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Journal articles on the topic 'Communism and individualism'
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1
De Smaele, Hedwig. "Values Underlying the Information Culture in Communist and Post-Communist Russia (1917−1999)." Media and Communication 3, no. 4 (December 29, 2015): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v3i4.334.
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In this article the concept of information culture—understood as the dominant handling of information, shared by a dominant proportion of journalists, the public, authorities and other actors within a societal environment at a given time and place—is explored in the context of Communist and early post-Communist Russia (1917−1999). Three value pairs underlying the attitude towards information are explored: individualism and collectivism (the relation of man to the state), universalism and particularism (the relation of man to man), and pluralism versus dominance (the nature of knowledge and truth). Continuities are found between the Communist Soviet Union and post-Communist Russia in their instrumental use of media and information (collectivism), the view on information as a particular privilege rather than a universal right and the monopoly of truth. Post-Communism, therefore, appears not only as an indication of time (i.e. the period after Communism) but also as an indicator of the continuation of basic value orientations over these time periods.
2
Davydov, D. A. "Postcapitalism: From Consumer Individualism to Expressive Individualism?" Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S467—S474. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622120036.
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Abstract It is proposed to consider the transition to postcapitalism not as the struggle of the oppressed for a more just and equal society without class antagonisms but as a process of gradual displacement of consumer individualism by expressive individualism. Within the framework of this perspective, postcapitalism is not a fundamentally new socioeconomic system built on the ruins of capitalism but a set of social relations developing with the gradual deactualization of materialistic values for a significant part of the population (material wealth, money, etc.) and the growing importance of postmaterialistic values (self-realization, the search for the true self, etc.). In this sense, many phenomena associated with modern identity politics can be attributed to postcapitalism. Nevertheless, this article criticizes the perception of identity politics as a set of strategies and ways of fighting for equality and justice, presented as an approximation to the ideals of socialism or communism (the so-called overcoming of “systemic oppression”). Today, the struggle for diverse identities testifies to the triumph of individualism, as well as a new round of the “war of all against all” and the destruction of the common lifeworld.
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Enweh, Innocent I. "“The Community and the Individual – Revisiting the Relevance of Afro-Communism”: A Response to MF Asiegbu and AC Ajah." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 10, no. 1 (June 3, 2021): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v10i1.7.
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In a carefully and strongly worded critique, Asiegbu and Ajah have sought to close the dossier on Afro-communalist project by extollings lipsistic individualism which makes the individual an anarchic unit. Using the Okonkwo saga in Achebe’s [Things Fall Apart] to justify this type of individualism Asiegbu and Ajah bypassed, on the social plane, the ethical principle of individualism and Afro- communalism as forms of humanism. According to these critics, Afro-communalism is conformist, counterproductive, ambiguous, unsuccessful and irrelevant, and therefore should be discarded. The objective of this response is to show that an interpretative rehabilitation of Afro-communalism is opportune for elaborating a form of egalitarian society that would be responsive to the exigencies of African social-economic condition in a globalized world. The paper defends the view that while Afro-communalism in its ideological form was partly successful as an instrument for decolonization, its failure to achieve emancipation makes it an incomplete project. In its philosophical outfit, it appears despite its contributions, trapped in a vicious cycle because of the inability of some of its interpreters to provide it with a robust foundation. While as an ideology, it appropriated the economic relation model of scientific socialism, as a philosophy, it has under certain forms, continued to insist on the kinship/tribal relation model. Unfortunately, these two models lack the requisite institutional mechanisms for making Afro-communalism leverage on state or national life. Using descriptive and analytic methods, the paper argues that while Western individualist cultural attitude safeguarded by a contractual social relation model remains an authentic form of humanism, Afrocommunalism in its traditional form needs, if it has to respond adequately to contemporary human experiences, to transit from the kinship/tribal model to amity of ethnic nationalities model.
Keywords: solipsistic individualism, socialism, egalitarianism, anarchy, amity-of-ethic nationalities.
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Şorban, Elena. "Communist ideology and academic education. A case study: World music history as a subject in Romanian universities, 1948-2014." Muzikologija, no. 23 (2017): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1723059s.
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This paper presents music history as a university discipline during Communism and after. Shaping the specific historical context, marked by censorship, the study focuses on the main course books on the subject, from Bucharest, Cluj, and Ia?i, beginning with some Soviet authors and ending with the mature generation of today. The main problems detected are ideological perversion, informational delay and isolation, as well as subjective individualism.
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Czerwiński, Maciej. "Performing Individualism. Two Tendencies Dismantling War Imagery in Croatian and Serbian Historical Novels of the 1960s." SEEU Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 2–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2019-0016.
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AbstractThe article aims at addressing the question of representations of World War Two in Croatian and Serbian literature that were subversive in the sense that they queried the legend not simply by rejecting communism and affirming nationalism, but by emphasizing the uncertainty and sensibility of the human beings, a typical modern reaction to violence and, in general, modernist topoi. In this article I will focus on modernist novelistic representations of the 1960s in which the uncertainty and instability of collective warrants are foregrounded. As a result a subversive meaning is produced which contradicts not only communism and revolution but more generally war as such, including the universal features of war such as confronting loneliness, love as an expression of an individual rather than a collective sense of existence, and the impossibility of a valid representation of past events.
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Kryshka, V. I., and V. I. Belyaev. "REORGANIZING HIGHER ECONOMIC EDUCATION: EMBRACING PERSONALISM AND MOVING BEYOND THE BOLOGNA PROCESS IN METHODOLOGY AND THEORY." Economics Profession Business, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/epb202306.
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The article presents an evaluation of the current state of economic education’s theoretical “core” and proposes a shift towards a personalistic approach in response to the emergence of a multipolar world in politics. Drawing on research supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR), the article identifies four types of reproduction in the market economic system as the “core” of national economic education: goods, people, man, and knowledge. The adoption of a personalistic approach within these types of reproduction can provide a balance between Western individualism and Eastern holism associated with socialism and communism.
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Medeubayev, Erlan. "Political, Interparty and Moral Crisis of the “War Communism” Policy in Kazakhstan 1920-1922." Oriente Moderno 96, no. 1 (August 18, 2016): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340098.
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The article deals with the implementation of the complex of political and socio-economic measures of the Soviet state, called the policy of “war communism” in the cities of the Steppes and Turkestan in 1918-1921. Based on materials gleaned from various sources, the author endeavours to explore the processes of socialization and municipalization of private houses and dwellings, the nationalization of private property, which took place in the cities of the KazASSR and tassr; highlight some of the issues related to the subject policy of “war communism” in the cities of Kazakhstan. Various restrictive decrees and orders of the Soviet power in this period, aimed at limiting commodity-money relations and the prohibition of the right to private property put people into a rigid framework of survival. Approved in the sphere of public life, the ideology of “war communism” inevitably left its mark on the life of the city. This ideology was a special sociocultural phenomenon, strengthening other social psychology and ethics which propagandized the need to destroy the old “bourgeois” culture and create a new “proletarian culture”. “War Communism” as opposed to “bourgeois individualism” principles of the socialist community, broske vital foundations of society. A characteristic feature of this period is the legitimization of violence and its use as a universal remedy of solving all problems. Under the pressure of revolutionary changes the sense of justice in society underwent considerable transformation. The right to inviolability of private property was completely ignored. The ruling regime no longer recognized the existing legal mechanisms, replacing them with the amorphous concept of “revolutionary legality.”
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Polyák, Zsuzsanna, Zoltán András Szabó, and András Németh. "The Political Religion of Communism in Hungarian Children’s Choir Compositions between 1958–1989." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-005.
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Like all cultures, totalitarian regimes develop their own symbols and rituals. As such symbols, music and music making play an important role in expressing values, norms of the community, as well as in providing models for living in it (Geertz, 1973). They are especially valuable tools for educating children. This paper summarizes the result of a pilot study in the lyrics of choral pieces for children, that were distributed along with the state-published methodological journal, Énektanítás [Teaching Singing] and its continuation, Az ének-zene tanítása [Teaching Singing-Music] between 1958–1989. Using political religion (Gentile, 2006) as conceptual framework for content analysis, the study presents: 1) how different characteristics of the communist doctrine appeared in the lyrics of choral pieces and 2) how they changed over time, outlining the life-cycle of the regime itself from militant mass movements to giving place to expressions of individualism and alternative faiths until it would dissolve in the end.
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Lidia, Fedotova. "Alexander Kazantsev vs Alexander Zinovev: Two Intentions in the Views on Soviet Society." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1 (February 27, 2023): 166–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2023-0-1-166-172.
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The analysis of the views and concepts of A. Zinoviev and A. Kazantsev reveals a number of similarities and common points in their opinions on the key issues of civilizational development. Both thinkers researched the problem of the optimal path of political and ideological development for humanity. The key issue they raised was the essence of the social opposition “collectivism – individualism”. A.A. Zinoviev introduced the sociological concepts of the simple communal individual and complex communal individuals, thus comparing the state with the cellular structure of an organism. A similar view of “social cytology” was demonstrated by the science fi ction author A. Kazantsev. Collectivism was the basis of social justice for both of them. One of the key ideas in the books of A. Zinoviev and A. Kazantsev was the clash between West and East. Both thinkers tried to describe a comprehensive project of the future civilization. The futuristic vision of A. Kazantsev was based on the combination of humanism,technology and communism, while A. Zinoviev denied technocracy as an element of an effi cient society, but recognized the role of maintaining communalism and social justice.
10
Phillips, Robert L. "Communitarianism, the Vatican, and the New Global Order." Ethics & International Affairs 5 (March 1991): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1991.tb00235.x.
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Pope John Paul's great vision of communitarianism and a New Global Order has yet to receive the recognition it deserves in furthering the understanding that humanity is built on religious values, without which transformations in totalitarian regimes would have been impossible. The essence of communitarianism, as put forth by the Vatican, consists of seeking middle ground between Marxist collectivism and rigid individualism and capitalism. Phillips traces the history of communitarianism through Aristotelian and Judeo-Christian writings, clarifying the proper function of the community in helping individuals help themselves by mobilizing church resources and countering anti-religious movements such as Nazism and communism. Communitarianism presents an encouraging universal notion of freedom, transcending the one-sided stances of Marxism and libertarian capitalism and promoting the vision of a unified human destiny.
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Barry, Norman. "SOME FEASIBLE ALTERNATIVES TO CONVENTIONAL CAPITALISM." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 178–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201084.
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The collapse of Communism and the retreat from, in theory as well as practice, even moderate forms of collectivism have left even the non-Marxist forms of socialism in disarray. While it is true that forms of collectivism have remarketed themselves under meretricious, insubstantial doctrinal headings such as the “Third Way,” an unstable amalgam of capitalism, communitarianism, and welfarism, there has been little original work on how an economy and society might organize itself so as to have neither the superficially objectionable features of modern capitalism nor the economically untenable and morally odious properties of full-blooded socialism. The former might include vast inequality in resource ownership, the unequal political power such inequality might generate, the increasing alienation produced by the soulless possessive individualism that is allegedly engulfing the world, and a myriad of other complaints that are regularly leveled at capitalism.
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Deets, Stephen. "Reimagining the Boundaries of the Nation: Politics and the Development of Ideas on Minority Rights." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 3 (August 2006): 419–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406290305.
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The collapse of communism reshaped European debates on minority rights. By the 1980s, the different institutionalizations of turn-of-the-century perspectives created an ideational divide between East and West. Since 1989, Western norms have not simply transferred East, as intellectuals and politicians in the region challenged and reinterpreted the norms in novel ways. Fifteen years later, European minority norms are elaborated in much greater detail than ever before, but consensus on core issues remains elusive. The article first explores the roots of this ideational divide and how recent trafficking of ideas between East and West Europeans has caused both to reexamine their core assumptions on the rights of minority communities, particularly with regards to individualism, collective autonomy, and justice. The second part examines how these controversies over norm interpretation appear in minority policy debates in Eastern Europe, including minority autonomy, education, and the Hungarian Status Law.
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Loizides, Neophytos G. "Religious Nationalism and Adaptation in Southeast Europe." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 2 (March 2009): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902745742.
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Relating nationalism to other ideologies or cultural value systems is an enigmatic scholarly activity. The enigma lies in the kaleidoscopic nature of nationalism and the ease with which it adapts to philosophically opposed ideologies. Nationalism, for instance, often assumes ties to liberalism, even though it presupposes a strong commitment to a national community that transcends individualism. It accommodates conservatism fairly well despite nationalism's modernizing mission, and it has often been paired with communism, regardless of the latter's internationalist rhetoric. Finally, nationalism and religion often go hand in hand, despite their deep philosophical incompatibilities and asymmetries. For example, nationalist ideologies often encourage violence against outgroup members even where religious doctrines strictly prohibit physical force. Inherently local, philosophically poor, and limited in scope or outreach, nationalism lacks a belief in afterlife salvation or in creative intelligence as source of meaning behind the universe. Yet it frequently dominates identity construction, overshadowing the primacy of Christianity or Islam which are universal in their message of salvation.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
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Mahadika, Alam. "Hermeneutika Komunisme Primitif." Aksiologi : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Ilmu Sosial 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47134/aksiologi.v2i2.73.
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This study aims to describe a more conceptual understanding of the Hermeneutics of Primitive Communism, using qualitative research with a socio-historical approach that analyzes the condition of language data and behavior in situations that consider the social and cultural context. In special needs, the survey results are obtained, for example, analyzing the results of the theories of primitive communal theory until the discovery of the primitive communist epistemology. The findings of this socio-historical research are that the explanation of Primitive Communism Hermeneutics has three first stages, primitive communalism or primitive communism called primitive society, the basic needs of life that depend on nature, primitive communism is in people who live by hunting with simple forms of agriculture, or herding animals. , the state of private property has not arisen, and there is not even a class division. People live in harmony and equality. Even as primitive communism, the means of production are collectively owned, and other types of property are distributed equally among the members of the tribe. After that, the birth of Pre-Marxism, namely after the life of primitive society, with the emergence of the classical period rejecting metaphysics and visible psychology of collective and individualist society. The last is the development of Karl Marx's ideas which wants a communist society through resistance by the feudal society and capitalism using a system of socialism.
17
Zahrawi, Samar. "Democratizing the Dramatic Text: Wannous’s Late Aesthetics and Individual Freedom." Arab World English Journal For Translation and Literary Studies 5, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awejtls/vol5no1.1.
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Sadallah Wannous (1941-1997), the Arab World’s most celebrated dramatist, gave up on the didactic art of the ‘theater of politicization’, in the middle of his career, in favor of a freer introspection of human psyche and passions. He spent his most prolific late years searching for new aesthetics and promoting a culture of free thinking. Abandoning his prior commitment to achieving the modern state, Arabic unity, the liberation of Palestine and the triumph of communism, he started creating individuals who are caught up in conflicting passions, loyalties and choices. However, his new themes will still betray a will to reform the many ailments in Arabic culture and politics, such as politico-religious coalitions and colonialism. This article will study the artistic and ideological transformation in Wannous’s later drama. It will also explore the later pro-democracy trends through analyzing the emerging individualism in characterization and the plurality of discourses in the plays of the later period 1989-1997, namely The Rape (1989), Historical Miniatures (1993), Miserable Dreams (1994), Rituals of Signs and Transformations (1994), and Drunken Days (1997).
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Muzyka, Iryna. "State activity and legal credo of Mykola Skrypnyk." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 32 (2021): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2021-32-131-142.
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Peculiarities of M. Skrypnyk's theoretical and ideological substantiation of national, judicial and criminal-legal policy in his concept of state-legal development of Soviet Ukraine are investigated. Coverage of the peculiarities of the ideological platform and legal credo of M. Skrypnik in the aspect of the anthropology of law is important for characterizing his state activity as one of the main theorists of the concept of «Ukrainian path to communism». From the point of view of anthropology, convincing explanations of M. Skrypnyk's various positions and steps in the sphere of state and party policy should be sought in his ideological and psychological sphere. At the same time, in our opinion, maneuvering in the ideological substantiation of M. Skrypnyk's practical activity is explained by his utilitarian attitude to ideology as an effective propaganda means of achieving goals in state-building. In our opinion, M. Skrypnyk considered the ultimate goal of the process of socialist construction not to be the development of a "communist oasis of the Ukrainian model," but the creation of a workers 'and peasants' statehood as a single labor society based on internationalism and communist ownership. M. Skrypnyk saw the national liberation and development of the culture of amateur broad masses of workers and peasants in the process of national development, which he considered a stage in the process of socialist construction, as a transitional stage on the way to this goal. An important argument in the search for explanations of the theoretical foundations and ways of practical implementation of state and national policy of M. Skrypnyk is his vision of the nature and objectives of judicial and criminal policy. M. Skrypnyk emphasized that Soviet criminal law has a public, social, anti-individualistic character, as opposed to bourgeois criminal law, built on the principles of individualism inherent in bourgeois society. On the way to achieving this goal in the mind of M. Skrypnyk, in line with the then understanding of state and legal phenomena and processes, there was a transfer of priorities from the rights and interests of the individual to the collective interests - declaratively to the interests of the proletariat. Man was not seen by him as the highest value and "measure of all things." Priority was given to other values: the "world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat," the elimination of the class division of society, and the defense and construction of the socialist state. According to the content of the concept of state and legal development of the USSR, M. Skrypnyk can really be considered one of the main theorists of the "Ukrainian path to socialism." However, the very concept of the future socialist state, set out in its creative heritage, does not seem to be a theory of Ukrainian national communism, as characterized by some researchers, and awaits a deeper study by historians of law.
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O’Neill, John. "Need, Humiliation and Independence." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 57 (December 2005): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246105057048.
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The needs principle—that certain goods should be distributed according to need—has been central to much socialist and egalitarian thought. It is the principle which Marx famously takes to be that which is to govern the distribution of goods in the higher phase of communism. The principle is one that Marx himself took from the Blanquists. It had wider currency in the radical traditions of the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century it remained central to the mutualist form of socialism defended by Tawney and Titmuss. The principle underlay the development and justification of the modern welfare state—thus the National Health Service is still founded upon the idea that the distribution of medical resources should be determined by medical need, not by ability to pay. One source of the power of the needs principle lies in the fact that it appears to be both a principle of justice and a principle of community or social solidarity. As a principle of justice it is offered as a corrective to the particular forms of unequal distributions of goods that can result from market transactions, and as a principle of community or social solidarity as a corrective to the possessive individualism taken to be the corollary of a market order.
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Szczepan-Wojnarska, Anna. "The meaning of freedom during the Cold War in the light of Andrzej Bobkowski’s Guatemalan prose." Ars & Humanitas 15, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.15.2.31-47.
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The Polish writer Andrzej Bobkowski (1913-1961), who defined himself as “the hooligan of freedom”, achieved posthumous fame and recognition from Polish readers, however, in Guatemala, his adopted home, he is known mainly as “Querido Bob” who founded the “Guatemala Hobby Shop”. Bobkowski chose Guatemala as his home to defend his own sense of individualism and dignity which had been shaken by his disillusionment with Europe in the face of both Nazism and communism. From Bobkowski’s perspective, his escape from Europe in general, and from the Polish Second Republic in particular was a way to remain free from the ossified pseudo-values of the old continent, which had failed the test of the Second World War. Bobkowski, especially in his essays “Na tyłach” [“Behind the front”] (1949) and “Pytania dzikich ludzi” [“Savages’ questions”] (1951), contrasted Europe with Guatemala or indeed with all of Central America. Andrzej Bobkowski described his life in Guatemala, providing also a rich commentary about the world in the 1950s, particularly in “Notatnik modelarza” [“From a Diary of a Model Maker”] and in his letters to his mother. This paper aims to reconstruct and discuss how Querido Bob as a European understood the meaning of freedom and how he confronted his inherited paradigm of ideas with the reality of Guatemala and its society, which was facing its own challenges.
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Lodder, Christina. "Ivan Puni and the Flight of Forms." Experiment 23, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211730x-12341304.
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Abstract In February 1921, Ivan Puni organized an exhibition at the Galerie Der Sturm in Berlin. Orchestrating small-scale individual works with letters and numbers (cut from paper as if they were separate visual components in a painting), he used the wall as an enormous canvas in order to create a large pictorial composition, transforming the entire space into an avant-garde Gesamtkunstwerk. This paper examines this installation in terms of pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary artistic theory and practice, including zaum, alogism, suprematism, Kazimir Malevich’s display at the Last Futurist Exhibition of Painting 0.10 (Zero-Ten), suprematist decorations for the revolutionary festivals, and Puni’s work in running the agit-prop department at the Vitebsk Art School in 1919. Above all, this essay will argue that the synthesis of the arts that Puni created in Berlin in 1921 was particularly indebted to his experience of the way in which the revolutionary decorations had created totally new, potentially socialist environments. Yet while assimilating and to some extent replicating this experience, Puni’s 1921 display could also be seen as a protest against communism—acting as a powerful declaration of individualism against the collective, as well as an emphatic statement concerning the importance of art, the enduring value of aesthetic values, and the crucial necessity of maintaining the freedom of art, and its independence from all external pressures.
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Orekhovskaya, Natalia A. "Soviet and Post-Soviet Models of Generational Spiritual Experience." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 7 (July 24, 2024): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2024.7.3.
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Modern Russia is currently undergoing a turbulent period of reforms affecting its political, economic, and social aspects of public administration. Amidst these transformations, the issue of spiritual education among youth assumes critical importance to ensure that shifts in ideological priorities – from socialism/communism to capi-talism and market relations – do not disorient younger generations within the national value system. Neverthe-less, a perceptible gap persists between the perspectives of youth adapting to these new conditions and older generations acquainted with socialist paradigms. This article undertakes a comparative examination of Soviet-era and post-Soviet models of generational spiritual experience. Methodologically, the study employs analysis and synthesis, deduction and induction, idealization, formalization, abstraction, empirical generalization, and comparative approaches. A socio-philosophical framework guides the axiological and ontological aspects of analysis. The research reveals substantial disparities between modern spiritual values and those prevalent during the USSR. Notably, modern values increasingly emphasize consumerism, individualism, and moral relativism, diverging significantly from the collectivist and ideologically driven ethos of the Soviet era. This shift raises concerns about its implications for national security within the Russian state. In conclusion, the ongoing promotion of consumerist values and individualistic ethics poses a profound risk to Russia’s national cohesion and stability. Addressing these challenges necessitates a nuanced approach to spiritual education that recon-ciles historical legacies with modern realities, ensuring continuity and coherence in the national value system.
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Wójcik, Maciej. "Fuzja anarchizmu z ekologią – główne nurty zielonego anarchizmu, założenia oraz ich geneza." Studia Polityczne 49, no. 4 (March 16, 2022): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2021.49.4.05.
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This article describes the ideological outline of a broad doctrine called green anarchism. Green anarchism is one of the branches of anarchist thought, which has gained popularity in modern times, as evidenced by numerous Polish and foreign scientific and popular publications concerning the history of ecological anarchism and the emergence of radical ecological circles that share some of the values which form the basis of the classical anarchist schools (anarcho-communism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-individualism and anarcho-syndicalism). Ecological anarchism is a collection of many minor doctrines, philosophies and lifestyles referring to the fight against capitalism, which destroys the natural environment, the apotheosis of freedom, and the promotion of specific diets (fruitarianism, veganism, vegetarianism). The ideas of the co-founders of the green anarchist school are sometimes hostile to related factions and other doctrines (conservatism, nationalism, fascism). The article discusses the ideological profile of the three most popular and well-developed trends in ecological anarchism: anarcho-veganism, anarcho-primitivism and anarcho-naturism. Additionally, it presents excerpts of the works and views of the precursors of this rich political thought (such as Peter Kropotkin, Leo Tolstoy and Henry David Thoreau), the sources of which can be found in the 18th century. The aim of this article is to show that green anarchism is a political thought which has a rich history and is constantly being developed on many continents. It is a critique of contemporary phenomena, such as globalisation, urbanisation, industrialisation, and the destruction of nature resulting from the activities of corporations associated with certain industries.
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Arif Pribadi, Dian Topan. "RELIGIOUS SOCIALISM: THE CROSS-POLLINATION OF ISLAMIC SPIRITUALITY AND WESTERN SOCIALISM IN "LIBERATION THEOLOGY" OF DR. ALI SHARI'ATI'S THOUGHT." Al-Risalah 14, no. 1 (January 26, 2023): 194–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.34005/alrisalah.v14i1.2432.
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At the beginning of the XIX century, the world's people entered a new phase of life. But this era gave birth to a more complex and "expensive" social face. The industry is a main form that inundates the community's yard. The spirit of individualism creates a quasi-binary opposition. Strong-weak, rich-poor. One by one, various ideologies emerged as the antithesis of Capitalism, from socialism-communism to democratic socialism. Then came the new idea of the renaissance of religious socialism. Religious socialism has been born since the prophets were sent as caliphs on earth. Learning from the history of the struggle of the saints who sought to liberate the oppressed, religious socialism tries to pave the way for an alternative solution, the fourth path. Ali Shari'ati first used this paradigm when he strongly criticized the two great ideological empires, socialism and capitalism. According to Shari'ati, socialism in Islam can be functionalized into a central view of life philosophy of bringing people to make social changes. In terms of international politics, Ali Shari'ati's Religious Socialism was more closely associated with the political constructs that were taking place in Iran at the time. By using a qualitative approach and making his scattered works and thoughts and expert analysis related to his thoughts the sources in this article.
Di awal abad ke-19, masyarakat dunia memasuki babak baru kehidupan. Namun era ini melahirkan wajah sosial yang lebih kompleks dan “mahal”. Industri merupakan bentuk utama yang menggenangi pekarangan masyarakat. Semangat individualisme menciptakan kuasi-biner oposisi. Kuat-lemah, kaya-miskin. Satu persatu berbagai ideologi muncul sebagai antitesis Kapitalisme, mulai dari sosialisme-komunisme hingga sosialisme demokratik. Kemudian muncul ide baru tentang renaisans sosialisme religius. Sosialisme keagamaan telah lahir sejak para nabi diutus sebagai khalifah di muka bumi. Belajar dari sejarah perjuangan para wali yang berusaha membebaskan kaum tertindas, sosialisme religius mencoba membuka jalan bagi solusi alternatif, jalan keempat. Ali Syari'ati pertama kali menggunakan paradigma ini ketika mengkritik keras dua imperium ideologi besar, sosialisme dan kapitalisme. Menurut Syari'ati, sosialisme dalam Islam dapat difungsikan menjadi pandangan sentral falsafah hidup yang membawa manusia melakukan perubahan sosial. Dalam politik internasional, Sosialisme Keagamaan Ali Syari'ati lebih erat kaitannya dengan konstruksi politik yang sedang berlangsung di Iran saat itu. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan menjadikan karaya-karaya serta pemikirannya yang tersebar dan Analisa para ahli terkait pemikirannya menjadi sumber dalam artikel ini.
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Malinkin, A. N. "The Concept of “Prophetic” Socialism by Max Scheler." Discourse 7, no. 5 (November 17, 2021): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2021-7-5-5-44.
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The article analyzes the conceptual foundations of “prophetic” socialism by Max Scheler (1874–1928). The main principles of a new political and ideological doctrine at that time, designed to become, according to the plan of its creator, an “antidote” to Marxism, are considered. The author analyzes Scheler's argumentation, directed, on the one hand, against socialism in the Marxist interpretation, and on the other, at proving the legitimacy of using the terms “Christian socialism” and “Christian prophetic socialism”. Scheler opposes socialism, first of all, to individualism, which he interprets in social and moral-philosophical senses, and only secondarily to liberalism and capitalism. Socialism and individualism, which now appear as antagonistic tendencies of sociocultural development, are for him two equally necessary and interrelated essential principles of the social being of a person, understood as a spiritual-bodily social being. Individualistic tendencies, according to Scheler, prevailed over socialist tendencies in the West in modern times, therefore socialism in its Marxist interpretation turned out to be so in demand in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. But the destruction of private property is contrary to Christianity. “Forced communism” does not bring with it heaven on earth, but catastrophe and cultural degradation, he foreshadows. Based on the teachings of the Church Fathers and starting from the Catholic social doctrine, Scheler offers his vision of an ideal society in the form of a “personal community” (Personengemeinschaft), corresponding to the true destiny of a person. In it, the individual and social principles are in harmony and interdependent development. Scheler opposes the “prophetic” method of comprehending socio-historical reality, applied proceeding from the Christian solidarism ideal, to the materialistic understanding of history. He points to three advantages of his methodology: it takes into account human freedom, the uniqueness of a historical event, combines all types and methods of human cognition, without absolutizing the scientific form of knowledge. The author reveals the deep content of Scheler's definition of Marxism as “the protest ideology of oppressed classes”, drawing on the analysis of the “sociological doctrine of idols” of the late Scheler. In it, he reveals the pre-reflexive prerequisites for the formation of class ideologies. The author points to the essential kinship of the class prejudices about which the German philosopher wrote, and the national-mental prejudices of the political elites of the leading Western countries. In conclusion, he raises the question of how relevant the problems raised in Scheler's article are today in the context of modern Russian realities.
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Adhikari, Kanshi Prasad. "Nepali Communist and Their Internalized Cultural Values." Academia Research Journal 2, no. 1 (February 13, 2023): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/academia.v2i1.52348.
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The communist political leadership in Nepal is the subject of this article, which focuses on their ideology and practices. Despite the fact that they identify as communists and support ideal political systems that feature equality, freedom, citizenry, the rule of the working class, and universal human rights, their internalized cultural values are centered on the hegemonic domination of one cultural group, gender, kinship, religion, area, and also serve the interests of power and wealth. The main features of communist political leadership are factionalism, opportunism, anarchy, individualism, petty bourgeoisie egoism, ultra leftism, double roles like right and leftist, reactionary and revisionist, as well as double roles like right and left. They declared themselves to be radical anarchist individualists who supported the monarchy in addition to adhering to Marxist, Leninist, and Maoist ideologies. The paper's foundation for this is scientific work in the areas of anthropology, sociology, political science, history, and other subjects by authors from Nepal and abroad. This study's major objective is to close the gap between communist leadership theory and practice in Nepal. Which of their internalized traditional cultural ideas have an impact on their leadership responsibilities? In order to analyze social scientists who are based on the communist leadership of Nepal and other nations, the paper uses empirical research with a primary focus on the study.
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Perovšek, Jurij. "Russian Refugees and Posthumous Evaluation of Lenin in Slovenian Politics." Monitor ISH 18, no. 1 (November 3, 2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.18.1.7-31(2016).
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Throughout the Slovenian political arena, Lenin was seen as an extraordinary world-historical figure. This was emphasised most frequently on the occasion of his death (21 January 1924), which prompted the most comprehensive Slovenian statements about the leader of the Russian Bolshevik revolution. Lenin’s revolutionary work was analysed by all three Slovenian political camps: Catholic, Liberal, and Marxist. The revolutionary part of the Marxist camp welcomed it, while its non-revolutionary part perceived Lenin as an embodiment of schism and hatred, a man of great deeds and terrifying destruction, standing outside all accepted moral laws. The opinion of the Liberals was similar: for them, Lenin represented a world born from revolution, fatally threatening the existing balance of social and political power. The Catholic camp, on the other hand, harboured for him a peculiar admiration. To be sure, he was seen as a dictator, a demonic genius ethically inclining towards a social justice which was based on the denial of individualism and on a ruthless, atheist, ‘Genghis Khan-like’, bloody Marxist revolution. However, he was also perceived as a man of action and energy, unmatched by either Peter the Great or Napoleon, and counted among the greatest Slavic personages. This was taking place at a time when the Slovenian political Catholicism still credited communism with an ability to provide certain social and economic solutions for other social movements as well.
The Slovenian politics of the mid-1920s emphasised both the extraordinary nature of the Lenin phenomenon and his radical revolutionary acts, which sprang from a monumental political ability and relentless pursuit of the envisioned goal. This emphasis was accompanied by an understanding of the historical forces underlying the past events. The developments in Russia were accepted as facts, and this was what the Russian refugees had to come to terms with as they looked for a new home on the western edge of the Slavic world.
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Polyakov, L. V. "Social Tradition: Theoretical Problems and Practical Implementation." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-2-104-127.
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The article examines the historical, logico-conceptual and politico-pragmatic content of an ideological trend, such as “social traditionalism”. The idea of combining socialism with the core tradition of Orthodoxy can be traced back in our history to the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In Konstantin Leontiev’s statements, in particular. Later on, it appeared among the members of the “Christian Brotherhood of Struggle”: Valentin Sventsitsky, Vladimir Ern, and the Priest Pavel Florensky. Nikolai Berdyaev upgraded this idea to its logical fi nish, by describing the phenomenon of “Russian communism” as the metamorphosis of Russian religiosity: they created the Third Rome, but got the Third International instead. Alexander Shchipkov’s thesis, according to which the traditional ideological paradigm of modernity (“liberalism — conservatism — socialism”) is undergoing the reformatting stage and is being replaced by the “nationalism — socialism — traditionalism” paradigm, implies that “liberalism” is being driven out by “nationalism” as its alternative. However, in the fi eld of international relations, “nationalism” can be interpreted as a projection of liberal individualism justifying the right of a national state to freedom, that is, sovereignty. Against the background of evaluating the outcome of the Cold War, the USSR breakup can be understood as the victory of liberalism over socialism. Today, China embodies the idea of socialism, while the liberal West faces inner culture wars: liberalism is being attacked by supporters of multiculturalism and the “cancel culture”. In the course of evaluating the prospects of “social traditionalism” as a Russian state ideology, one should take into account that both the United Russia party and President Vladimir Putin defi ne their ideological position as “conservatism”. At the same time, the latest edition defi nes presidential conservatism as a political management technology. In this regard, the defi nition of traditionalism as a “set of methods” and “procedures for ethicization” proposed by Alexander Shchipkov can also be considered technological rather than ideological. But in this case, a contradiction emerges: social traditionalism claims to replace conservatism precisely as an ideology, striving to synthesize socialism and Christianity. Socialism becomes the result of an arbitrary choice procedure, while Christianity remains a tradition, but not in the sense of the basic defi nition of traditionalism.
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Archard, David. "The Marxist Ethic of Self-realization: Individuality and Community." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 22 (September 1987): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100003647.
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If, for Marx and Marxists, communism would be the most ideal of human societies, this is because it would make possible the maximum use of human and natural resources to the equal benefit of all. This means that, under communism, human beings would ‘realize themselves’. In direct and pointed contrast to capitalism wherein all individuals lead alienated, stunted, and fragmented lives, communism for Marx would provide the preconditions for a flowering, a full and final development of all human potentialities.
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Archard, David. "The Marxist Ethic of Self-realization: Individuality and Community." Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 22 (September 1987): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00003643.
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If, for Marx and Marxists, communism would be the most ideal of human societies, this is because it would make possible the maximum use of human and natural resources to the equal benefit of all. This means that, under communism, human beings would ‘realize themselves’. In direct and pointed contrast to capitalism wherein all individuals lead alienated, stunted, and fragmented lives, communism for Marx would provide the preconditions for a flowering, a full and final development of all human potentialities.
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Dascălu, Dan Ioan. "Individualism and Morality in the Post-communist Capitalism." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 149 (September 2014): 280–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.08.230.
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Rogers, Melvin L., and Jack Turner. "Black Individualism, Black Communalism, and Conceptual Adequacy." American Political Thought 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/728232.
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Kool, Anne-Marie. "Trends and Challenges in Mission and Missiology in "Post-Communist" Europe." Mission Studies 25, no. 1 (2008): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338308x293882.
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AbstractFollowing the 'changes' of 1989, the churches in "Post-Communist" Europe are in search of a new identity. Some find it in their ethnicity, others in their religious background, their denomination, or in a combination of these factors. They often consider themselves as the 'guardians of national unity'. A gradual shift towards partnership and cooperation can be observed as the different Christian communities seek to overcome the "heritage" of distrust and division left by Communist government policy. A third trend encompasses two conflicting and paradoxical tendencies characteristic of Central and Eastern Europe: collectivism and individualism. It is the most significant challenge in mission work to be sensitive to "leveling" tendencies on the one hand and the strong individualistic ones on the other, and to constructively relating to both. A la suite des « changements » intervenus en 1989, les Église de l'Europe « postcommuniste » sont en quête d'une nouvelle identité. Certaines la trouvent dans leur identité ethnique, d'autres dans leur tradition religieuse, leur dénomination ou un mélange de ces facteurs. Elles se considèrent souvent comme les « gardiennes de l'unité nationale ». On observe un intérêt progressif pour le partenariat et la coopération entre les différentes communautés chrétiennes qui cherchent à dépasser « l'héritage » de méfiance et de division laissé par la politique des gouvernements communistes. Un troisième mouvement concerne deux tendances conflictuelles et paradoxales caractéristiques de l'Europe centrale et orientale : le collectivisme et l'individualisme. Le défi le plus important pour l'activité missionnaire est d'être en même temps sensible aux tendances de « nivellement » d'un côté et, de l'autre, aux fortes poussées d'individualisme . . . et de se relier aux deux de façon constructive. Nach den ,,Veränderungen" 1989 suchen die Kirchen im ,,postkommunistischen" Europa eine neue Identität. Manche finden sie in ihrer Volkszugehörigkeit, andere in ihrem religiösen Hintergrund, ihrer Denomination oder in einer Kombination dieser Faktoren. Oft halten sie sich für ,,Wächter der nationalen Einheit". Ein langsames Einschwenken zu Partnerschaft und Zusammenarbeit macht sich bemerkbar, wo die verschiedenen christlichen Gemeinschaften versuchen, das ,,Erbe" von Misstrauen und Spaltung zu überwinden, das von der kommunistischen Regierungspolitik hinterlassen wurde. Eine dritte Strömung umfasst zwei gegensätzliche und paradoxe Tendenzen, die Zentral- und Osteuropa charakterisieren: Der Kollektivismus und der Individualismus. Die größte Herausforderung der Missionsarbeit besteht darin, auf ,,einebnende" Tendenzen einerseits und stark individualistische andererseits aufmerksam zu sein und sich mit beiden in kreativ in Beziehung zu setzen. Después de los "cambios" de 1989, las iglesias de Europa "pos-comunista" siguen buscando una nueva identidad. Algunas la encuentran en su etnicidad, otras en su trasfondo religioso, su denominación o en una combinación de todos estos factores. Muchas veces ellas se consideran como "guardianas de la unidad nacional". Se puede observar una tendencia gradual a ser partners (compañeras) y hacia la cooperación cuando las diferentes comunidades cristianas buscan superar su "herencia" de desconfianza y división dejada por la política gubernamental comunista. Una tercera tendencia engloba dos inclinaciones conflictivas y paradójicas que son características de Europa central y oriental: el colectivismo y el individualismo. El desafío más importante para la misión es este: trabajar para ser sensible a tendencias que "nivelan" todo, por un lado, y las tendencias muy individualistas, por otro lado, y para relacionarlas de manera constructiva.
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Ip, Hung-Yok. "Politics and Individuality in Communist Revolutionary Culture." Modern China 23, no. 1 (January 1997): 33–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009770049702300102.
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Jarosz, Dariusz. "Citizens of Communist Poland as ‘Small Individualists’." Acta Poloniae Historica 105 (January 1, 2012): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/aph.2012.105.07.
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Asiegbu, Martin F., and Anthony Chinaemerem Ajah. "The Community and the Individual: Revisiting the Relevance of Afro- Communalism." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 9, no. 1 (June 21, 2020): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v9i1.3.
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Afro-communalism has been largely conceptualized as a system in which individuals attain meaningfulness from the point of view of the community. We assess the implications of Afro-communalism on the individual’s rights. With particular focus on the transformative values of non-conformist features of individualism, this paper shows how Afro-communalism’s emphasis on the community is counter-productive. Our approach goes beyond the argument that Afro-communalism stifles the autonomy of the individual. Instead, we demonstrate how the community’s conformist expectations from the individual within the Afro-communalist system, sets the community against the individual and against itself. We draw the conclusion that Afro-communalism as a project is no longer relevant and needs to end. We do this by showing how most of the (re)interpretations of Afro-communalism are attempts to sustain a reductive contrast between the West and Africa. We also show how that contrast exaggerates the idea of community in Africa, to the detriment of a balance between the individual’s right and her duties to the community.
Keywords: Afro-communalism, individualism, non-conformist expectations, community, individual autonomy, Africa.
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Barni, Daniela, Alessio Vieno, and Michele Roccato. "Living in A Non–Communist versus in A Post–Communist European Country Moderates the Relation between Conservative Values and Political Orientation: A Multilevel Study." European Journal of Personality 30, no. 1 (January 2016): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2043.
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We performed a multilevel, multinational analysis using the 2012 European Social Survey dataset (N = 41 080, nested in 20 countries) to study how living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country moderates the link between individual conservative values (drawn on Schwartz's theory of basic human values) and political orientation (assessed as self–placement on the left–right axis and attitude towards economic redistribution). The results supported the moderating role of living in a non–communist versus in a post–communist country in the case both of political self–placement and of attitude towards economic redistribution, even controlling for the countries’ degree of individualism, power distance and democracy. Specifically, conservative values were positively related to a rightist political self–placement among participants living in countries without a communist past, and to a favourable attitude towards economic redistribution in countries with a communist past. The limitations, implications and future directions of this study are discussed. Copyright © 2016 European Association of Personality Psychology
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Ashley, David. "Marx and the Category of Individuality' in Communist Society." Symbolic Interaction 8, no. 1 (May 1985): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/si.1985.8.1.63.
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Smirnova, Anastasia. "Aligning language to ideology." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 2 (August 20, 2015): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.2.02smi.
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This paper compares and analyzes mass media language in Bulgaria before and after the breakdown of the communist regime with the goal to reveal the effect of political setting, communist vs. democratic, on the form of public discourse in the media. The comparison reveals statistically significant differences in the types of grammatical constructions used in the communist and democratic media (active vs. passive), as well as differences in grammatical properties of nouns (animacy, concreteness, and properness) and verbs (tense and evidentiality). I propose that the observed differences are best explained within a sociocognitive model of context proposed by van Dijk (2008). From this perspective, linguistic characteristics of the democratic and communist discourse examined in the paper reflect speakers’ shared beliefs about the system of social meanings and fundamental principles of their respective societies, such as humanism vs. institutionalism, individualism vs. collectivism, and the differences in the perception of time.
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Táíwò, Olúfẹ́mi. "Against African Communalism." Journal of French and Francophone Philosophy 24, no. 1 (October 12, 2016): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jffp.2016.759.
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Communalism and its cognates continue to exercise a vise grip on the African intellectual imaginary. Whether the discussion is in ethics or social philosophy, in metaphysics or even, on occasion, epistemology, the play of communalism, a concept expounded in the next section, is so strong that it is difficult to escape its ubiquity. In spite of this, there is little serious analysis of the concept and its implications in the contemporary context. Yet, at no other time than now can a long-suffering continent use some robust debates on its multiple inheritances regarding how to organize life and thought in order to deliver a better future for its population. Given the continual resort to communalism as, among others, the standard of ethical behavior, the blueprint for restoring Africans to wholeness and organizing our social life, as well as a template for political reorganization across the continent, one cannot overemphasize the importance of contributing some illumination to the discourse surrounding the idea. This essay seeks to offer a little illumination in this respect. Additionally, it offers a criticism of what all—proponents and antagonists alike—take to be a defensible version of communalism: moderate communalism. I shall be arguing that communalism, generally, has a problem with the individual. And the African variant of it, mostly subscribed to by the African scholars discussed below and defended by them as something either peculiar to or special in Africa, has an even harder time accommodating the individual. Yet, as history shows, until the modern age in which individualism is the principle of social ordering and mode of social living, a situation that privileges the individual, above all, various forms of communalism never really accorded the individual the recognition and forbearances that we now commonly associate with the idea. The strongest variants of moderate communalism discussed here have a difficult time taking the individual seriously. I am not aware of anyone else ever having made such a case. These arguments are offered to show that (1) Africa and Africans need to take individualism seriously and (2) such have been the historical transformation that our diverse societies have undergone in the course of the last half a millennium that the types of communalism that are on offer do not appear to take this fact of radical change with the necessary urgency.
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Bankart, C. Peter, and Mark A. Vincent. "Beyond Individualism and Isolation: A Study of Communion in Adolescent Males." Journal of Social Psychology 128, no. 5 (October 1988): 675–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1988.9922921.
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Bielasiak, Jack. "The paradox of Solidarity's legacy: contested values in Poland's transitional politics." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394482.
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Poland's post-communist development is often depicted as a contrast between a unified, engaged society of pre-1989 and a passive, divisive society of post-1989. What explains the displacement of political solidarity with a fragmented political scene? A factor specific to Poland is rooted in the struggle of Solidarity against communist power. The consequences are subsequent attempts to appropriate the values of Solidarność as political capital by competing political voices, leading to contestation about the nature of the country. This normative discourse was evident first in the post-communist divide, between forces stemming from the former communist regime and those affiliated with the opposition. More recently, the saliency of the post-communist division has receded, and a new contested discourse has surfaced among voices coming out of the Solidarity tradition. This rhetoric seeks to define a contrast between a “Solidaristic Poland” dedicated to traditional and Christian values affirming notions of exclusivity and superiority, and a “liberal Poland” dedicated to market and pluralist principles based on competition and individualism. In both political divides, the legacy of Solidarity provides useful political capital to advance distinctive visions of Poland.
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Brodowsky, Glen H., Emily Tarr, Foo Nin Ho, and Don Sciglimpaglia. "Tolerance for Cheating From the Classroom to the Boardroom: A Study of Underlying Personal and Cultural Drivers." Journal of Marketing Education 42, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0273475319878810.
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Professors face increasingly diverse student bodies that exhibit divergent understandings and motivations to engage in academic dishonesty. Research suggests that collectivism/individualism is the cultural dimension underlying such differences. This study measures this dimension at the individual level using two constructs—agency-communion and self-construal—and their relationships to tolerance for academic cheating and unethical corporate behavior. Analyses show a positive relationship between tolerance for academic cheating and for unethical corporate behavior. Both measures of collectivism (interdependent self-construal and communion) exhibit positive relationships to tolerance for unethical business behavior, while interdependence is also positively related to tolerance for academic cheating.
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Spasenko, Natalia. "Metamorphoses of individualism in Modern political philosophy." Sententiae 1, no. 1 (June 26, 2000): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent01.01.192.
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The author, following Niklas Luhmann, interprets the opposition "individual-society" as one of the pillars to which the ideological content of modern society is anchored. The same can be said about political philosophy: no matter how we understand the term "society" (in terms of collectivism, communalism, or holism), individualism is always understood as something ontologically rooted, as a constitutive factor of political space. Despite the resistance of influential opponents, methodological individualism has not become either a historical relic or a synonym for professional incompetence. Attempts to overcome this resistance led to the realization of a speculative tendency – self-description, which, according to Luhmann, inevitably constitutes itself as an ideology. However, individualism in the Modernity did not manifest itself as a strategy of a particular "-ology", but as a practical, non-contemplative strategy of political philosophy. The author agrees with Peter Koslowski that the question of the nature of the opposition "individual-society" can be answered only hypothetically. After all, this duality appears as: (1) a product of the historical process of individuation; (2) the result of the development of social production, the transition to private property; (3) an initial property of conditio humana. In contrast to other epochs, Modernity was the only one to propose to exclude the will to the common from individual motivations, to monistically present the individual concept of the good as a desire for personal gain.
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Udnes, Øystein. "On the Formation of a Pentecostal Ecclesial Identity in Light of John Zizioulas’ Theology of Communion." Scandinavian Journal for Leadership and Theology 11 (February 29, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53311/sjlt.v11.121.
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This article explores implications of John D. Zizioulas's theology of freedom in communion for the formation of a Pentecostal ecclesial identity. I examine the interplay between divine and ecclesial relations as presented by Zizioulas, considering individuality and communal identity within Pentecostalism. I call for a nuanced exploration of individualism that recognises its complexity and suggests that an integrated approach to individuality and communion can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of human identity and freedom within the Christian context. Finally, I address how a Pentecostal understanding of the Spirit's participation in ecclesial practices may impact the empowerment of church members, especially in relation to spiritual gifts and leadership roles.
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Masłowski, Michał. "Miejsce Norwida w kulturze." Studia Norwidiana 39 Specjalny (2021): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn2139s.1.
Full textAbstract:
Even in today’s “postmodern” world, Norwid cannot be reduced to a single formula. He is rather a “constellation,” requiring that readers join the “continual discussion” on issues specific to a given era. His focus is on humanity, which he regards from a dualist perspective that necessitates pursuing a synthesis of matter and spirit under the sign of ethical universalism. Norwid refers to the “cupola of ‘a monologue-that-keeps-parabolizing-itself’” andregards culture as the parable of the world. His original aesthetics of “whiteness” refers, as it were, to the biblical “gentle gust of wind,” which announces God’s presence and indicates the rejection of the Romantic veneration for volcanoes, which he contrasts with the importance of work. This kind of philosophy, developed by Brzozowski, Tischner and John Paul II, has led to the self-limiting revolution of Solidarity in the years 1980-81, and ultimately to the de-legitimization and fall of communism; finally, after the bloody myth of the French Revolution reigned for two hundred years, this philosophy altered the paradigm of historical changes around the world. Norwid elaborated on the industrial-era Romanticism and opposed martyrological messianism, developing the original idea of a “messianism of work,”linking it with a vision of human Church, which “burns through the Globe with conscience.”He would contrast the global church with the parochial “church-turned-living-room.”Human beings count more than institutions, he argued, just like goodness prevails over formal sacraments. With the ultimate goal defined as the resurrection of the world, art becomes a church of work. Norwid embraced an anthropocentric perspective, in which human beings are called upon “to un-make” [od-poczynać] the mistakes of the past, and thus to begin afresh at a whole new level. With his language and style Norwid was constructing a new social stratum: intelligentsia (Łapiński), understanding it as the nation’s copula, i.e. the unifying force of conscienceand the collective consciousness. It would form an interpersonal, horizontal transcendence spanning the length and breadth of societies. The opposite of nation and its culture is “empire” – the root of subjugation – which particularly enslaved Central and Eastern Europe. Of special importance is the clash between Asian civilization and the “Roman” one, i.e. Christianity or Western Europe. However, the poet opposes Slavs to both the Westerners and the Easterners, emphasizing the processualand not the essentialistcharacter of national cultures. The question whether Norwid’s work is fundamentally dialogic or monologic in character continues to divide scholars. However, Norwid is in a way a Master or teacherwho embodies the Other and incarnates Wisdom in his Voice and Gesture. The nature of Wisdom is anthropocentric because man is a priest, although “involuntary / And immature,” which abolishes the distinction between the sacred and the profane. Through his ethical universalism Norwid provides a solution to the Enlightenment crisis of universal reason. Emancipation of the individual should not entail abandoning a sense of belonging, which is something that Norwid’s modernism shares with that of Central Europeans (Ch. Delsol). Understood as the expression of collective desires, cultures shape responsibility and a sense of belonging, at the same time constituting an answer to the crisis of narcissistic individualism characteristic for our times.
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Masłowski, Michał. "Norwid’s place in culture." Studia Norwidiana 39, Specjalny / English Version (June 25, 2024): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn2139sp.1en.
Full textAbstract:
Even in today’s “postmodern” world, Norwid cannot be reduced to a single formula. He is rather a “constellation,” requiring that readers join the “continual discussion” on issues specific to a given era. His focus is on humanity, which he regards from a dualist perspective that necessitates pursuing a synthesis of matter and spirit under the sign of ethical universalism. Norwid refers to the “cupola of ‘a monologue-that-keeps-parabolizing-itself’” andregards culture as the parable of the world. His original aesthetics of “whiteness” refers, as it were, to the biblical “gentle gust of wind,” which announces God’s presence and indicates the rejection of the Romantic veneration for volcanoes, which he contrasts with the importance of work. This kind of philosophy, developed by Brzozowski, Tischner and John Paul II, has led to the self-limiting revolution of Solidarity in the years 1980-81, and ultimately to the de-legitimization and fall of communism; finally, after the bloody myth of the French Revolution reigned for two hundred years, this philosophy altered the paradigm of historical changes around the world. Norwid elaborated on the industrial-era Romanticism and opposed martyrological messianism, developing the original idea of a “messianism of work,”linking it with a vision of human Church, which “burns through the Globe with conscience.”He would contrast the global church with the parochial “church-turned-living-room.”Human beings count more than institutions, he argued, just like goodness prevails over formal sacraments. With the ultimate goal defined as the resurrection of the world, art becomes a church of work. Norwid embraced an anthropocentric perspective, in which human beings are called upon “to un-make” [od-poczynać] the mistakes of the past, and thus to begin afresh at a whole new level. With his language and style Norwid was constructing a new social stratum: intelligentsia (Łapiński), understanding it as the nation’s copula, i.e. the unifying force of conscienceand the collective consciousness. It would form an interpersonal, horizontal transcendence spanning the length and breadth of societies. The opposite of nation and its culture is “empire” – the root of subjugation – which particularly enslaved Central and Eastern Europe. Of special importance is the clash between Asian civilization and the “Roman” one, i.e. Christianity or Western Europe. However, the poet opposes Slavs to both the Westerners and the Easterners, emphasizing the processualand not the essentialistcharacter of national cultures. The question whether Norwid’s work is fundamentally dialogic or monologic in character continues to divide scholars. However, Norwid is in a way a Master or teacherwho embodies the Other and incarnates Wisdom in his Voice and Gesture. The nature of Wisdom is anthropocentric because man is a priest, although “involuntary / And immature,” which abolishes the distinction between the sacred and the profane. Through his ethical universalism Norwid provides a solution to the Enlightenment crisis of universal reason. Emancipation of the individual should not entail abandoning a sense of belonging, which is something that Norwid’s modernism shares with that of Central Europeans (Ch. Delsol). Understood as the expression of collective desires, cultures shape responsibility and a sense of belonging, at the same time constituting an answer to the crisis of narcissistic individualism characteristic for our times.
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Oladipupo, Sunday L. "Whither Individuality? A Re-reading of Segun Ogungbemi’s Scholarship on Individuality-Community Debate in African Philosophy." Thinker 99, no. 2 (May 30, 2024): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/qndmjb21.
Full textAbstract:
Human nature in Africa, especially among the Yoruba, is a subject of contention in contemporary age. It is, however, important to mention that existing literature abound that suggests the Yoruba as a communalistic society. Thus, the is perceived as a corporateentity where communal living is placed above individual existence. Against this background, Segun Ogungbemi contends in his article “An Existential Study of Individuality in Yoruba Culture” that this age-long belief about Africans being communalistic in nature seems to have reduced the possibility of individuality in Africa because it is western-directed. Using the analytical method of philosophy, this study attempts a further interrogation of Segun Ogungbemi’s perspective on the place of individuality in understanding human nature within the Yoruba cultural context. This is because, the challenge of this possibility has opened a new vista in the narrative of scholars of African studies. The idea of holistic communal nature of the Africa and Africans has been redirected such that we now have two camps on the belief system, namely radical and moderate communalism. In spite of the dichotomy and the contention of these two camps, each of them still recognises the place of community or sense of collectivity in Africa. While the radical school of thought places the community far above the individuals, the moderate school of thought is of the view that the individual makes up the society/community. Therefore, the claim is we are because I am, and since I am, therefore we are. This is against Mbiti’s view that “I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am.” While the latter represents the view of the radical camp, the formeris a representation of the moderate camp. It is the contention of this discourse that Ogungbemi’s postulation tends towards radicalising the individuality far above the communal nature of the essence of the individual in Africa society. Hence, a re-reading of his argument within the prism of the moderate communalism in which Ogungbemi’s contention is considered western-centric.
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Szyłak, Jerzy. "Jaki kraj, taki Superman." Literatura i Kultura Popularna 26 (September 16, 2021): 205–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0867-7441.26.15.
Full textAbstract:
No hero similar to Superman could have appeared in communist Poland, as he represented the power of individualism and followed his own feelings of justice. Meanwhile, the communists expected one to act in a collectivity fully subordinate to the official government. This deficiency was compensated by superhero parodies. One should firstly enumerate the TV film Hydrozagadka, about a hero, who had no drawn equivalent, though he was a mockery of the comic book poetics and of the simplifications it conveys.
After the communist system fell, other superhero parodies appeared, such as Ratman, Strain, Milkyman and Wilq. Also, Likwidator by Ryszard Dąbrowski constituted irreverent and mischievous comment to political events in Poland. Only later did serious superhero stories essays appear: Bler by Rafał Szłapa, Biały Orzeł by Adam Kmiołek and Jan Hardy by Jakub Kijuc. These authors take their heroes very seriously but readers can find much irony in the stories.
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Pu, Haozhou, Joshua I. Newman, and Michael D. Giardina. "Flying Solo: Globalization, Neoliberal Individualism, and the Contested Celebrity of Li Na." Communication & Sport 7, no. 1 (November 16, 2017): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479517739390.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, we examine the local–global celebrity politics of former Chinese professional tennis player Li Na. We locate Li Na as representative of a growing class of Chinese celebrities who display both extraordinary popularity and enormous marketability. At the same time, Li Na’s noted “rebelliousness”—most especially her “fiery” personality and overt public repudiation of the Chinese communist state—has made her a deeply politicized if not polarizing figure. In this study, we position Li Na as a symbolic body characterized by professionalism, individualism, and commercialism within Chinese media. Further, we investigate the representation, mediation, and consumption of her unique celebrity identity and the cultural politics of the danfei (the “fly solo”) policy in resonance to the decentralization of state power in China. We conclude by suggesting that Li Na’s rebelliousness symbolizes the core values of a growing consensus for neoliberalism in China; that is, it is her rejection of being Chinese (state) that reestablishes herself as Chinese (autonomous), which signifies fundamental social transitions in China intertwined with the embracement of the global economy and a reimagination of the nation.