To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies.
Journal articles on the topic 'Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Communication in politics – Zimbabwe – Case studies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Takavarasha, Sam, and John Makumbe. "The Effect of Politics on ICT4D." International Journal of E-Politics 3, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2012070103.
Full textAbstract:
Zimbabwe is the best contemporary example of how politics can affect economic development. Equally as significant, and yet under studied, is the effect of politics on Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D). In this case study of government of Zimbabwe’s five year battle to prevent Econet Wireless from operating a mobile phone network, the authors present the fear for the conviviality of ICTs as a reason why dictatorial states often restrict free use of ICTs and how this can inhibit its role in fostering development. Using a combination of aspects of Thomas Hobbes’ political theory and Sen’s capability approach the authors show how passions like fear for the power of ICTs in private hands and the appetite for proceeds from the telecoms sector fuelled a five year legal battle that was eventually won by Econet. A framework for assessing the motives behind restrictive political action and the concomitant erosion of political freedoms which inhibits free ICT use and investment in the sector is also presented.
2
McClune, Caitlin. "Ubuntu Linux in Zimbabwe: the digital unhu in open source practices." Media, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443717745119.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, I argue for an alternative history of open source told from the perspective of the Southern African nation of Zimbabwe. This perspective on open source deviates from standard histories in that it reveals a more comprehensive relationship to technologies and its political possibilities by including the understudied region of Zimbabwe. I premise this analysis based on the concept of ‘digital unhu’, a concept that sketches out a Zimbabwean inflection of immaterial labor and contains three components of the fusion of new technologies with older traditions, an emphasis on collaborative practices, and a prominence placed on mobility. Examining this framework and these concepts through the aid of the case studies, Zim.doc, and the website Wild Forest Ranch, I provide evidence of the ways that open source practices are articulated to the local, historical, and political nuances of the region. I argue that the effort to disseminate information and skills to populations required to maneuver around the conditions of food scarcity, high levels of unemployment, and violent political repression existing under Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe particularly highlights digital unhu’s characteristic of mobility.
3
Chuma, Wallace, Mbongeni J. Msimanga, and Lungile A. Tshuma. "Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe." African Journalism Studies 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564.
Full text
4
Singh, Shailendra, and Som Prakash. "Politics, democracy and the media: Case studies in Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.863.
Full textAbstract:
This article looks at three South Pacific Island nations—Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands—in terms of some landmark changes occurring in their political arenas. Fiji, beset by racial and political problems culminating in three coups, is experimenting with a multiracial, multiparty cabinet that could be emulated by other multiethnic countries. Tonga, a Polynesian monarchy, has recently seen an unprecedented number of protest marches against the ruling elite, the death of its King, and is in experiencing palpable democratic changes. In the Solomons, the strong desire for a fairer political system was manifested in the 2006 riots in Honiara. It caught the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) napping and brought into question the sufficiency and focus of Australia’s intervention policy in the country. The media has been a key player in these events. Regularly accused of adding fuel to fire in its coverage of crises, the media faces constant government pressure in all three countries. This article argues that rather than the media, the sources of discontent and instability are self-serving leaders clinging to outdated political systems. The authors believe political reform, not media control, is needed.
5
Porto, Mauro Pereira. "Realism and Politics in Brazilian Telenovelas." Media International Australia 106, no. 1 (February 2003): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310600105.
Full textAbstract:
Telenovelas have been central to the constitution and development of Latin American cultures, becoming the most popular genre of television broadcasting. In the Brazilian case, the melodramatic serials soon became the basis for the commercial success of TV Globo, the dominant network. The prime-time telenovelas of TV Globo are currently watched in almost 50 per cent of the dwellings with TV sets every night. This paper argues that this popularity is specific to the Brazilian industry. The realism and treatment of political issues in the genre is traced to the role of scriptwriters.
6
Banning, Marlia Elisabeth. "When Poststructural Theory and Contemporary Politics Collide—The Vexed Case of Global Warming." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2009): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420903049736.
Full text
7
Ellis, Katie, and Gerard Goggin. "Disability Media Participation: Opportunities, Obstacles and Politics." Media International Australia 154, no. 1 (February 2015): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515400111.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses participatory media from a critical disability perspective. It discusses the relative absence of explicit discussion and research on disability in the literatures on community, citizen and alternative media. By contrast, disability has emerged as an important element of participatory cultures and digital technologies. To explore disability participatory cultures, the article offers analysis of case studies, including disability blogs, ABC's Ramp Up website and crowd-funding platforms (such as Kickstarter).
8
Kim, Yeran, Irkwon Jeong, Hyoungkoo Khang, and Bomi Kim. "Blogging as ‘Recoding’: A Case Study of the Discursive War over the Sinking of the Cheonan." Media International Australia 141, no. 1 (November 2011): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100112.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how Korean bloggers, in contestation, participate in the social structure of communication and potentially transform it through their vernacular practices of decoding and recoding in the blogosphere. As a neo-liberal regime has been established, citizens practise discursive politics in a seemingly democratic and technologically advanced society that is actually a coercive-controlled communication system. Through the analysis of news blogs on the Cheonan disaster, it is suggested that a majority of bloggers are seen to utilise news media stories to gain leverage for their points of view or to provide counter-arguments against the dominant frames generated by the established news media. The critical reframing of the digital network in Korean society allows a reflexive reading of the Korean digital wave, which should be contextualised within generation politics, economic polarisation and ideological contestation. In order to avoid a nationalistic celebration of the IT power of the country, citizens' digital media practices are analysed as contributions to the democratisation of the public sphere and the enhancement of social openness and participation in the digitised arena of discursive politics.
9
Desportes, Isabelle, and Dorothea Hilhorst. "Disaster Governance in Conflict-Affected Authoritarian Contexts: The Cases of Ethiopia, Myanmar, and Zimbabwe." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (December 10, 2020): 343–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3127.
Full textAbstract:
Disaster governance in conflict areas is of growing academic concern, but most existing research comprises either single case studies or studies of a variety of country contexts that group all types of conflict together. Based on three case studies, this article offers a middle-ground scenario-based approach, focusing on disaster governance in authoritarian contexts experiencing low-intensity conflict. Low-intensity conflict is characterized by intense political tensions and violence that is more readily expressed in ways other than direct physical harm. Inspired by Olson’s (2000) maxim that disasters are intrinsically political, this article explores the politics of disaster response by asking what is at stake and what happened, unpacking these questions for state, civil society, and international humanitarian actors. Using data from a total of one year of qualitative fieldwork, the article analyzes disaster governance in 2016 drought-ridden Ethiopia, marked by protests and a State of Emergency; 2015 flooded Myanmar, characterized by explosive identity politics; and 2016–2019 drought-ridden Zimbabwe, with its intense socioeconomic and political turbulence. The study’s findings show how framing and power processes in disaster governance—comprising state and non-state actors—largely lean toward the state, with the consequence that political interests, rather than needs assessments, steer who and what will be protected from disaster impact.
10
Shaw, Frances. "The Politics of Blogs: Theories of Discursive Activism Online." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (February 2012): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200106.
Full textAbstract:
Many discussions of discursive politics online take a deliberative democracy, or public sphere, approach. Public sphere theory has had value for the discussion of discursive politics online, but I argue that the problems of public sphere theory have led to the neglect of counter-hegemonic political projects in understandings of online deliberative democracy. Agonistic democracy should be explored further as an alternative framework for the study of online political communities. In addition, I propose that this conception be modified with greater analysis of the affective dimensions of online politics, the productive uses of conflict, the role of political listening and an understanding of discursive activism informed by feminist philosophy. The Australian feminist blogging community, a network comprising group and individual blogs, provides a case study for my research into discursive activism in online contexts.
11
Nolan, David. "Lessons from America? News and Politics in Hard Times." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400117.
Full textAbstract:
On 30 October 2010, US news satirists Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert jointly held the ‘Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear’, attracting a crowd of over 200,000 in Washington, DC, and an estimated national audience of two million viewers on Comedy Central. While Stewart denied it, this event was widely interpreted as a satirical response to Fox News Anchor Glenn Beck's earlier ‘Restoring Honor’ rally, a controversial event that hosted numerous figures of the conservative and Christian right, including Sarah Palin. This event provides a case study in this article for a wider reflection on contemporary debates surrounding contemporary journalism, drawing on work that has situated ‘new political television’ in relation to wider transformations in mediated democracy, as this has been impacted by political-economic, technological, political and socio-cultural change.
12
Rodriguez, Amardo. "Exclusion Now, Exclusion Forever." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 8, no. 4 (2019): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2019.8.4.41.
Full text
13
Thompson, Peter A. "Desultory Dividends: The Politics of Funding the Tvnz Charter." Media International Australia 117, no. 1 (November 2005): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511700110.
Full textAbstract:
The introduction of the TVNZ charter legislation in 2003 restructured the broadcaster from a state-owned enterprise (SEO) to a Crown-owned company (CROC). TVNZ was given a charter involving a dual remit obliging the delivery of extensive public service functions while maintaining commercial performance. The government also decided to directly fund charter initiatives through the Ministry for Culture and Heritage, and TVNZ anticipated that the Treasury would forego any expectations of continued dividend payments. However, in 2004 TVNZ paid a $37.6 million dividend to the Treasury — double the amount it received from the Ministry of Culture and Heritage. Despite charter requirements, TVNZ remains disproportionately dependent on commercial revenue to fund programming initiatives. Drawing on original interviews with TVNZ and ministerial officials, and using the TVNZ charter as a case study, this paper explores how different institutional agents can engage with political-economic structures in the negotiation of broadcasting policy and funding mechanisms.
14
Chubb, Philip, and Chris Nash. "The Politics of Reporting Climate Change at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400107.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines a particular moment in journalism at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, with the aim of elucidating the link between public-sector journalism and political controversy in the recent Australian response to climate change. The particular moment in question involved the reporting of visits to Australia in early 2010 by two international commentators on anthropogenic climate change, Christopher Monckton and James Hansen, and an unprecedented attack by the chairman of the ABC on the professional performance of ABC journalists in reporting on this issue. We use this case study to canvass the explanatory merits of several scholarly perspectives on journalistic bias: the well-known ‘balance as bias’ argument by the Boykoffs (2004), the less well-known but incisive ‘independence/ impartiality couplet’ argument by Stuart Hall (1976) and Bourdieusian field analysis.
15
Phillipov, Michelle. "The new politics of food: Television and the media/food industries." Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (February 2016): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15627339.
Full textAbstract:
The provenance of food and the ethics of food production and consumption are increasingly a focus of media, particularly of television cooking shows. This is the result of complex dynamics of interaction between the media and food industries that are influencing consumer behaviours and business practices. This article offers a preliminary exploration of some of these relationships, focusing on Australian food television. Using two case studies that are arguably at opposite ends of the media/food spectrum – the first focusing on a niche lifestyle programme that advocates for small food producers and the second focusing on the televisual marketing strategies of a major supermarket – the article considers how relationships between media and food industries are not only investing food with new meaning and significance but are also opening up new markets and marketing strategies for food products and experiences.
16
Morieson, Lucy. "Crikey, the Australian and the Politics of Professional Status in Australian Journalism." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400113.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a case study of editorial content in an ongoing ‘war of words’ between two Australian publications – independent daily email news source Crikey and the Murdoch-owned broadsheet newspaper The Australian – in order to demonstrate one of the struggles over professional status in the changing Australian media environment. This negotiation over professional status exemplifies the way in which rhetorics of professionalism are used to gain authority over the particular jurisdiction of journalism. Considering this example in relation to dominant discussions of journalistic professionalism, this article demonstrates the limitations of the ways in which many of these discussions are framed, and works to place professionalism within a framework that positions journalism as a cultural technology.
17
Peng, Altman Yuzhu, Ivy Shixin Zhang, James Cummings, and Xiaoxiao Zhang. "Boris Johnson in hospital: a Chinese gaze at Western democracies in the COVID-19 pandemic." Media International Australia 177, no. 1 (September 9, 2020): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x20954452.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, we examine Chinese assessments of Western democratic systems in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This research is based on an up-to-date case study of how Chinese Internet users discussed the UK Prime Minister – Boris Johnson’s infection with COVID-19 in late March and early April 2020. The research collected original data from the Chinese community question-answering (CQA) site – Zhihu. Using a mixed-method approach, consisting of content analysis (CA) and thematic analysis (TA), we show how Zhihu users evaluate the incident (1) as a way to express their sentiments towards Boris Johnson, (2) as a case to assess British politics and (3) as a vehicle for rationalizing their views on Western democratic systems in relation to China’s domestic politics. The research findings shed new light on a Chinese gaze at Western democratic systems in the COVID-19 pandemic crisis.
18
Rodrigues, Usha M., and Michael Niemann. "Political communication Modi style: A case study of the demonetization campaign on Twitter." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00006_1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.
19
Elder, Catriona. "Framing stories of national belonging: the case of an historical adventure-romance television series." Media International Australia 174, no. 1 (October 19, 2019): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19882021.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the role of Australian 1970s and 1980s ‘quality’ historical television series and miniseries in engaging national audiences in discussions about their national history. These programmes – which had a corollary in the United States in the same period – were ‘blockbusters’. But the historical miniseries of this period were not designed just to make money for the television networks, rather they had ‘designs’ on their viewers. What this set of programmes have in common is a sense of their important contribution to debates about what, who and why of nations and citizens. The producers of these programmes, in a period of significant social change and the emergence of identity politics, sought to engage citizens with the complexities of national histories. This article focuses on one series, Luke’s Kingdom, and explores why and how it was possible for this television genre to reinvigorate and rethink ideas of national belonging.
20
Lorenzana, Jozon A. "The potency of digital media: group chats and mediated scandals in the Philippines." Media International Australia 179, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x21988954.
Full textAbstract:
With widespread use of digital media, public figures and ordinary people easily become involved in scandals. Social media leaks and mobs illustrate how digital media figure into scandals in the context of everyday politics. The occurrence of scandals on digital media prompts questions on emerging dynamics and potentials of digital communication. Using case studies from the Philippines, this study identifies and examines digital media affordances and how they enable mediated scandals. Findings indicate that digital media facilitate the process and intensify the impact of scandals, particularly the effects of public condemnation. However, under certain conditions, digital media enable parties to counter allegations and mobilise support. The article reflects on the possibilities and potency of digital media in everyday politics of reputation.
21
Cryle, Denis. "The Press and Public Service Broadcasting: Neville Petersen's News Not Views and the Case for Australian Exceptionalism." Media International Australia 151, no. 1 (May 2014): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415100108.
Full textAbstract:
This article revisits historical rivalries between established and emerging media, namely the press and broadcasting, during the first half of the twentieth century. To this end, the author constructs a dialogue between Neville Petersen's broadcasting research and his own press research over a similar period. In his major work, News Not Views: The ABC, Press and Politics (1932–1947), Petersen (1993) elaborates in detail the ongoing constraints imposed by Australian newspaper proprietors on the fledgling Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) in their ultimately unsuccessful struggle to restrict its news supply and influence. Drawing on subsequent press research based on international forums, the author revisits this rivalry, particularly Petersen's thesis that Australian press proprietors exercised disproportionate influence over the national broadcaster when compared with other English-speaking countries, such as Britain and Canada.
22
Nahon-Serfaty, Isaac. "Towards a theory of grotesque transparency: The case of Hugo Chávez." International Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 6 (September 18, 2015): 653–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877915606180.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this article is to lay the foundations of a theory of grotesque transparency that looks into the aesthetics of ‘ocular politics’. Inspired by Ramón del Valle-Inclán’s definition of the esperpento – a grotesque representation of the hero – this interpretative schema uncovers the rhetorical, narrative and iconic mechanisms that constitute a form of political communication that creates the illusion of total affective disclosure. We tested the premises of this theory by studying a public performance of the now-deceased Venezuela President Hugo Chávez where discursive genres overlap (presidential speech, comic soundbites and preacher’s homily), dissolving the ‘truth’ in an ‘excess of transparency’, and also performing a function of social criticism through desecration of institutional formalities.
23
McGuigan, Jim. "National Government and the Cultural Public Sphere." Media International Australia 87, no. 1 (May 1998): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808700109.
Full textAbstract:
This article introduces the concept of the cultural public sphere to examine public debate around national government policy in the cultural field when the nation-state is said to be of diminishing significance. The election of New Labour in Britain and the cultural politics of its first six months in office are taken as a case study. A distinction is made between cultural policy proper and cultural policy as display. New Labour is especially notable for its symbolic politics and manipulation of cultural policy as display, much more so than its program for cultural policy proper, which remained little developed during the first year of office. The New Labour project is nothing less than a redefinition of Britishness — largely reduced, however, to the ‘rebranding’ of Britain as a ‘Young Nation’ or ‘Cool Britannia’, in the wake of Thatcherism's lengthy period of ‘regressive modernisation’. The May 1997 general election itself, the death and funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales and intense controversy over the New Millennium Experience all occurred within the first six months of Labour government. The article analyses the relations between these events and concludes that the New Labour project, symbolised by the Millennium Dome, articulates a national hubris that reproduces Britain's historical problem of coming to terms with its declining significance in the world. New Labour's virtual politics and its adherence to an accentuated public relations and marketing model of politics are at odds with the democratic principles of the public sphere in general, illustrated in the article by the particular operations and limitations of the cultural public sphere.
24
Plantin, Jean-Christophe, and Aswin Punathambekar. "Digital media infrastructures: pipes, platforms, and politics." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718818376.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past decade, a growing body of scholarship in media studies and other cognate disciplines has focused our attention on the social, material, cultural, and political dimensions of the infrastructures that undergird and sustain media and communication networks and cultures across the world. This infrastructural turn assumes greater significance in relation to digital media and in particular, the influence that digital platforms have come to wield. Having ‘disrupted’ many sectors of social, political, and economic life, many of the most widely used digital platforms now seem to operate as infrastructures themselves. This special issue explores how an infrastructural perspective reframes the study of digital platforms and allows us to pose questions of scale, labor, industry logics, policy and regulation, state power, cultural practices, and citizenship in relation to the routine, everyday uses of digital platforms. In this opening article, we offer a critical overview of media infrastructure studies and situate the study of digital infrastructures and platforms within broader scholarly and public debates on the history and political economy of media infrastructures. We also draw on the study of media industries and production cultures to make the case for an inter-medial and inter-sectoral approach to understanding the entanglements of digital platforms and infrastructures.
25
Best, Kirsty, and Jeff Lewis. "Hacking the Democratic Mainframe: The Melissa Virus and Transgressive Computing." Media International Australia 95, no. 1 (May 2000): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009500118.
Full textAbstract:
As with many of the other 45 000 computer viruses operating across the globe, the Melissa virus constitutes a significant threat to organisational processes. There are two major readings of the Melissa virus's social and political implications — one rejecting its subversive intent, the other celebrating it. In either case, these readings reflect the inadequacy of current theorisations of the relationship between computer networked communication, organisational theory and democracy. A fuller understanding of this relationship, and in particular the culture of hacking, is needed to mediate significant tensions within contemporary culture and politics.
26
Inukonda, Sumanth. "Diaspora and the nation: The case of the TeNA online forum." Global Media and Communication 14, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 325–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766518811860.
Full textAbstract:
First-generation Asian Americans are noted to be more involved in the politics back home than in the politics of the United States. The studies invested in analysing the causes for such attitudes have so far neglected examination of material interests that the recent immigrants might have in their homelands. This study analyses the politically active Telangana online community, which was involved in a struggle for separation. This article argues that the complex patterns of resistance and hegemonic co-option in the Telangana movement can be understood by situating the texts within the wider context of social and institutional practices both in the home and host societies. This article identifies five key frames with which to analyse the political engagement of the Telangana diaspora: identifying victims and enemies, asserting cultural difference, articulating relations with the host country and transnational actors, negotiating globalization, and conflicts over resources. The article concludes that critical scholarly engagement with the diaspora requires theorization that goes beyond the study of marginal voices in the public sphere and forges new connections between globalization, political processes, state and the media.
27
Mustaqim, Andika Hendra. "EMPATHY POLITICS VERSUS TERRORISM: THE NEW ZEALAND PRIME MINISTER JACINDA ARDERN’S POLITICAL LEADERSHIP COMMUNICATION." INJECT (Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication) 4, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/inject.v4i1.61-92.
Full textAbstract:
This research explores the political communication by New Zealand Prime Minister JacindaArdern in the face of terror attacks of two mosques in Christchurch on March 15, 2019. The emphasis of research is empathy politics in a narrow framework and broader framework, namely the humanitarian framework. The study used the method of analyzing the content of speeches and Ardern statements and case studies with qualitative approaches and critical constructivist paradigms. The results of the study are Prime Minister JacindaArdern using various models and ways to show political communication in handling terror attacks against two mosques in Christchurch. The politics of tears is played as a form of empathy politics. Protection from minorities was also shown by Ardern. Hug is a form of political action to embrace. Ardern often gives greetings typical of Muslims.
28
Taylor, Bryan C., and Thomas R. Lindlof. "Travelling Methods: Tracing the Globalization of Qualitative Communication Research." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 15, no. 3 (May 19, 2016): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2013.3.192.
Full textAbstract:
<p>Existing discussion of the relationships between globalization, communication research, and qualitative methods emphasizes two images: the challenges posed by globalization to existing communication theory and research methods, and the impact of post-colonial politics and ethics on qualitative research. We draw in this paper on a third image – qualitative research methods as artifacts of globalization – to explore the globalization of qualitative communication research methods. Following a review of literature which tentatively models this process, we discuss two case studies of qualitative research in the disciplinary subfields of intercultural communication and media audience studies. These cases elaborate the forces which influence the articulation of national, disciplinary, and methodological identities which mediate the globalization of qualitative communication research methods.</p>
29
Bene, Márton, and Gabriella Szabó. "Discovered and Undiscovered Fields of Digital Politics : Mapping Online Political Communication and Online News Media Literature in Hungary." Intersections 7, no. 1 (2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v7i1.868.
Full textAbstract:
The article reviews the main theoretical and empirical contributions about digitalnews media and online political communication in Hungary. Our knowledge synthesis focuses on three specific subfields: citizens, media platforms, and political actors. Representatives of sociology, political communication studies, psychology, and linguistics have responded to the challenges of the internet over the past two decades, which has resulted in truly interdisciplinary accounts of the different aspects of digitalization in Hungary. In terms of methodology, both normative and descriptive approaches have been applied, mostly with single case-study methods. Based on an extensive review of the literature, we assess that since the early 2000s the internet has become the key subject of political communication studies, and that it has erased the boundaries between online and offline spaces. We conclude, however, that despite the richness of the literature on the internet and politics, only a limited number of studies have researched citizens’ activity and provided longitudinal analyses.
30
Yangyue, Liu. "Crafting a Democratic Enclave on the Cyberspace: Case Studies of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (December 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000402.
Full textAbstract:
As an antithesis of “authoritarian enclave” which has been well-established in the comparative politics literature, “democratic enclave” points to the institution of a state or the unambiguous regulatory space in society “where the authoritarian regime's writ is substantively limited and is replaced by an adherence to recognizably democratic norms and procedures” (Gilley 2010). In this sense, the Internet space, embodied by information and communication technologies, has great potential to play such a role, since its “inherited” properties of decentralization and anonymity would inevitably breach the authoritarian rules. However, a closer look at three Southeast Asian states, Malaysia, Singapore and the “New Order” Indonesia whose regimes were characterized by authoritarianism when Internet was initially developed, reveals different trajectories. In the “New Order” Indonesia and Malaysia, the governments consciously left the Internet space uncontrolled; the online media developed independently, vibrantly, and professionally, especially in the Malaysian case; and there were strong connections between online and offline contentious politics. These elements made the Internet space in Indonesia and Malaysia a successful case of democratic enclave. Based on these criteria, however, the Internet space in Singapore has not achieved similar status. This paper analyses the different outcomes of enclave creation on the cyberspace among these countries. It argues that elite conflict and the strength of civil society are the two major factors that shape the differences. In this sense, the political contexts are of great importance for the understanding of Internet's political impacts.
31
Pieterse, Hendrik J. C., Johannes A. Van Der Ven, and Jaco S. Dreyer. "Social Location of Transformative Orientations Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 6, no. 1 (1999): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00010.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the previous article we asked the question of to what extent a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region show transformative orientations in the fields of ecology, economics and politics. In this article we deal with the question of what the social location of these transformative orientations is. The more transformatively oriented students are to be found among female, ANCoriented, transethnically directed, postmaterialistic, self-controlling, non-religious, and sometimes Anglican (in each case non-Catholic) students who regard work as something interesting, participate in political communication and consensus building, and see politics and study as a value. Students who favour socio-economic equality more specifically are to be found among the more religiously inspired and motivated students.
32
Dovey, Jon. "Confession and the Unbearable Lightness of Factual." Media International Australia 104, no. 1 (August 2002): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210400104.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the changes in contemporary documentary practices, in particular the shift to a ‘first-person media’. By looking at certain types of first-person and confessional speech forms in factual television, I hope to offer a case study in how we might continue to distinguish between different kinds of program and to determine their relationship to the public sphere. The rise of first-person media can be seen as a response to the need for a public space in which ‘life world politics' and ‘emotional deomcracy’ are fundamental. The dispersal of intimate speech and confessional discourse is an expression of the changes that have occurred in our social and economic lives. This paper explores documentary and factul television's role in this process.
33
Reagan, Timothy. "Review of Crystal (2003): English as a Global Language & Sonntag (2003): The Local Politics of Global English: Case Studies in Linguistic Globalization." Language Problems and Language Planning 29, no. 3 (December 14, 2005): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.29.3.09rea.
Full text
34
Berrocal-Gonzalo, Salomé, Eva Campos-Domínguez, and Marta Redondo-García. "Media prosumers in political communication: Politainment on YouTube." Comunicar 22, no. 43 (July 1, 2014): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c43-2014-06.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the role of the political «infotainment» prosumer on Internet. In the second half of the XX century, telecracy was the predominant one-way communication model that not only popularized politics but also transformed politics into entertainment or «politainment». The XXI century began with the conviction that the Internet would lead to a bidirectional communication model in which true dialogue between political power and citizens would emerge. This research explores a new field of study: Web 2.0 «politainment» and prosumers’ attitudes and actions within this new communication sphere. The objective of the study is to identify the kind of political content Internet users consume and produce. To achieve this, we made a case study of the political information produced and consumed on YouTube, and in particular of a speech given by Ana Botella, the Mayor of Madrid, before the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in September 2013. The 40 most-watched videos on YouTube during the week of the Mayor’s appearance as well as those viewed in the month that followed have been analyzed, in addition to the 3,000 comments on these videos. The conclusion shows that the prosumption of «politainment» on Internet is characterized by massive consumption of information but passive reaction with regard to production and participation. Este artículo analiza la figura del prosumidor del «infoentretenimiento» político en Internet. Si durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX predomina la «telecracia», un modelo de comunicación unidireccional que supone la popularización de la política pero también su conversión en espectáculo o «politainment», el siglo XXI se inicia con el convencimiento de que Internet conducirá a un modelo comunicacional bidireccional en el que se establezca un diálogo real entre el poder político y la ciudadanía. Esta investigación explora un nuevo campo de estudio, como es el «politainment» en la Web 2.0 y la actuación del prosumidor en esta nueva esfera comunicativa. El interés del estudio es detectar qué contenidos políticos consumen y producen los usuarios en red. Para ello, se realiza un estudio de caso sobre la información política producida y consumida en YouTube sobre la comparecencia de la alcaldesa de Madrid, Ana Botella ante el Comité Olímpico Internacional (COI) en septiembre de 2013. Se analizan los 40 vídeos más vistos en YouTube la semana de su comparecencia y un mes después, así como 3.000 comentarios a estos vídeos. Las conclusiones señalan que el prosumo del «politainment» en Internet se caracteriza por un consumo masivo de información pero un comportamiento muy pasivo en su producción y participación.
35
Hopkins, Kane, and Donald Matheson. "Talking in a Crowded Room: Political Blogging during the 2008 New Zealand General Election." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400115.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses two of New Zealand's foremost political blogs on public affairs in the four weeks prior to the 2008 New Zealand general election. The 2008 election represents, we argue, a moment when the scale and reach of blogging propelled it to a position of significance in New Zealand media. The study uses content analysis to track the material posted on these blogs and in their comments sections. It is concerned primarily with quantifying the kind of debate to be found there and, through that, analysing how these blogs contribute to the quality of public life. The findings show that while a small number of blogs dominate, one blog's comments section has seen significant growth in the number of individual commenters participating in political discussion. It therefore stands as a useful case study of how blogging has found a place within this country's mediated politics.
36
Brueggemann, Walter. "Dialogic Thickness in a Monologic Culture." Theology Today 64, no. 3 (October 2007): 322–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360706400304.
Full textAbstract:
This essay considers the context of the contemporary church in the United States as an environment of monologue in which one-way communication is prized and practiced as religious authoritarianism, market ideology that has no interest in communication, and imperial politics that proceeds from the top down. In such an environment, a primal task of the church is to advocate and practice a mode of life that honors the thickness of human interaction and engages in faithful interaction with God as a two-way practice. A specific consideration of dialogic practice is a case study of Psalm 35 in which “the many selves of the self are given voice in discourse with God in a way that submits to and yet insists on leverage with the Holy One. This transaction may be a model for human transaction as well in the strange world where truth speaks to power.
37
Özalpman, Deniz, and Katharine Sarikakis. "The politics of pleasure in global drama: A case study of the TV series, The Magnificent Century (Muhteşem Yüzyıl)." Global Media and Communication 14, no. 3 (July 11, 2018): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766518780168.
Full textAbstract:
This article is concerned with the ways in which local/national drama becomes a global success, which strategies are developed to appeal to viewers within different cultural settings and how far this shift is important when re/thinking audience reception studies. The study answers this question by exploring the television (TV) drama series, The Magnificent Century (2011–2014) by conducting in-depth interviews in the Greek capital Athens and the Moroccan capital Rabat with viewers and the production and distribution team of the series. The findings show that potentials for pleasure in the consumption of drama are designed from the very beginning when thinking globally, to reduce cultural differences to a minimum, to finally fuse audiences’ interpretative practices beyond cultural polarization to common understandings.
38
Burns, Maureen. "Delicious Market Devices: Abc Magazines Media Kits." Media International Australia 146, no. 1 (February 2013): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314600117.
Full textAbstract:
Like all our objects of research, public service media are not prey waiting in the world – we create them as research objects when we research and when we write. This is easy to forget in the case of public service media, which seem so familiar as research objects because they are already so overwritten. Often we begin the creation of our public service media research object from assumptions that we don't even feel the need to unpack. Public service media institutions might be (and have been) written as discourses, practices, philosophies, politics and/or histories. This article examines what it means to write and research public service media, and it discusses whether descriptions of assemblages that favour particular types of human agency over others – and human agency generally over non-human agents – are sufficient, or whether our research and writing practices might benefit from a hybridisation of methods as well as object(s).
39
O’Connor, Clare. "The Angel as Wish Image: Justin Bieber, Popular Culture, and the Politics of Absolution." Communication, Culture and Critique 14, no. 3 (June 5, 2021): 471–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcab031.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the early 21st century, the angel became a recurrent image within the visual economy of pop music stardom. By considering the case of Justin Bieber (whose angel invocations give expression to his struggles with celebrity, faith, and the pathology of Whiteness), the author reveals how biographical factors alone cannot account for the angel’s contemporary resonance. Instead, and drawing upon Walter Benjamin’s concept of wish image, the author argues that this invocational pattern reflects a general desire for a one-to-one correspondence between being and doing—here understood as a manifestation of the ur-historical longing for absolution. Because this desire is ambivalent, the angel has historically been invoked to symbolize wishes as divergent as fascism’s ideal gender relations and radical utopia’s equality. In this way, the angel’s current ubiquity alerts us to the role resonant myths often play in the elaboration of collective desires, while pointing toward their implications for emancipatory strategy.
40
Popadeva, T. I. "The Politics of Language in Constructing Civil Identity: Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 4 (September 9, 2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-4-79-91-106.
Full textAbstract:
Civil identity is one of the most significant factors in modern political practice. Today’s identity formation and development of large national groups is less based on a cultural and historical foundation and increasingly depends on political technologies. Among them, the construction of new languages plays an important role. The article studies the Bosnian language policy, which, contrary to forming a common civil identity, as a result of the politicization of linguistic norms becomes a factor in creating a “forge of hatred”. Drawing on constructivist social theories, the author summarizes Bosnian linguistic practices and examines them through the prism of symbolic interactionism and negative feedback systems. Particular attention is paid to situations when the desire for effective communication motivates speakers to abandon ethnically colored linguistic markers and situations in which the language acts as a defense against the internal “other.” Applying the criteria for distinguishing between language and dialects, the author concludes that the phonetic principle of the Serbo-Croatian language formation made it possible, after the destruction of Yugoslavia, to turn this linguistic continuum into an identification weapon to delimit the citizens of one country. This experience helps analyze the politicization of literary interpretations and linguistic norms in other regions of the world, where there are also examples of the growth of xenophobia, nationalism, and intolerance resulting from a differentiating language policy.
41
Sullivan, Jonathan. "The Coevolution of Media and Politics in Taiwan: Implications for Political Communications." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 2, no. 1 (January 20, 2019): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-00201005.
Full textAbstract:
Over the course of democratisation, Taiwan’s communications environment has experienced significant changes. Liberalisation and commercialisation of the media, and the emergence and popularisation of digital, have substantially altered the information environment and the expectations and behaviours of both citizens and political actors. This article explores the implications of these developments for political communications, and the vitality of Taiwan’s democracy. The article combines a conceptual framework rooted in mediatisation and hybrid media logics with empirical case studies on election campaigning, social movements, and other modes of political communication. It demonstrates how a new system of coevolving media, civil society, and political spheres is taking shape, characterised by complexity, heterogeneity, interdependence, and transition.
42
Hermanns, Heike. "The Digital Political Communication of South Korean Politicians." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 9, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v9i2.460.
Full textAbstract:
The internet and social media have been credited with the potential to reinvigorate democracy by offering new avenues of political participation and communication between citi-zens and politicians. The results of empirical studies, however, call for caution, as many politi-cians refrain from fully exploring the interactive potential of new media. This case study focus-es on the web presence of Korean parliamentarians, using basic statistical analyses to explore the use of ICT as a means of political communication. It finds that Korean parliamentarians are less active online, treating ICT mainly as another channel for information distribution. It is thus concluded that ICT is not revolutionizing politics but reinforcing existing patterns of communi-cation that leave a gap between citizens and representatives. This paper was previously submit-ted to CeDem Asia 2016. The literature review and the methodology section have been expand-ed, and additional statistical data as well as further findings on Twitter were added.
43
Kosnick, Kira. "Ethnicizing the Media: Multicultural Imperatives, Homebound Politics, and Turkish Media Production in Germany." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006130.
Full textAbstract:
The past fifteen years have witnessed a veritable explosion of mass media productions aimed at immigrant populations in Germany. Facilitated by new communication technologies, television channels and radio stations from former “home countries” and elsewhere have become available to immigrants via satellite and the internet. Daily newspapers produced in Ankara, Belgrade, or Warsaw can be bought at German newspaper stands. There has also been a proliferation of mass media venues created locally, by and for immigrants themselves, and nowhere is this landscape of immigrant media more evolved than in the case of Turkish-language media in Berlin.
44
Kaal, Harm. "Boundary disputes: New approaches to the interaction between sport and politics in the postwar years." Journal of Modern European History 19, no. 3 (June 10, 2021): 362–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211014418.
Full textAbstract:
Although often framed as politics ultimate ‘other’, it is hard to ignore that sport and the political are intimately connected. Historians, however, have up until now hardly reflected on the nature of this connection in the postwar years, on how the politicisation of sport has actually taken shape, and how actors and institutions have delineated, navigated, and crossed the boundaries between the two. This article tackles these questions through an analysis of three vectors of politicisation: political communication, struggles over the use of space, and governance and policy making. Based on a discussion of recent work at the intersection of political history, sport history, political science, geography, and communication studies, the article unearths the relationship between sport and personalised modes of political representation, explores the role of sport spaces as sites of community building and conflict, and the instrumentalisation of sport in policy schemes of the welfare state. It shows how policy schemes and governance arrangements drew sport into the orbit of the state; maps the various actors and institutions at the intersection of sport and politics, ranging from local residents’ groups to international non-governmental organisations; and highlights the gendered, exclusionary nature of new, popular forms of political communication through sport. All in all, the article makes the case for sport as a highly relevant field to engage with for those who are interested in the postwar history of political power, representation, communication, and governance.
45
Roslyng, Mette Marie, and Bolette B. Blaagaard. "Networking the political: On the dynamic interrelations that create publics in the digital age." International Journal of Cultural Studies 21, no. 2 (November 7, 2016): 124–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877916674750.
Full textAbstract:
This article argues that the definition of the political and its role in on- and offline public spheres calls for a conceptualization that takes into account the networked connections established between lay and professional political actors, mass media and mobile media. While acknowledging the importance of popular and mass media’s impact on participatory and democratic processes, this article focuses on the cultural citizen and proposes that a rethinking of publics affords a new understanding of the idea of networks as a series of connection points fostering a dynamic and relational view on the political. We illustrate this conceptualization through a case study mapping the agonistic and antagonistic frontiers in communication in a variety of publics and counter-publics in the context of Danish minority culture and politics.
46
McKee, Alan. "I Don't Want to Be a Citizen (if it Means I Have to Watch the ABC)." Media International Australia 103, no. 1 (May 2002): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0210300105.
Full textAbstract:
This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.
47
Bastien, Frédérick. "Using parallel content analysis to measure mediatization of politics: The televised leaders’ debates in Canada, 1968–2008." Journalism 21, no. 11 (January 22, 2018): 1743–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917751962.
Full textAbstract:
Owing to their focus solely on media content, most empirical studies on mediatization of politics fail to consider the dynamic relationship between politics and journalism, even though this relationship would provide ideal data for assessing the mediatization hypothesis. This study aims to measure the mediatization of politics using a research design that tracks parallel trends in political and media content over several decades, with televised Canadian leaders’ debates and their coverage by newspapers as a case study. Our specific hypotheses target the discursive style of journalists (factual, analytical, judgmental), agenda building (the range of areas of activity), and framing (strategic or governing). Our findings support the hypothesis which states that reports on leaders’ debates have become less factual as journalists have increased the share of analytical and judgmental styles in their stories. Also, use of the strategic frame in news stories has grown, and it has been incorporated by party leaders into their own discourse during debates. Evidence is mixed regarding the impact of mediatization on agenda building.
48
Gureeva, Anna. "The Role of Russian Youth's Media Activism in Mediatization of Politics." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(2).325-334.
Full textAbstract:
Mediatization of politics has a variety of theoretical and conceptual grounds, and is considered by researchers as both one-way and two-way communication between the state and the society. Foreign media researchers view mediatization of politics as a path to an open government and democratization of the state, and emphasize the need to develop civic engagement in the media environment. In national studies, mediatization of politics is still dominated by perception of media as mediator commissioned by the government to influence participants of the political dialogue. The article makes an attempt to consider the mediatization of politics as a consequence of Russian youths media activism. Today's young people are increasingly showing their interest in participating in political processes. They are particularly interested in the formation of civil society, human rights and freedoms, and justice within the framework of common European values. Media activism of Russian youth and their influence on the development of media policy was particularly pronounced in 2019, which can be seen in three cases: the Golunov case, the Voice-Children case, and the case of the construction of the Church in Yekaterinburg. The authors make a comparative analysis of publication activity based on these information events in the official media and in Instagram, which enables them to infer that the role of media activity of Russian youth in the process of mediatization of politics is increasing.
49
Adema, Janneke. "Practise what you preach: Engaging in humanities research through critical praxis." International Journal of Cultural Studies 16, no. 5 (March 11, 2013): 491–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877912474559.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how a cultural studies perspective can be used to critically analyse practices of conducting research within the (digital) humanities. It uses, among others, the example of the author’s PhD dissertation currently in process, which is set up as a theoretical and practical intervention into existing discourses surrounding the dominant form of formal communication within the humanities: the scholarly monograph. A methodology of critical praxis is seen as an integral part of the research project as well as an important step in developing academic or research literacy through actively engaging in the production of communicative norms and practices. Envisioning the book as a site of struggle over new forms and systems of communication within academia, the dissertation argues for alternative ways of thinking of and performing the monograph in an experimental manner. By making use of digital platforms, tools and media to share, remix and update the research as it evolves, the aim is to develop a digital, open and collaborative research practice. This will offer a practical critique of the dominant structures, politics and practices of producing and distributing research results. This article thus argues for the empowering potential of critically analysing and actively engaging with the dominant norms underlying communication in the humanities as well as with the structures that determine academic literacy and the established and accepted practices herein. By arguing for a potential new future for the book within scholarly communication as an emergent and evolving form, based on accessibility, sharing, process and change, this article makes a case for new ways of engaging a critical praxis that is more speculatory, open-ended and experimental.
50
Çelik, Burçe. "Turkey’s communicative authoritarianism." Global Media and Communication 16, no. 1 (February 22, 2020): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519899123.
Full textAbstract:
The majority of current political communication studies focus on discursive dimensions of communications and disregard how communications partake in the governing of populations through economic, material and institutional practices. By focusing on Turkey’s case, here I move beyond this approach and examine the role of communications in the development of neoliberal capital accumulation, authoritarian welfare politics, political repression and the production of popular support. The article provides an empirical analysis of policy developments and plans and the restructuring of ownership and control of networks between 2002 and 2016 in Erdoğan’s Turkey.