe." African Journalism Studies 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564.
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Singh, Shailendra, and Som Prakash. "Politics, democracy and the media: Case studies in Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.863.
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This article looks at three South Pacific Island nations—Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands—in terms of some landmark changes occurring in their political arenas. Fiji, beset by racial and political problems culminating in three coups, is experimenting with a multiracial, multiparty cabinet that could be emulated by other multiethnic countries. Tonga, a Polynesian monarchy, has recently seen an unprecedented number of protest marches against the ruling elite, the death of its King, and is in experiencing palpable democratic changes. In the Solomons, the strong desire for a fairer political system was manifested in the 2006 riots in Honiara. It caught the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) napping and brought into question the sufficiency and focus of Australia’s intervention policy in the country. The media has been a key player in these events. Regularly accused of adding fuel to fire in its coverage of crises, the media faces constant government pressure in all three countries. This article argues that rather than the media, the sources of discontent and instability are self-serving leaders clinging to outdated political systems. The authors believe political reform, not media control, is needed.
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Porto, Mauro Pereira. "Realism and Politics in Brazilian Telenovelas." Media International Australia 106, no. 1 (February 2003): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310600105.
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Telenovelas have been central to the constitution and development of Latin American cultures, becoming the most popular genre of television broadcasting. In the Brazilian case, the melodramatic serials soon became the basis for the commercial success of TV Globo, the dominant network. The prime-time telenovelas of TV Globo are currently watched in almost 50 per cent of the dwellings with TV sets every night. This paper argues that this popularity is specific to the Brazilian industry. The realism and treatment of political issues in the genre is traced to the role of scriptwriters.
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Banning, Marlia Elisabeth. "When Poststructural Theory and Contemporary Politics Collide—The Vexed Case of Global Warming." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2009): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420903049736.
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Ellis, Katie, and Gerard Goggin. "Disability Media Participation: Opportunities, Obstacles and Politics." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (February 2015): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400111.
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This article discusses participatory media from a critical disability perspective. It discusses the relative absence of explicit discussion and research on disability in the literatures on community, citizen and alternative media. By contrast, disability has emerged as an important element of participatory cultures and digital technologies. To explore disability participatory cultures, the article offers analysis of case studies, including disability blogs, ABC's Ramp Up website and crowd-funding platforms (such as Kickstarter).
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Kim, Yeran, Irkwon Jeong, Hyoungkoo Khang, and Bomi Kim. "Blogging as ‘Recoding’: A Case Study of the Discursive War over the Sinking of the Cheonan." Media International Australia 141, no. 1 (November 2011): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100112.
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This article explores how Korean bloggers, in contestation, participate in the social structure of communication and potentially transform it through their vernacular practices of decoding and recoding in the blogosphere. As a neo-liberal regime has been established, citizens practise discursive politics in a seemingly democratic and technologically advanced society that is actually a coercive-controlled communication system. Through the analysis of news blogs on the Cheonan disaster, it is suggested that a majority of bloggers are seen to utilise news media stories to gain leverage for their points of view or to provide counter-arguments against the dominant frames generated by the established news media. The critical reframing of the digital network in Korean society allows a reflexive reading of the Korean digital wave, which should be contextualised within generation politics, economic polarisation and ideological contestation. In order to avoid a nationalistic celebration of the IT power of the country, citizens' digital media practices are analysed as contributions to the democratisation of the public sphere and the enhancement of social openness and participation in the digitised arena of discursive politics.
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Desportes, Isabelle, and Dorothea Hilhorst. "Disaster Governance in Conflict-Affected Authoritarian Contexts: The Cases of Ethiopia, Myanmar, and Zimbabwe." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 343–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3127.
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Disaster governance in conflict areas is of growing academic concern, but most existing research comprises either single case studies or studies of a variety of country contexts that group all types of conflict together. Based on three case studies, this article offers a middle-ground scenario-based approach, focusing on disaster governance in authoritarian contexts experiencing low-intensity conflict. Low-intensity conflict is characterized by intense political tensions and violence that is more readily expressed in ways other than direct physical harm. Inspired by Olson’s (2000) maxim that disasters are intrinsically political, this article explores the politics of disaster response by asking what is at stake and what happened, unpacking these questions for state, civil society, and international humanitarian actors. Using data from a total of one year of qualitative fieldwork, the article analyzes disaster governance in 2016 drought-ridden Ethiopia, marked by protests and a State of Emergency; 2015 flooded Myanmar, characterized by explosive identity politics; and 2016–2019 drought-ridden Zimbabwe, with its intense socioeconomic and political turbulence. The study’s findings show how framing and power processes in disaster governance—comprising state and non-state actors—largely lean toward the state, with the consequence that political interests, rather than needs assessments, steer who and what will be protected from disaster impact.
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Shaw, Frances. "The Politics of Blogs: Theories of Discursive Activism Online." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (February 2012): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200106.
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Many discussions of discursive politics online take a deliberative democracy, or public sphere, approach. Public sphere theory has had value for the discussion of discursive politics online, but I argue that the problems of public sphere theory have led to the neglect of counter-hegemonic political projects in understandings of online deliberative democracy. Agonistic democracy should be explored further as an alternative framework for the study of online political communities. In addition, I propose that this conception be modified with greater analysis of the affective dimensions of online politics, the productive uses of conflict, the role of political listening and an understanding of discursive activism informed by feminist philosophy. The Australian feminist blogging community, a network comprising group and individual blogs, provides a case study for my research into discursive activism in online contexts.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies"
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Mlambo, Watson. "Information and communication technology in A-level physics teaching and learning at secondary schools in Manicaland Zimbabwe: multiple case studies." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003458.
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As personal computers (PCs) and related ICTs become more and more omnipresent than ever before in institutions of education, teachers are faced with the challenge of having to teach in ICT rich environments. Some syllabuses increase this pressure by stipulating where ICT may be applied. While past research efforts have focused on presence of and/or effectiveness of ICTs on achieving various didactic goals, there is limited literature on the extent to which actual practice occurred naturally. It was the aim of this study to determine the extent to which Physics teachers and students used ICT in their usual teaching/learning ambience, referred to as natural settings in this study. Using activity theory as a theoretical lens, multiple case studies were chosen as a strategy using 10 schools, 15 Physics teachers, 20 A-level Physics students and 10 ICT teachers (computer specialists). Questionnaires, observations and informal and focus group interviews were used to elicit responses from students, teachers and computer specialists. It emerged from the case studies that despite the presence of apt ICT infrastructure in the schools and although the teachers had a positive attitude towards the use of ICT for teaching and learning of Physics, teachers were apathetic when it came to the actual use. Some of the reasons militating against use were lack of an ICT policy, school authority, and monopoly of computers enjoyed by computer studies teachers. However among students there were ‘early starters’ who used ICTs outside of school, a situation that tended to change the Physics learning environment. These findings led to a proposal for a post of Computer Specialist (CS) in the schools. The need for developing ICT policy at all levels namely national, Ministry of Education and the school was also proposed. Lastly staff development in the use ICT for Physics teachers was proposed as indispensable.
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Sibanda, Nkanyiso. "Where Zimbabwe got it wrong - lessons for South Africa : a comparative analysis of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5217.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20 years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet to be conclusively addressed. Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government. Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while also suggesting areas for further study.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20 jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie. Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU PF‐regering. Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐ Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.
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Alexander, Jocelyn. "The state, agrarian policy and rural politics in Zimbabwe : case studies of Insiza and Chimanimani Districts, 1940-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358410.
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Greenberg, Joshua L. "Promotional communication and reflexivity : case studies in the media politics and problematization of neo-liberalism /." *McMaster only, 2003.
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Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
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Jacobs, Chantal, and Chantal Rowena Jacobs. "Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.
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Gadzikwa, Wellington. "Tabloidisation and the coverage of political issues in Zimbabwe - the case of Joice Mujuru." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24739.
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The study critically explored the tabloidisation of political news in Zimbabwe by focussing on the coverage of the expulsion of Joice Mujuru from ZANU PF and government by selected newspapers. The study analysed three national dailies across the ownership divide; The Herald, Daily News and NewsDay. The objective of the study was to establish whether or not the decline in standards of journalism and performance in Zimbabwe could be attributed to tabloidisation. The study employed a qualitative methodology through qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews to assess whether the framing reflected tabloid or broadsheet journalism styles. The framing of Joice Mujuru by The Herald was pejorative and derisive as she was depicted as corrupt, traitor, inept and a simplistic thinker who cannot handle issues to do with statecraft. Daily News sympathised with Joice Mujuru as a victim of chauvinistic factional politics in ZANU PF, especially, after the death of her husband, General Solomon Mujuru. The study argued that Joice was also depicted as a brave leader who could challenge for the office of the president, if she formed a coalition with MDC –T leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Daily News sought to counter all the negative framing of Joice Mujuru by The Herald. NewsDay framing was sympathetic, like Daily News but was more inclined on creating an image of a moderate leader in Mujuru, one who would be acceptable to all Zimbabweans because she had the critical liberation war credentials that Tsvangirai lacked and Mujuru’s perceived abilities to extricate the country from the economic challenges by mending relationships with the West. Despite the diametrically opposed frames in terms of The Herald versus Daily News and NewsDay, all the newspapers are undergoing the damaging process of tabloidisation by employing tabloid styles and formatting in their political news coverage through sensationalism, trivialisation and emotionalism. It was argued that the media needs self-introspection and recommitment to ethical and objective journalism as the watchdogs of society.Communication
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)
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Ndhlovu, Nothando. "The role of bloggers in the construction of Zimbabwean national identities : a case study of three Zimbabwean blogs during the 2008 presidential elections." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8560.
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Blogging continues to get attention in the field of communication studies for reasons such as its differences with traditional media and its various effects in societies. The first part of this dissertation provides the reader with a background of the use of the Internet in Zimbabwe highlighting how it has offered individuals a platform to publish their own content, thus increasing the documentation of the 2008 Zimbabwean elections. This research analyses how national identity and the construction thereof emerges from online personal narratives. The research also investigates the discourses shaping the country‘s identities such as humanitarian, anti-Mugabe and democratic discourses that emerge from the blogs and how these blogs communicate events that occurred during the polls. This dissertation is primarily concerned with how citizens have arguably become recognized as sources of information and how Zimbabwe is perceived. Finally, the blogs are critically examined for how they create spaces of resistance. I argue that the blogs challenged and destabilized the older patterns of identity creation within Zimbabwe. Whereas national identity constructions have been largely a result of the majority or ruling class, the production of counter discourses in the blogs suggests that at an individual level, citizens use the Internet as a platform to express their dissent and do not automatically internalize these projected national identities.Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.
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Chirombe, James. "The interface of music and politics : exposition of Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga's post 2000 music." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25540.
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The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to
2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership.Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)
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Mungwari, Teddy. "Representation of political conflict in the Zimbabwean press: the case of The Herald, The Sunday Mail, Daily News and The Standard, 1999-2016." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23501.
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Text in EnglishThis thesis explores the representation of political conflict in the Zimbabwean press with a specific focus on the The Herald, The Sunday Mail, Daily News and The Standard. The thesis sought to unpack the representation of political conflict in the four selected newspapers and to compare and contrast state-owned and privately-owned press representation of power, succession struggles and factionalism in ZANU PF and opposition MDC. The theory is undergirded by the framing theory and data was analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis. The thesis contends that the representation of political conflict in Zimbabwe was sensational and polarized. With clearly separate agendas, the government controlled press, The Herald and The Sunday Mail; and the privately owned Daily News and The Standard, have drawn upon different framing practices to represent political conflict in Zimbabwe. By selecting to report on a particular issue and silencing another, through choice of certain headlines, and vocabulary employed, they have produced a construction of events in political parties that satisfy their political agendas in an increasingly polarized political environment. The newspapers became associated with diverging political opinions, showing political parties they support. On the one hand, the state-funded media represented ZANU PF in positive light while the opposition, particularly the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was represented negatively, mainly depicting the party as harbouring a regime change agenda. On the other hand, the privately-owned press was critical of the ruling party, ZANU PF and blamed the party for economic problems, corruption, mis-rule, and abuse of human rights. As a result of this partisan representation of political reality by the two press camps, they became directly implicated in the conflicts thereby ceasing to be credible sources of information. This clearly illustrates the enormity of challenges faced by the press in political conflicts in politically polarised environments such as Zimbabwe. The thesis argues that when reporting political conflicts ideological considerations of the press take precedents at the expense of the informational and educational mandate of the press as ethics and professional interests of the press are pushed to the back stage. Contrary to the view that the press is a neutral and impersonal purveyor of information, it is an active participant in the framing of political conflicts and its framing is ideological. The study has broadened the body of knowledge on the framing of political conflicts in polarised political environments.
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)
Books on the topic "Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies"
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Schoombee, Pieter. Zimbabwe and South Africa: Worlds apart. Johannesburg: South Africa Foundation, 2002.
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Cheater, Angela P. The politics of factory organization: A case study in independent Zimbabwe. Gweru, Zimbabwe: Mambo Press, 1986.
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Governing the poor in Harare, Zimbabwe: Shifting perceptions and changing responses. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2002.
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Bell, Lauren Cohen. Perspectives on political communication: A case approach. Boston: Pearson/Allyn and Bacon, 2008.
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A comparative study of the political communication styles of Bill Clinton and Tony Blair. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen, 2006.
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Anne, Thurston, and Commonwealth Secretariat, eds. Personnel records: A strategic resource for public sector management : (with case studies from Uganda, Ghana and Zimbabwe). Toronto, Ont: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1998.
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Crespo Martínez, Ismael, editor of compilation and Rey Morató, Javier del, editor of compilation, eds. Comunicación política & campañas electorales en América Latina. Madrid: ALICE, Asociación Latinoamericana de Investigadores en Ciencias Electorales, 2013.
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Making the case: Advocacy and judgment in public argument. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2012.
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Olson, Kathryn M. Making the case: Advocacy and judgment in public argument. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2012.
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Carvalho, Rejane Vasconcelos Accioly de. Transição democrática brasileira e padrão midiático publicitário da política. [Fortaleza, Brazil]: FCPC, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies"
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Hughes, John, Steinar Kristoffersen, Jon O’Brien, and Mark Rouncefield. "The organisational politics of meetings and their technology — two case studies of video supported communication." In Diffusion and Adoption of Information Technology, 52–64. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-34982-4_5.
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Sabao, Collen, and Tendai Owen Chikara. "Social Media as Alternative Public Sphere for Citizen Participation and Protest in National Politics in Zimbabwe." In African Studies, 772–86. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch041.
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The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.
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Bowden, Sue, and Paul Mosley. "Four African case studies: Ghana, Uganda, Kenya, and Zimbabwe." In The Politics of Poverty Reduction, 346–71. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199692125.003.0013.
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"The Politics of Multilingual Communication: Case Studies and Research Agendas." In Communicating Conflict: A Multidisciplinary Perspective, 45–61. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781848882751_006.
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Waisanen, Don. "Standing-Up to the Politics of Comedy." In Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies, 426–42. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-5003-9.ch023.
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This study examines the discourses of the U.S.’s 10 top-earning comedians in 2009 and 2010 through systematic textual analyses. Building from two prior case studies and working toward a communicative worldview for comedy as a pervasive mode of public communication, the results indicate that there are several generic clusters emerging across these acts involving rhetorics of optimism, uncertainty, individualism, and others. Many distinctive characteristics in the comedians’ messages are also noted. Through such practices, humorists advance a language with political significance—so this essay draws several connections and implications regarding comic discourses in public culture.
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"The Politics of Multilingual and Non-Verbal Multicultural Communication: Case Studies and a Research Agenda." In The Way Things Aren't: Deconstructing 'Reality' to Facilitate Communication, 125–48. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004374454_007.
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"Universal Code of Movies and Influence of Traditional Media." In Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies, 18–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3808-1.ch002.
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The chapter dwells on the need of studying of universality of certain components of audiovisual media (especially movies) as a cause and possible instrument of international political communication. Emphasized is the low level of research of that very problem in the context of political studies, which ensures certain difficulties in formulating political components of the international political communication evident in case of movies. On an example of Movies in Politics by J. Rosenbaum it is shown why film criticism has a poor connection with political science. Examples of such an influence are presented in the chapter both through historical discourse and more specific cases. Proposed is the string of concept terms among which a universal code of movies – a certain informational component of audiovisual productions, understandable without its textual basis.
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Sylvester, Christine. "11. Post-colonialism." In The Globalization of World Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198739852.003.0011.
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This chapter examines a new stream of analysis that brings colonial, post-colonial, and the current era of postcolonial history into International Relations (IR). Post-colonialism seeks to fill the many gaps in Eurocentric constructions of the world so that people and ideas associated with former colonies can be visible, audible, and influential today. The chapter begins with three framing questions: Is IR likely to be as Western-centric in the future as it has been in the past? Is it possible for people in former colonial powers to understand the impact of colonization on today's post-colonial Third World? In the postcolonial era, does the West try to rescue others from their cultural ways of life? Two case studies are presented, one about Zimbabwe and the other about the Arab Spring. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether a clash of cultures is inevitable.
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Raman, Veena V. "Interrogating and Reimagining the Virtual Public Sphere in Developing Countries." In Civic Engagement and Politics, 427–48. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7669-3.ch021.
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Revisiting the concept of a virtual public sphere, this chapter interrogates the concepts of good governance, digital divide, the role of culture in identifying what constitutes common good and examines how Habermas' conceptualization of the public sphere relates to non-Western contexts where asymmetries in access to basic resources, power to leverage networks, and levels of civic competencies are the norm. Through case studies from Bangalore City, India, where information and communication technologies are being used to empower ordinary citizens to participate in local governance in the face of deep digital divides, it is argued that there is a need to avoid essentialising and privileging online venues and interactions in our discussions of the virtual public sphere and study how people strategically combine preexisting civic and communication networks with the affordances of new media technologies to participate as citizens.
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De Rosa, Rosanna, Valentina Reda, and Tommaso Ederoclite. "Mapping Research Methodology in Online Political Communication." In Political Campaigning in the Information Age, 318–35. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6062-5.ch020.
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The Web and the Internet in general, initially conceived as research tools, have now become a proper research subject. As has been the case for the press, the radio, and the television, Social Sciences have developed a specific interest in the effects of digital media. These themes are tackled in think tanks' reports and media studies such as consultancy and communication agencies, which are interested in defining how to use the Web as a tool for specific needs. In this context, political communication has a special interest in the Web, as a particular public space in which political actors can convey specific messages and/or act strategically for electoral purposes. As politics has consolidated its recourse to Web-based strategies, the research is aimed at understanding whether and in what direction the Web is able to change electoral choices, influence the electoral process, and contribute to selecting the leadership. However, given their relatively recent development, Internet studies have not yet consolidated shared conceptual and methodological instruments. Moreover—as recently claimed by Helen Margetts (2010)—“Political scientists have devoted rather less attention to online political activity.” This chapter is aimed at mapping the political science production in e-politics during the last ten years—starting from ISI journals—to understand if and how e-politics has been studied, and which approach and/or methodology was used, thus focusing on the empirical results and the centrality reserved to the Web research by Political Science.