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1
Romanu, Keti. "Style and ideology: The cold war 'blend' in Greece." Muzikologija, no. 8 (2008): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0808055r.
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This paper describes cultural policy in Greece from the end of World War II up to the fall of the junta of colonels in 1974. The writer's object is to show how the Cold War favoured defeated Western countries, which participated effectively in the globalisation of American culture, as in the Western world de-nazification was transformed into a purge of communism. Using the careers of three composers active in communist resistance organizations as examples (Iannis Xenakis, Mikis Theodorakis and Alecos Xenos), the writer describes the repercussions of this phenomenon in Greek musical life and creativity.
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Rutar, Sabine. "Researching the European Cold War: Nationalism, (Anti-)Communism and Violence." Slavic Review 82, no. 1 (2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2023.104.
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In her introduction to the themed cluster “Nationalism, (Anti-)Communism and Violence in the European Cold War,” the author contextualizes the issue's research contributions on Greece, Czechoslovakia, and Bulgaria. She introduces the methodological rationale and highlights what binds the three case studies together: They explore how nationalism was woven into Cold War societies. The authors employ, as analytical prisms, both physical and symbolic violence in order to visualize empirically the workings of nationalism in the service of both communism and anti-communism. Hitherto, few scholars have focused on the interconnections between nationalism, (anti-)communism, and violence in Cold War east central and southeastern Europe.
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Fouskas, Vassilis K., and Bülent Gökay. "Lenin’s ‘Eastern Policy’ and Communism in Turkey and Greece, 1918-1923." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 22, no. 2 (March 3, 2020): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2020.1746588.
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Nilaj, Marsel. "The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.
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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state
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Iliadou-Tachou, Sofia. "Communism, anti-communism and education in Greece from the Axis occupation until the early Cold War era (1944–1967)." History of Education 49, no. 3 (April 7, 2020): 362–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760x.2020.1731851.
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Poulos, Margarite. "Beyond the Ballot box: Rethinking Greek Communism Between the Wars." European History Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 2022): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211066800.
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The assimilation of more than one million Anatolian Greek refugees into the social, economic and political life of Greece following its defeat in the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922) accounts for much of the conflict that defined the period of the Second Hellenic Republic (1924–1935). The impact of the refugees on the traditional balance of mass politics at the electoral level, is well documented; their contribution to the electoral gains of the Greek Communist Party (KKE) in the 1930s gave legitimacy to the communist threat and ultimately served as a pretext for the suppression of competitive politics and the end of republican governance. The nature and extent of refugee identification with communism is not well understood in the historiography, however, and remains largely based on the male refugee vote, even though the adult male refugee population accounted for a minority of the refugee population. The census of 1928 reported an ‘abnormally high’ number of widows and girls, especially among the refugees of Asia Minor, as all the males of military age (18–50) had been retained by the Turks as hostages during the evacuation of Smyrna in 1922, and many of them had perished before their release. This paper begins an overdue examination of generational radicalization outside the ballot box, among the ranks of refugee youth, and young women in particular, the group regarded by contemporaries as most vulnerable to the excesses of liberal cosmopolitanism in the new ‘motherland’.
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Guseletov, Boris. "European Left Party – a New Ghost of Communism to Europe." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (October 1, 2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520201623.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers’ parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, they should finally disappear from the political arena of Europe, giving up the left flank to the socialists and social Democrats. However, European Communists and left-wing radicals demonstrated incredible political vitality and in the tenth years of the twentieth century in a number of EU countries (Greece, France, the Czech Republic) managed to bypass their opponents on the left flank. In 2004 a pan-European party of the European left was created, which is characterized by a commitment to unorthodox Communist and environmental values and a moderately eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. In the last European elections in 2019, this party lost some ground, but nevertheless managed to maintain its small faction in the European Parliament. So today it is difficult to speak about prospects of the European left, although the strength of parties in Germany, Greece, Spain, France and other countries, as well as the weakening of the party of European socialists, gives us reasonable confidence in the fact that the radical left will be able to maintain its presence on the political stage of Europe in the next 10-15 years. The author of the article tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.
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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Seeking to Accommodate Shari'a Within A Human Rights Framework: The Future of The Greek Shari'A Courts." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000072.
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The Balkans, a region where Christianity and Islam have come into close contact since before World War Ii, is an interesting study in legal pluralism. Themillet system, under which distinct ethnic-religious communities including Muslims were granted partial institutional autonomy, was at that time a convenient legal paradigm to accommodate minorities within the new national states being created. However, the communist regimes that succeeded the War in the Balkans eradicated legal pluralism in favor of a uniform legal order. As a consequence, the authority to employshari'ain Muslim communities in this region was abolished under communism.The political changes occurring in the Balkans after communism was dismantled in the 1990s did not bring back theshari'acourts in most of the Balkans. However, Greece, having escaped these radical political shifts, retained a continuous legal regime that included some legal autonomy granted to the Greek Muslim population that survived a population exchange with Turkey at the end of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. As a result of the Lausanne treaty, the Muslim population of (Western) Thrace in Greece was granted a special minority protection regime that appliedshari'alaw to Muslim Greek citizens residing in that region of Thrace. However,shari'ais only applied to certain disputes of family and inheritance law by the localMuftiin Western Thrace who has special jurisdiction over these matters.
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Kritikos, Georgios. "From Labour to National Ideals: Ending the War in Asia Minor—Controlling Communism in Greece." Societies 3, no. 4 (October 21, 2013): 348–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc3040348.
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Rossos, Andrew. "Incompatible Allies: Greek Communism and Macedonian Nationalism in the Civil War in Greece, 1943-1949." Journal of Modern History 69, no. 1 (March 1997): 42–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245440.
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Fleming, Philip M. "An encounter with Albania's best known drug addict." Psychiatric Bulletin 19, no. 10 (October 1995): 645–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.19.10.645.
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Albania borders the Adriatic Sea and lies between the former Yugoslavia to the north and Greece to the south. Seventy per cent of the land mass is mountainous, the coastal strip containing most of the country's agricultural land and having the densest population. The total population of the country is 3.4 million while the capital Tirana has a population of 250000. Until very recently Albania was rarely visited by people from the West. It had become increasingly isolated under the Stalinist dictatorship of Enver Hoxha and the paranoid attitude towards foreigners that existed in the 1970s and 1980s is well illustrated by the concrete pill boxes that were built to repel invaders. More than 600 000 of these were built and they can be seen today scarring the attractive countryside of hills and fields around Tirana. With the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, Albania followed the same path and went through a period of disorganisation in 1991 before electing its first democratic government in 1992. As with other former communist countries private enterprise began to develop, land was sold back to the peasants, and private cars began to appear in the streets. In 1992 there were no private cars in the country; in 1995 there were 35 000 in Tirana alone.
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Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov, and Craig Webster. "Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries." Tourism 69, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.
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This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i3.p113-118.
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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v8i1.p113-118.
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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Likaj, Matilda. "A Sociological View on The Impacts of Minority Rights in EU and Migration." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 (March 23, 2024): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n112.
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After the fall of communism in Albania, migration destinations occurred toward neighbouring states such as Italy, Greece, European countries (Germany, Switzerland, England, Belgium, etc) and also all over the world (US, Canada Australia, etc.). The flow of Albanian migration was expended in a huge amount from different social classes to other states. Because of different social, cultural, economic and political reasons, the migration flow can be identified as a complex migration phenomenon. Consequently, for these reasons, sometimes the Albanian migrants have been discriminated against. This research paper is going to be focused on the Albanian migrants and their minorities’ rights in European states. Another aspect of this paper will be focused on the problem of the well of functions of minority rights causing the anomies to the social and personal identities of migrants.
Received: 19 February 2024 / Accepted: 15 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
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Filippaki, Iro. "Missing Communism in 1985 and 2015 Greece: Nostalgia in Rinio Dragasaki's Short Film Dad, Lenin and Freddy." Twentieth Century Communism 11, no. 11 (November 1, 2016): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864316819698486.
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Ghodsee, Kristen, Hülya Adak, Elsa Stéphan, Chiara Bonfiglioli, Ivan Stankov, Rumiana Stoilova, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2021): 165–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2021.150111.
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Anna Artwinska and Agnieszka Mrozik, eds., Gender, Generations, and Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and Beyond, New York: Routledge, 2020, 352 pp., £120.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-36742-323-0.Clio: Femmes, Genre, Histoire, 48, no. 2 (2018)Lisa Greenwald, Daughters of 1968: Redefining French Feminism and the Women’s Liberation MovementGal Kirn, The Partisan Counter-Archive: Retracing the Ruptures of Art and Memory in the Yugoslav People’s Liberation StruggleMilena Kirova, Performing Masculinity in the Hebrew BibleAndrea Krizsan and Conny Roggeband, eds., Gendering Democratic Backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe: A Comparative AgendaLudmila Miklashevskaya, Gender and Survival in Soviet Russia: A Life in the Shadow of Stalin’s TerrorBarbara Molony and Jennifer Nelson, eds., Women’s Activism and “Second Wave” Feminism: Transnational HistoriesN. K. Petrova, Zhenskie sud’by voiny (Women’s war fates)Feryal Saygılıgil and Nacide Berber, eds. Feminizm: Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce, Cilt 10 (Feminism: Thought in modern Turkey, vol. 10)Marsha Siefert, ed., Labor in State-Socialist Europe, 1945–1989: Contributions to a History of WorkZilka Šiljak Spahić, Sociologija roda: Feministička kritika (Sociology of gender: Feminist critique)Věra Sokolová and Ľubica Kobová, eds., Odvaha nesouhlasit: Feministické myšlení Hany Havelkové a jeho reflexe (The courage to disagree: Hana Havelková’s feminist thought and its reflections)Katarzyna Stańczak-Wiślicz, Piotr Perkowski, Małgorzata Fidelis, Barbara Klich-Kluczewska, Kobiety w Polsce, 1945–1989: Nowoczesność – równouprawnienie – komunizmp (Women in Poland, 1945–1989: Modernity, equality, communism)Vassiliki Theodorou and Despina Karakatsani, Strengthening Young Bodies, Building the Nation: A Social History of Children’s Health and Welfare in Greece (1890–1940) Maria Todorova, The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s Jessica Zychowicz, Superfluous Women: Art, Feminism and Revolution in Twenty-First-Century Ukraine
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Asimakoulas, Dimitris. "How Balkan Am I? Translation and Cultural Intimacy Through an Albanian-Greek Lens." Meta 61, no. 2 (October 26, 2016): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037767ar.
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Historiographers, anthropologists and cultural studies experts have shown that discussions of identity in or about the Balkans have been traditionally linked to a sense of ‘deficiency.’ Given the history of conflict, the drive towards greater European integration and the effects of the current economic crisis in the region, there is an urgency to deconstruct such ideologies. This article shows how Herzfeld’s (2002; 2005) approach to Balkan marginality may be productively extended to cover cultural and translation critique. Thus his concept ofcultural intimacyis applied to stories of migration. Two Greek works are examined: Gazmend Kapllani’s semi-autobiographic novelA Short Border Diary(2006), translated into English by Marie Stanton-Ife, and Filippos Tsitos’ filmPlato’s Academy(2009), subtitled into English. Both works have set a precedent in terms of audience reception and as documents of a historical cycle, the migration of thousands of Albanians to Greece after the collapse of communism. Translation and subtitling into English respectively show that the written and the audiovisual medium present different opportunities for conveying Balkan otherness.
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.
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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>
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Calegari, Lizandro Carlos, and Vanderléia De Andrade Haiski. "OS RELATOS TESTEMUNHAIS NA EUROPA E NA AMÉRICA LATINA: definições e funções." Narrares Journal 1, no. 1 (June 25, 2024): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18542/narraresj.v1i1.16497.
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The protocene of testimony could already be found in ancient Greece, but this genre has become more and more important in modern times, during the XXth century, soon after the First World War, due to the accumulation of catastrophes verified in that period. With Jean Norton Cru’s works, shortly after the 1914-1918 war, the testimony gained relevance, due to the fact that the author conceived the event devoid of grandeur or grandiloquence, and due to the fact that the soldiers were marked by fragility, pain, and trauma. Cru conceived the testimony within a historical perspective. With the Nazifascism, the German communism, the socialist and the Hispanic-American dictatorships, the testimony began to be studied in its intersection with fiction. Because of so much barbarism and horror, fiction has been called upon to help to say what was considered unspeakable. Due to the singularities of the events, two major trends of testimony emerged: the Shoah and the testimonio. This presentation aims at recovering some thematic and formal particularities of testimony throughout history, emphasizing the Shoah and the testimonio, highlighting their similarities and differences, as well as presenting works which fit within these tendencies. Beatriz Sarlo, Dori Laub, Jean Norton Cru, Márcio Seligmann-Silva, Shoshana Felman, and Valéria de Marco are some of the authors who underscore the present approach.
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Kıralp, Şevki, and Ahmet Güneyli. "Ousting the Cypriot Ethnarch: President Makarios’ Struggle against the Greek Junta, Cypriot Bishops, and Terrorism." Religions 12, no. 11 (October 29, 2021): 944. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110944.
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This study examined the politics and political involvements of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus in the early postcolonial era, with a special focus on the ecclesiastical coup that aimed for the ouster of Archbishop Makarios III, who was also the President of the Republic of Cyprus from 1960 to 1977. The findings indicate that the Greek junta, Greek Cypriot terrorists, and the three bishops of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus joined forces to oust Makarios by forcing him to resign his presidency. These actors were displeased with Makarios because he tolerated Cypriot communism, refused to follow Athens’ manipulations in Cypriot politics, and promoted Cyprus’ independence by abandoning the pro-Enosis (unification of Cyprus with Greece) political line. The Greek junta tried to dictate policies to Makarios and asked him to resign as he refused to obey. Greek Cypriot terrorists engaged in violence to destabilize the island and oust Makarios. The three bishops summoned the Holy Synod and defrocked the Archbishop as he refused to resign his presidency. Importantly, this research came across with strong indicators that the Greek junta tried to utilize religion in trying to oust the Cypriot ethnarch as the three bishops, immediately after the junta’s failure to oust Makarios in 1972, asked him to resign his presidency. While his rivals failed to oust Makarios, at least until 1974, he called for an international synod and defrocked the three bishops. He managed to retain both posts until the end of his life.
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Kestere, Iveta, Irena Stonkuviene, and Zanda Rubene. "The New Soviet Man With a Female Body: Mother, Teacher, Tractor Driver…" Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia 45 (December 28, 2020): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/actpaed.45.6.
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The “New Man” is a utopian concept that involves creating an ideal man and replacing the imperfect human being. The beginning of the ideas of creating the new man can be found in ancient Greece and Rome, in the works of utopians and educators, as well as in theological texts. Although this ideologeme as one of the constructs of modernity was fully formed by the end of the 19th century, the efforts to practically implement it are connected with the establishment of (para)totalitarianism. One of the best-known examples of such an attempt was the ambition to create the New Soviet Man. After giving up aspirations to create a perfect biological individual, in the long-term perfective, the main focus was laid on forming an ideologically correct New Man, a builder of communism. Education was seen as one of the key means of achieving this objective. Seeking to identify how the image of the New Man was reflected in the curriculum (primary in particular), 36 textbooks published between 1925–1985 and used in the state schools of Soviet Russia and the Baltic States were analysed.Although the concept of the New Man includes both the male and female person, the most frequently considered is a male. This article aims to discuss how textbooks represent the Soviet woman by considering the following aspects: what was specific to the New Soviet Man – Woman? What did the Soviet regime expect from women in the context of the New Soviet Man project? How did the project of New Man reflect the gender equality idea?
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Mamojka, Mojmír, and Jacek Dworzecki. "Development of Commercial Law in the Slovak Republic - Outline of problems." Internal Security 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/20805268.1231517.
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The article concerns the issue of trade law in the context of its evolution and the current realities of its being in force in Republic of Slovakia. In the paper the authors present an historical view of the creation of legal regulations about trade from ancient times to present days. In the first part of the paper the political system and its components are discussed. The reader will be able to acquaint themselves with the functioning of the apparatus of executive power (the government and ministries), legislative power (the parliament consisting of 150 members) and judiciary (independent courts and prosecutors) in the Republic of Slovakia. Moreover, this part of the article provides information about practical aspects of the creation of selected components of the constitutional legal order (e.g. parliamentary elections). In the second part, the paper covers the evolution of trade law over the centuries, approaches to regulations in Mesopotamia, based on, inter alia, the Code of Hammurabi, and also in ancient Egypt and Greece. Tracing the development of trade law over the centuries, the authors also present the evolution of legal regulations in this field in the XIX century, with particular reference to France, Germany and Austria-Hungary (especially the territory which today forms the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic). In the last part of the article, the forming of regulations of trade law in Czechoslovakia from 1918 and during subsequent periods which created the history of that country, to the overthrow communism and the peaceful division of the state in 1993 into two separate, independent state organisms – the Czech Republic and Slovakia - is approached.
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Bucur, Maria, Alexandra Ghit, Ayşe Durakbaşa, Ivana Pantelić, Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, Elizabeth A. Wood, Anna Müller, et al. "Book Reviews." Aspasia 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 160–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2020.140113.
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Cristina A. Bejan, Intellectuals and Fascism in Interwar Romania: The Criterion Association, Cham, Switzer land: Palgrave, 2019, 323 pp., €74.89 (hardback), ISBN 978-3-030-20164-7.Chiara Bonfiglioli, Women and Industry in the Balkans: The Rise and Fall of the Yugoslav Textile Sector, London: I. B. Tauris, 2020, 232 pp., £85 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-78533-598-3.Aslı Davaz, Eşitsiz kız kardeşlik, uluslararası ve Ortadoğu kadın hareketleri, 1935 Kongresi ve Türk Kadın Birliği (Unequal sisterhood, international and Middle Eastern women’s movements, 1935 Congress and the Turkish Women’s Union), İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası, 2014, 892 pp., with an introduction by Yıldız Ecevit, pp. xxi–xxviii; preface by the author, pp. xxix–xlix, TL 42 (hardcover), ISBN: 978-605-332-296-2.Biljana Dojčinović and Ana Kolarić, eds., Feministički časopisi u Srbiji: Teorija, aktivizam i umetničke prakse u 1990-im i 2000-im (Feminist periodicals in Serbia: Theory, activism, and artistic practice in the 1990s and 2000s), Belgrade: Faculty of Philology, University of Belgrade, 2018, 370 pp., price not listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-6153-515-4.Melanie Ilic, ed., The Palgrave Handbook of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 572 pp., $239 (e-book) ISBN: 978-1-137-54904-4; ISBN: 978-1-137-54905-1.Luciana M. Jinga, ed., The Other Half of Communism: Women’s Outlook, in History of Communism in Europe, vol. 8, Bucharest: Zeta Books, 2018, 348 pp., USD 40 (paperback), ISBN: 978-606-697-070-9.Teresa Kulawik and Zhanna Kravchenko, eds., Borderlands in European Gender Studies: Beyond the East-West Frontier, New York: Routledge, 2020, 264 pp., $140.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-367-25896-2.Jill Massino, Ambiguous Transitions: Gender, the State, and Everyday Life in Socialist and Postsocialist Romania, New York: Berghahn Books, 2019, 466 pp., USD 122 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-785-33598-3.Gergana Mircheva, (A)normalnost i dostap do publichnostta: Socialnoinstitucionalni prostranstva na biomedicinskite discursi v Bulgaria (1878–1939) ([Ab]normality and access to publicity: Social-institutional spaces of biomedicine discourses in Bulgaria [1878–1939]), Sofia: St. Kliment Ohridski University Press, 2018, 487 pp., BGN 16 (paperback), ISBN: 978-954-07-4474-2.Milutin A. Popović, Zatvorenice, album ženskog odeljenja Požarevačkog kaznenog zavoda sa statistikom (1898) (Prisoners, the album of the women’s section of Požarevac penitentiary with statistics, 1898), edited by Svetlana Tomić, Belgrade: Laguna , 2017, 333 pp., RSD 894 (paperback), ISBN: 978-86-521-2798-6.Irena Protassewicz, A Polish Woman’s Experience in World War II: Conflict, Deportation and Exile, edited by Hubert Zawadzki, with Meg Knott, translated by Hubert Zawadzki, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019, xxv pp. + 257 pp., £73.38 (hardback), ISBN: 978-1-3500-7992-2.Zilka Spahić Šiljak, ed., Bosanski labirint: Kultura, rod i liderstvo (Bosnian labyrinth: Culture, gender, and leadership), Sarajevo and Zagreb: TPO Fondacija and Buybook, 2019, xii + 213 pp., no price listed (paperback), ISBN: 978-9926-422-16-5.Gonda Van Steen, Adoption, Memory and Cold War Greece: Kid pro quo?, University of Michigan Press, 2019, 350 pp., $85.00 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-472-13158-7.D imitra Vassiliadou, Ston tropiko tis grafi s: Oikogeneiakoi desmoi kai synaisthimata stin astiki Ellada (1850–1930) (The tropic of writing: Family ties and emotions in modern Greece [1850–1930]), Athens: Gutenberg, 2018, 291 pp., 16.00 € (paperback), ISBN: 978-960-01-1940-4.Radina Vučetić, Coca-Cola Socialism: Americanization of Yugoslav Culture in the Sixties, English translation by John K. Cox, Budapest: Central European University Press, 2018, 334 pp., €58.00 (paperback), ISBN: 978-963-386-200-1.Nancy M. Wingfield, The World of Prostitution in Late Imperial Austria, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017, xvi + 272 pp., $80 (hardback), ISBN: 978-0-19880-165-8.Anastasia Lakhtikova, Angela Brintlinger, and Irina Glushchenko, eds., Seasoned Socialism: Gender and Food in Late Soviet Everyday Life, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019, xix + 373 pp., $68.41(hardback), ISBN: 978-0-253-04095-4.
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM, JAMES MARK, and JOSÉ M. FARALDO. "Entangled Transitions: Eastern and Southern European Convergence or Alternative Europes? 1960s–2000s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000261.
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Ever since the fall of the Iron Curtain and the enthusiasm it inspired about the potential for European unity and democracy, it has become fashionable to see post-war European history in terms of convergence. Historians have researched the integration of the European continent into the global, in the context of the Cold War, decolonisation and economic globalisation. Internally, processes of convergence are seen to link the trajectories of nations on a continent where integration eventually trumped the divisions of nationalism, regionalism and the Iron Curtain. This story of an ‘ever deeper and wider union’ was also reflected in the ways in which the transformations of Southern and Eastern Europe were narrated. The idea of a so-called ‘return to Europe’ inspired histories that connected the fall of right-wing authoritarian regimes in the Southern European states of Portugal, Greece and Spain from the mid-1970s with the end of communism in Eastern Europe from 1989. This dominant account has presented Southern and Eastern European ‘peripheries’ moving towards the (Western) European core and its norms, values and models of liberal democracy. Even though some have raised objections to these teleological and Western-dominated narratives of transition they have remained strikingly potent in histories of post-war Europe. Only very recently have they received historiographical critique. Partly this is due to the enduring appeal of centre-periphery approaches that continue to influence intellectual debates about European identity and history. This is also because research on the transitions in Southern and Eastern Europe has for a long time remained rather insular. Historians have been slow to enter a research field that has been dominated by institutional and political approaches, and they have remained more focused on national histories. Where historians of either Eastern or Southern Europe have addressed the transnational or transregional aspects of transition, this has mainly focused on the appeal of the West or its Atlanticist dimensions.
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Marantzidis, Nikos. "The Greek Civil War (1944–1949) and the International Communist System." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 4 (October 2013): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00394.
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The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states.
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Αρβανίτης, Παναγιώτης. "ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ ΑΡΒΑΝΙΤΗΣ, Ο Jean-Paul Sartre και ο Albert Camus στη μετεμφυλιακή Ελλάδα. Στοιχεία για την έμμεση πρόσληψη της ιστορικής τους διαμάχης (1952-1960)." Σύγκριση 31 (December 28, 2022): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/comparison.31105.
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Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus in post-civil war Greece (1952-1960). Aspects of the reception of their historic confrontation This paper examines aspects of the Greek reception of the historic confrontation between Sartre and Camus, which was to be decisively determined by the post-civil war polarization. It begins by recalling the 1952 quarrel that put a definitive end to their friendship, and then presents the powerful impact of their thought on the literary field of post-civil war Greece. Through the integration of evidence from literary reviews and journals, this study demonstrates the transformations caused by Sartre’s “turn” as a fellow traveler of the communist movement, considering that the Greek Left had previously adopted the “anti-existentialist offensive” of the French Communist Party. The highlighting of the intense reactions to both Camus’s emblematic visit to Athens in 1955 and his award of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1957 aims to project the ideological antagonisms of the period in Greece into the framework of the Cold War conflict. Despite the fact that the relationship between Greek left intellectuals and Sartre the “existentialist” was often conflictual, the “uneasy friendship” between them at the beginning of the 1950s seems to evolve around 1960 into an unshakable “companionship”, while the consistently negative attitude of the pre-dictatorship Left towards Camus, combined with the latter’s fervent embrace by liberal intellectuals, suggests the following: Sartre and Camus as moral and intellectual leaders fulfill, in the historical context of the Cold War as well as in that of the post-civil war division in Greece, a pro-communist and an anti-communist prophecy for intellectuals, respectively.
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NOWICKA, Ewa. "CIVIL WAR IN MEMORY OF GREEK REPATRIATES FROM POLAND AND OTHER EASTERN BLOC COUNTRIES." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3258.
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The paper is based on anthropological study fieldwork conducted in Greece during the three subsequent research seasons of 2005-2009. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) broke out after World War II and it reflected the conflict between communist (or at least leftist) Greek guerillas and the rightist power of the Royal authorities. On one side the war was supported from Moscow, and on the other by Great Britain and US military forces. As a result of the total defeat of communists, the Greek citizens who were actively involved in the military activity, their families and civilians inhabiting the territory of Northern Greece, were evacuated. They were transported by the communist army to different communist countries. For decades they were not able to return to their home villages. Most of the evacuated Greeks decided to come back home when it became possible after 1975. Their memory of the civil war differs from generation to generation and it depends on the role they played in the war. For ex-partisans the civil war was the manifestation of the struggle of the international powers representing class interests. For people who were children during the war the memory is concentrated on particular facts and accidents. People who were born outside of Greece tend to forget, though they also have some image of the war as a horror. The memory of the civil war in Greece have led to the permanent division of the Greek society, which exists till today.
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Lialiouti, Zinovia. "Meeting the Communist Threat in Greece: American diplomats, ideology and stereotypes 1944-1950." Twentieth Century Communism 17, no. 17 (September 1, 2019): 90–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864319827751358.
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This paper focuses on four US officials serving in Greece at a critical period in both Greek and American political history. The Greek Civil War (1946-9) was decisive in the development of the Cold War confrontation. The Truman Doctrine (1947) represents an ideological milestone in this respect. In particular, the paper explores the views of Lincoln MacVeagh (ambassador 1944-7), Paul A. Porter (chief of the American Economic Mission to Greece, 1947), Dwight Griswold (chief of the American Mission for Aid to Greece 1947-8) and Henry Grady (ambassador 1948-50), namely their perceptions of the Greek post-war crisis in relation to the strategic goal of anticommunism. The emphasis of the analysis is on their understanding of the Greek social and political conditions - and especially of the nature of the communist threat – and of the goals involved in the American aid to the country. These four case studies highlight the interaction between the prevailing ideology in foreign policy objectives and the personal belief systems. Cultural preconditions and stereotypes constitute the framework in the context of which US officials sought to contain the communist challenge in Greece both though military as well as through economic and ideological means.
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Karpozilos, Kostis. "The Defeated of the Greek Civil War: From Fighters to Political Refugees in the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00471.
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In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.
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Koutsaviti, Aikaterini, Irene Lignou, Ioannis Bazos, George Koliopoulos, Antonios Michaelakis, Athanassios Giatropoulos, and Olga Tzakou. "Chemical Composition and Larvicidal Activity of Greek Myrtle Essential Oils against Culexpipiens bio type molestus." Natural Product Communications 10, no. 10 (October 2015): 1934578X1501001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1934578x1501001031.
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Fresh leaves of Myrtus communis collected from different localities in Greece, were subjected to hydrodistillation and the oils obtained were analyzed by GC-FID and GC-MS. The analyses showed mainly quantitative differences, with the monoterpenes myrtenyl acetate, α-pinene, 1,8-cineole, and linalool, along with limonene, dominating the majority of the analyzed Myrtle oils. The evaluation of the larvicidal activity of the samples against Culex pipiens biotype molestus mosquito showed that all tested samples exhibited moderate to weak toxicity, with cultivated M. communis subsp. communis oil being the most active.
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Hussain, Norasmahani. "The Cold War Tension in Greece and the Continuation of British Rule in Cyprus, 1945-1950." SEJARAH 31, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol31no1.6.
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Cyprus officially became a British Crown Colony in 1925. However, the Greek Cypriots had consistently fought for enosis which was a union with Greece. As the biggest population in Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots felt that Cyprus was qualified to be a part of the Greece state; hence they revolted against British rule. This paper will expound on the decision of the British to remain in Cyprus despite the Greek Cypriots’ effort for enosis. The existing literature concerning this issue illustrates that the strategic geographical location of Cyprus, being near to the British communication route to the Middle East and the Eastern Empire, is the apparent reason for the British retaining its sovereign power in Cyprus. The main objective of this paper is to examine the other reason for Britain to remain in Cyprus that is still absent from the literature. This paper has focused on the perspective of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office through the method of the archival research of British records such as Bevin’s Private Papers (FO800), the Cabinet Office Papers (CAB), the Foreign Office Papers (FO371), the Colonial Office files (CO), the Defence Ministry Papers (DEFE) and the House of Commons Parliamentary Debate (HANSARD). The finding shows that the Cold War tension in Greece, which was the Greek Civil War (1946-1949), had encouraged Bevin and the Foreign Office to reject any proposals or initiatives that favoured the idea of Cyprus being returned to Greece. There was a possibility of the communist insurgents took over Greece given they had successfully formed a provisional government in northern Greece. Bevin worried that Cyprus would also turn communist if it was ceded to Greece during this crucial time. This matter would also endanger the British geostrategic in Cyprus. This was the most likely event that Bevin wanted to avoid happening.
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Pappas, Takis S. "Populist Democracies: Post-Authoritarian Greece and Post-Communist Hungary." Government and Opposition 49, no. 1 (July 19, 2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.21.
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This article makes the case for a novel democratic subtype,populist democracy, indicating a situation in which both the party in office and at least the major opposition force(s) in a pluralist system are populist. Based on a minimal definition of populism as ‘democratic illiberalism’, and through the comparative analysis of post-authoritarian Greece and post-communist Hungary, the article reveals the particular stages, as well as the causal mechanisms, that may prompt the emergence of populist democracy in contemporary politics. It also points to the tendency of such systems to produce polarized two-party systems, and it calls for further research on the topic.
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CHRISTIAENS, KIM. "‘Communists are no Beasts’: European Solidarity Campaigns on Behalf of Democracy and Human Rights in Greece and East–West Détente in the 1960s and Early 1970s." Contemporary European History 26, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 621–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000364.
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Ever since the collapse of the Greek military regime in 1974 European campaigns over human rights and democracy in Greece have been commonly understood within an anti-totalitarian narrative that has celebrated resistance against both communist dictatorship and right-wing authoritarianism as part of a common journey towards a democratic continent. This article analyses the little-studied history of European solidarity movements with Greece during the 1960s and early 1970s that stretched across both the West and East of the continent. In so doing, it suggests that these campaigns were a facet of the politics of détente and rapprochement that brought together Western and Eastern Europe. Communist peace movements played a central role in these human rights campaigns. This was far from a common anti-totalitarian movement; rather, campaigns for Greece were enmeshed within movements that worked on a wide range of issues – from support for Eastern European dissidents and anti-fascism to world peace and protest against the Vietnam War. Nor were they about ‘a return to Europe’: above all they thrived on common connections in East and West with the Third World.
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Kourkouvelas, Lykourgos. "Détenteas a Strategy: Greece and the Communist World, 1974–9." International History Review 35, no. 5 (October 2013): 1052–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.820772.
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Hawes, Derek. "European Integration and the Communist Dilemma. Communist Party Responses to Europe in Greece, Cyprus and Italy." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2014.884798.
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Halikiopoulou, Daphne. "European Integration and the Communist Dilemma: Communist Party Responses to Europe in Greece, Cyprus and Italy." West European Politics 37, no. 3 (May 4, 2014): 672–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.900222.
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Sallata, Ilir. ""BALKAN HEADQUARTER" IN THE OPTIC OF ALBANIAN COMMUNISTS IN THE 1939-1944 YEARS." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 5 (October 4, 2019): 1499–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34051499s.
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This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.This paper aims to present the features of the Balkan cooperation of the left political forces during the years of World War II, respectively the project of the Balkan Headquarters, in the view of the Albanian communists. The idea of Balkan co-operation spread to all communist movements in the Balkan countries, the most active was the Yugoslav Communist Party, which aimed to create a "Balkan Headquarter" under the conditions of war and a "Balkan Federation" after its end. At the end of 1942, the Yugoslav Communist leadership established contacts with the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Greece and Albania to coordinate actions in the fight against Nazi fascist forces. Taking in consideration that the Albanian communists had the orientation compass in those years the Yugoslavs, under their influence, tried to achieve the objectives of this project as far as possible. Thus within the anti-fascist alliance but also under the Yugoslav directives, especially during the German occupation, the links and cooperation between the Albanian national liberation movement and the liberation movements of Yugoslavia and Greece intensified, especially in the border areas. With the EAM and the National Liberation Army of Greece (ELAS), an important area of cooperation was the Konispol region and generally Cameria. Pursuant to the agreement reached between the General Council of the Albanian National Liberation Army and the Greek National Liberation Front, they were sent to these representative areas on both sides to propagate the common war goals in the population and to mobilize them in the mutual partisan formations. But it should be noted that the Albanian National Liberation Army combative co-operation with ELAS was limited. Within the framework of cooperation with the Yugoslav National Liberation Army, several joint operations have been undertaken, especially in border areas. The fact that Kosovo Albanians are engaged in the national liberation movement, which has contributed to the increase of cooperation in these areas, should be considered. Cooperation between the two liberation movements has been more visible in Macedonia's area.As would be seen from the subsequent actions of the Yugoslav leadership, during the Nazi-occupation period it prepared the ground for the post-war devastation of Albania within the Yugoslav Federal Republics, despite their failure to achieve this objective. During the research work of this case study, the qualitative method was generally applied by conducting a research: collecting, descriptive and explanatory, based mostly on historical facts and literature analysis.
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Kotoulas, Ioannis. "Greece as a NATO Member in the Longue Durée." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 703, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6173.
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Greece entered NATO in order to guarantee its existence against the revisionism of the Balkan communist states during the Cold War. The rise of Greek-Turkish rivalry during the 1950s and 1960s and its climax, the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, caused Greece’s withdrawal from NATO structure from 1974 to 1980. After the end of the Cold War Greece attempted to form a multilateral approach in its foreign policy and secure its interests in both the Balkan area and the Eastern Mediterranean. The new unstable environment of the early 21st century and Greece’s economic crisis complicated Greece’s position in NATO. Still the macro-historic parameters of Greece’s identity as a sea power confirm its ties to the Atlantic world and predict a possible realignment of Greece in an increasingly unstable European framework that could well see the demise of the European Union.
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Sahadev, Sunil, and Mehmet Demirbag. "A comparative analysis of employment practices among post‐communist and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe." Employee Relations 32, no. 3 (April 27, 2010): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011038780.
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PurposeThis paper aims to explore the level of convergence in employment practices among firms in the post‐communist countries and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe. Firms from a total of ten countries were included in the post‐communist block and firms from Greece and Turkey were included in the capitalist block. The main purpose was to verify whether employment practices in firms in the post‐communist countries now resemble that of firms in the capitalist countries after almost a decade of transition.Design/methodology/approachThe study analyzed the employment practices in terms of the skill ration, employment of temporary workers and the education level of employees of about 8,000 firms in the region.FindingsIn terms of skill ratio and the education level significant levels of divergence was found between firms in post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. However, in terms of employing temporary workers significant levels of convergence was detected.Research implications/limitationsThe research shows that there is some convergence in the employment practices of post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. This shows that several post‐communist countries in South East Europe have completed the transition from a communist society to a capitalist society.Originality/valueThe study is one of the first, which compares the employment practices of post‐communist and capitalist countries in the region. By showing some levels of convergence, the study argues that the transition period in the post‐communist economies is finally ending and thus firms in post‐communist countries finally resemble those in capitalist countries at least in employment practices.
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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. "On ‘Strategic Frontiers’: Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2018): 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.
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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in the emerging Cold War split between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. By examining a period of extreme political fluidity between 1944 and 1947, this article explores how the legacy of long-standing national tensions combined with the new political realities after the Second World War created the current borders of Bulgaria, Greece and the (former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia.
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Romanou, Katy. "Crisis concealing light." Muzikologija, no. 21 (2016): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1621063r.
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In this article I discuss the blossoming of musical life in Greece that begun in 1974, simultaneously with the growth of the debt crisis. Communist musicians returned from exile and they were hailed as heroes while their music became indispensible to pre-electoral gatherings. Connected to the return to democracy, music and musicians became extremely important to politicians and loved by the people, and were offered a substantial portion of the money that poured in from the EU. Cold War cultural politics played their role in promoting avant-garde music as well. In comparison, today Greece has a great number of excellent musicians and the architectural infrastructure for the performance and study of music, but these are concealed by the daily hammering of crisis news.
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Zagkos, Christos, Argyris Kyridis, Paraskevi Golia, and Ifigenia Vamvakidou. "Greek University Students Describe the Role of Greece in the Balkans: From Equality to Superiority." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 341–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254383.
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The role of Greece in the Balkans has been a rather ambiguous but extremely interesting issue for both Greek and European diplomacy for more than 15 years, since the fall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. As with every phenomenon associated with that “dangerous” and “explosive” part of the European Continent, the Greek position in the specific region should be discussed and analysed thoroughly and comprehensively rather than partially.
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Hussain, Norasmahani, and Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli. "BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY’S ROLE AND INFLUENCE IN THE EXCLUSION OF GREECE AND TÜRKIYE FROM NATO, 1948–1949." Journal of International Studies 19, no. 2 (August 30, 2023): 161–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.6.
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When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim tocontain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time.
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Iatrides, John O., and Charles R. Shrader. "The Withered Vine: Logistics and the Communist Insurgency in Greece, 1945- 1949." Journal of Military History 65, no. 2 (April 2001): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677236.
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Đukić, Dalibor. "Christian Values in the Constitutions of Serbia and Greece." Central European Journal of Comparative Law 3, no. 1 (February 22, 2022): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47078/2022.1.57-74.
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Christian values are the foundation of modern European societies. Suffice it to say that the most important European philosophers and cultural movements have originated from Christian environments. The constitutional history and tradition of the majority of the European countries are proof of the strong influence of Christianity and Christian churches on the creation and constitutional organisation of the modern European states. The subject matter of this work is a comparative analysis of the current Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and the Constitution of Greece, with the aim of identifying the Christian values comprised in their constitutional provisions. This work has two fundamental hypotheses. The first one is that the constitutions of both these countries comprise a substantial number of constitutional norms with Christian origins and foundations. The second hypothesis is that the Constitution of Greece comprises more provisions that demonstrate close connections between the state and Christianity. This is a consequence of the fact that in Greece, there have been no interruptions in the continuity of the constitutional tradition, unlike the case with Serbia during the communist rule.
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Zulianello, Mattia. "Book Review: Europe: European Integration and the Communist Dilemma: Communist Party Responses to Europe in Greece, Cyprus and Italy." Political Studies Review 12, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 454–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12067_110.
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Kourtikakis, Kostas. "European Integration and the Communist Dilemma: Communist Party Responses to Europe in Greece, Cyprus and Italy by Giorgos Charalambous." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 34, no. 1 (2016): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2016.0012.
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Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (September 1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.
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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition governments established with Stalin's consent throughout Europe in 1945. Tito favoured a communist offensive, while Stalin, aware of the international position of the Soviet Union, favoured a more cautious approach. When Stalin summoned the first meeting of the Cominform in September 1947 and made Tito its de Facto leader, Tito mistakenly assumed he was to head a new international committed to a revolutionary offensive not only in Eastern Europe but in Greece and even Italy and France.
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Fotiadou, Evgenia, Evgenia Panou, Konstantia Graikou, Fanourios-Nikolaos Sakellarakis, and Ioanna Chinou. "Volatiles of All Native Juniperus Species Growing in Greece—Antimicrobial Properties." Foods 12, no. 18 (September 20, 2023): 3506. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods12183506.
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Juniper (Juniperus L., Cupressaceae Bartlett) trees are of high commercial value, as their essential oils are widely applied in the food and cosmetic industries due to their bioactivities. The genus Juniperus comprises eight species in Greece, and in the current work, we report the chemical analyses of their volatiles (GC-MS) obtained from the leaves and cones of all indigenous species found in the country, as well as their antimicrobial properties. The studied species were J. oxycedrus L., J. excelsa M. Bieb., J. foetidissima Willd., J. communis L., J. macrocarpa Sibth. & Sm., J. turbinata Guss., J. sabina L. and J. drupacea Labill., and a total of 164 constituents were identified. Monoterpenes, followed by sesquiterpenes, appeared as the dominant compounds in all investigated species. Most of the studied essential oils belonged to the α-pinene chemotype, with amounts of α-cedrol, sabinene, limonene and myrcene among the abundant metabolites, except for J. sabina, which belonged to the sabinene chemotype. Through antimicrobial tests, it was observed that the essential oils of most of the cones showed better activity compared with the respective leaves. The essential oils of the cones of J. foetidissima, J. communis and J. turbinata showed the strongest activity against the tested microorganisms. Additionally, in these three species, the content of thujone, which is a toxic metabolite found in essential oils of many Juniperus species, was considerably low. Taking into consideration the chemical profile, safety and antimicrobial activity, these three Greek Juniperus species seemed to provide the most promising essential oils for further exploitation in the food and cosmetics industries.