Journal articles: 'Communism – India'

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Gupta, Charu. "‘Hindu Communism’: Satyabhakta, apocalypses and utopian Ram Rajya." Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, no. 2 (April 2021): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464621997877.

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In the north India of 1920s–30s, many first-generation anticolonial communists and Left intellectuals did not see any contradiction in reliance upon religion, ethical traditions and morality in a search for vocabularies of dignity, equality, just polity and social liberation. Through select writings in Hindi of Satyabhakta (1897–85), an almost forgotten figure in histories of communism in India, this article focuses on the entanglement between religion and communism as a way of thinking about the Left in India, and the problems and possibilities of such imaginings. Steeped in a north Indian Hindi literary print public sphere, such figures illuminated a distinctly Hindu and Indian path towards communism, making it more relatable to a Hindi–Hindu audience. The article draws attention to Satyabhakta’s layered engagements with utopian political desires, which, in envisaging an egalitarian future, wove Hindu faith-based ethical morality, apocalyptic predictions and notions of a romantic Ram Rajya, with decolonisation, anti-capitalism and aesthetic communist visions of equality. Even while precarious and problematic, such imaginations underline hidden plural histories of communism and, at the same time, trouble atheist, secular communists as well as the proponents of Hindutva.

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Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.

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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.

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Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.

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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.

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Stone, Marla, and Giuliana Chamedes. "Naming the Enemy: Anti-communism in Transnational Perspective." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 2018): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417735165.

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In this introduction to the special issue on transnational anti-communism, Marla Stone and Giuliana Chamedes present the contours of a comparative approach to the study of anti-communism, raising issues of its origins and impact, and calling for attention to anti-communism as a discrete ideology with a defined set of beliefs and practices. The special issue of six articles, edited by Stone and Chamedes, focuses on anti-communism in the interwar period in a range of locations, including India under British rule, colonial Madagascar, Italy, France, Britain and the United States of America. The essays emphasize comparative issues regarding the emergence and consolidation of anti-communist movements and practices in the 1920s and 1930s, and they argue for the transnational and international character of interwar anti-communism, and for its profound implications for both national and global politics.

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Nossiter, T. J. "Communism in Rajiv Gandhi's India." Third World Quarterly 7, no. 4 (October 1985): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419875.

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Callaghan, John. "Rajani Palme Dutt, British communism, and the Communist Party of India." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1990): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415006.

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Goswami, Manu. "A Communism of Intelligence: Early Communism in Late Imperial India." Diacritics 48, no. 2 (2020): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.2020.0012.

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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.

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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.

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9

Louro, Michele. "The Johnstone Affair and Anti-Communism in Interwar India." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688257.

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In 1928, British colonial authorities in India detained and held J.W. Johnstone, a US citizen, for nearly a month before deporting him first to Europe and then back to the USA. Johnstone’s eventual arrest and deportation became a major ‘affair’ with far-reaching implications for India, the British Empire and even the USA. In the weeks after Johnstone’s arrival, the colonial state launched an extensive and worldwide investigation into his identity and potential ties to communism. In analyzing the story of the Johnstone affair, this article highlights British colonial anxieties and preoccupations with the spread of international communism in interwar India. Moreover, this article also argues that the response to the Johnstone arrest – in India and the United States of America especially – produced a number of unintended consequences. Both the American working class movement and the Indian trade unionist movement appropriated the Johnstone affair to call for global solidarities against the oppression of British and US imperialism worldwide.

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SEHGAL, VIKRANT. "Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things: A Communist Critique." Dev Sanskriti Interdisciplinary International Journal 5 (January 15, 2015): 07–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36018/dsiij.v5i0.51.

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When Arundhati Roy’s semi-autobiographical novel, The God of Small Things, was published in 1997, it received both praise and criticism. While many critics and reviewers from around the world praised it for its technical virtuosity and thematic concerns, the voices and reactions heard from Roy’s native country, India, were disconcerting. In Kerala, a state in the south-west coast of India, where the story takes place, conservative Christians and hardline communists alike stood against the novel’s publication and distribution in India, despite the positive media attention Kerala would draw through this Booker prize winning novel. The reactions of the members of the Church and the communist party, who have revolutionized the Kerala society from time to time, make one curious about the moral and ideological controversy of Roy’s narration. Was it really her critique of communism that angered the critics, or was it her careful unraveling of something unexpected and hideous in the political and religious establishments in Kerala? This paper shows Roy’s promotion for Communism with reference to The God of Small Things.

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Sheikh, Imran Ahmad, and Khushi Khushi. "Communism and Complexity: A dichotomous study of Iqbal Singh in Khushwant Singh's Novel, Train to Pakistan." International Journal of English Literature and Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (2024): 026–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijels.92.6.

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This research paper delves into the complex character of Iqbal Singh in “Train to Pakistan.” As a representative of the People’s Party of India and a communist, he is dispatched to Mano Majra to address socio-economic issues. The narrative explores his interactions, distinct urban traits, and the challenges he faces in a rural setting. Iqbal’s commitment to communism is evident as he discusses poverty, corruption, and societal disparities. His perspective on crime emphasizes its societal roots, challenging conventional views on criminality. The paper also highlights Iqbal’s iews on population control, hygiene, and his disillusionment with societal norms. The character’s disdain for Indian cultural aspects, including religion, Yoga, art, and music, reflects his staunch communist ideology. His skepticism towards metaphysical beliefs and indifference to values underscore a profound internal conflict. The narrative delves into Iqbal’s encounters with the police, his detention, and the societal issues he grapples with in Mano Majra. The research elucidates Iqbal’s role as a missionary striving to avert violence during the partition, emphasizing his dedication to communism. However, it notes his limited understanding of India’s diverse religious traditions, exposing a certain immaturity in his perspective. Overall, the paper navigates Iqbal’s multifaceted character, exploring the intersections of ideology, social dynamics, and personal growth within the context of “Train to Pakistan.”

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Jeffrey, Robin, and T. R. Sharma. "Communism in India. The Politics of Fragmentation." Pacific Affairs 58, no. 4 (1985): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758509.

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T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.

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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.

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14

Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.

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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

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15

Roy, Mallarika Sinha. "Book review: Ania Loomba. 2019. Revolutionary Desires: Women, Communism and Feminism in India." Journal of South Asian Development 15, no. 2 (August 2020): 296–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174120933445.

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Jain, Dhruv. "Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.

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In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.

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Sandhu, Tanroop. "Interwar India through Bhimrao Ambedkar’s Eyes." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-1-2020-0062.

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This article is an analysis of the political thought of Bhimrao Ambedkar, anti-caste activist, author of the Indian constitution and first law minister of independent India. His personal writings are analyzed, and the origins of his ideas are situated within larger contexts- both national and international. He was representative of the increased radicalism of the Indian nationalist movement in the 1920s and 30s, but he stood apart from the mainstream of the movement on key issues. Above all, the most formative influence on his political philosophy was the fact that his experience of interwar India was mediated through his position at the lower rungs of the caste hierarchy. He brought his unique perspective to bear on some of the most pressing topics that radical nationalists were debating in the interwar period: communism and political economy, defining nationhood, and the caste system. A discussion of Ambedkar’s views on these three key subjects forms the analytical basis of this article, with an eye towards the continued relevance of his thought.

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Osella, Filippo, and D. Menon. "Caste, Nationalism and Communism in South India: Malabar 1900-1948." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1, no. 1 (March 1995): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034264.

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Irschick, Eugene F., and Dilip M. Menon. "Caste, Nationalism and Communism in South India, Malabar, 1900-1948." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 2 (1996): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205227.

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20

Roy, Tirthankar. "Communism in India: events, processes and ideologies. By Bidyut Chakrabarty." International Affairs 91, no. 4 (July 2015): 913–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12378.

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Mudiar, Jyotishman. "The Meerut Trial (1929-33): Labor, Internationalism and Cold War." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (December 23, 2020): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.03.3692.

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The historiography of the Meerut Trial (1929-33) has regarded the Trial as a crackdown on the left-wing movement in India, notably a communist left. Those interested in global history have represented the Trial as a repressive response to revolutionary internationalism. The effects of the Trial have firmly structured the history of its causes. This paper revisits why the British colonial state in India launched the Trial in the first place. For the British colonial state, anxiety about Bolshevism was not new. Many historians and activists have considered the Trial a teleological culmination of a series of conspiracy cases against communism. Notwithstanding its merit, it effaces the importance of the historical conjuncture of 1928-9. This paper argues that what forced the state to launch the Trial in 1928-9 was the unprecedented industrial unrest in the two cities of Bombay and Calcutta. At the face of a labor movement that challenged capitalism and colonialism alike, the state felt that repressive legal-administrative actions alone were insufficient for control and order. In its broader sense, the Trial was a cold war propaganda response of the British state in India to manufacture the consent of its subjects.

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Tripathi, Priyanka. "Revolutionary desires: women, communism, and feminism in India by Ania Loomba." Feminist Theory 21, no. 4 (December 2020): 520–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700120967291b.

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Karak, Anirban. "Book Review: Ania Loomba, Revolutionary Desires: Women, Communism, and Feminism in India." South Asia Research 39, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728019844052.

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Reynolds, Justin. "From Christian anti-imperialism to postcolonial Christianity: M. M. Thomas and the ecumenical theology of communism in the 1940s and 1950s." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 230–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000062.

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AbstractThis article uses the early thought and career of the Indian Mar Thoma Christian and Marxian theologian M. M. Thomas to investigate the connections between ecumenism’s theology of communism and its engagements with anti-colonial politics and decolonization in the 1940s and 1950s. The article situates Thomas’ efforts to reconcile Marxian doctrine with Christian faith within the movement’s institutional practices for combating the entropic effects of modern secular civilization and Cold War polarization. Tracing Thomas’ ascent from Christian Marxist youth circles in south India to leadership positions in the World Student Christian Federation and the World Council of Churches, the article highlights the central role of his theology in establishing ‘revolutionary’ postcolonial social transformation as the object of Christian global governance in the post-war era.

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Ishaque, Waseem. "UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH ASIA; ANALYZING IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).03.

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The US foreign policy for South Asia has generally remained zero-sum for India and Pakistan. While Pakistan joined US camp immediately after independence and during the period of cold war remained part of the US alliance system and frontline state in the defeat of communism and now War on Terrorism. On the contrary, the US adopted a different approach towards India in terms of strategic partnership and different nuclear-related cooperation. US National Security Strategy of January 2018 has reprioritized national security preferences where India has been granted great status as a potential competitor of China and Pakistan has been marginalized to terrorist-related issues. The US foreign policy in its current form is perceived to be a destabilizing factor as it gives leverage to India at the cost of Pakistan. This article unveils the cardinal aspects of US foreign policy towards South Asia and its potential implications of Pakistan.

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Yadav, Asha. "International Politics and Abhyudaya Patra." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.017.

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Hindi papers, especially 'Abhyudaya', by bringing international events to the public, not only clarified the foreign policy of the Congress, but also made Indians aware of the bloodshed of various nations for political selfishness, diplomacy and economic benefits. . The letter believed that only India had the right to decide on the internal condition of India, its relations with foreign countries and national defense etc. In 1920 AD, the most discussed in the world was about communism and the League of Nations. The capitalist countries were opposing the communist policy of Russia. On the other hand, in the name of world peace, the League of Nations was establishing its dominance over the world by forming an institution. Hindi letters and Abhyudaya neither supported nor opposed communism because they believed that if they did not live up to their principles, it would probably end. In view of the decision of the League of Nations and its functioning, the letter described it as an organized hypocrisy and sent a message to the suffering nations to strengthen their position. Abstract in Hindi Language: हिन्दी पत्रों, विशेष रूप से ’अभ्युदय’ ने अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय घटनाओं को जनमानस तक पहुँचाकर न केवल कांग्रेस की विदेश नीति को स्पष्ट किया अपितु भारतीयों को राजनीतिक स्वार्थ, कूटनीति और आर्थिक लाभों के लिए विभिन्न राष्ट्र, जो रक्तपात कर रहे थे, उसका भी ज्ञान कराया। पत्र का मानना था भारत की आन्तरिक अवस्था, उसके विदेशों से सम्बंध और राष्ट्रीय रक्षा आदि प्रश्नों पर निर्णय लेने का अधिकार केवल भारत का था। 1920 ई0 में संसार में सबसे अधिक चर्चा साम्यवाद और राष्ट्रसंघ की ही थी। पूँजीवादी देश रूस की साम्यवादी नीति का विरोध कर रहे थे। दूसरी ओर, विश्व में शांति के नाम पर राष्ट्रसंघ संस्था बनाकर विश्व पर अपना प्रभुत्त्व कायम कर रहे थे। हिन्दी पत्रों और अभ्युदय ने साम्यवाद का न तो समर्थन ही किया और न विरोध क्योंकि उनका मानना था कि अपने सिद्धांतों पर खरा न उतरनें पर इसका अन्त सम्भवतः ही हो जायेगा। राष्ट्रसंघ के निर्णय और उसकी कार्यप्रणाली को देखते हुए पत्र ने उसे एक संगठित पाखंड बताया और पीड़ित राष्ट्रों को अपनी स्थिति सुदृढ़ करने का संदेश दिया। Keywords: साम्राज्यवाद का विस्तार, साम्यवादी विचारधारा, राष्ट्रसंघ, ब्रिटिश सरकार की अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीति

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Nair, Dr Tushar. "The White Tiger : A Critique." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 6, no. 8 (August 28, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v6i8.4679.

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This work is a comprehensive study which brings out the narrative techniques used by Arvind Adiga who has a fascination for his past as a boy belonging to Chennai and feels a bond with the life of middle class people. His view of looking at history in an alternative way reflects in this work. He looks at violence as a channel for freedom and this view is realized in the form of the protagonist, Balram Halwai murdering his master Mr. Ashok. The novel is also a way of looking at India in its flux of economic changes as against China, the country of communism. Apart from sharing the view of the author, the work brings out the aspects of light and dark, casteism, rural and urban life, difference between Indian and American culture, Indian politics and corruption. It is also peppered with humour here and there. Every detail has been incorporated in narrating the transformation of a poor village boy into a successful entrepreneur.

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Sherman, Taylor C. "A Gandhian answer to the threat of communism? Sarvodaya and postcolonial nationalism in India." Indian Economic & Social History Review 53, no. 2 (April 2016): 249–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464616634875.

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Vasechko, V. Yu. "“Communism” maxim in Robert Merton’s code of ethics and its effect in the epistemological discourse of the traditional society." Philosophy of Science and Technology 26, no. 2 (2021): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2413-9084-2021-26-2-148-163.

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The article examines one of the maxims of the code of scientific ethos, formulated in 1942 by R.K. Merton, namely “communism” (translated in Russian also as “communalism” and “collectivism”). Although the Merton Code was derived from the study of relationships among European scientists since the 17th century, the author substantiates the possibility of using this maxim to characterize the communication that develops between the subjects of epistemological discourse in traditional society, primarily in the civilizations of the ancient and medieval East (ancient Egypt and Babylon, India, China, the Arab-Muslim world). The epistemological dimension of “communism” is rendered relevant, provided that the re- search community, a community of researchers, is united by common cognitive and professional attitudes. This commune covers not only real-life people performing in various cognitive roles (pioneers, commentators, experts, analysts or popularizers), but also individuals represented virtually. The latter are either the authors of the surviving works, determining the format and problem field of definite epistemological fragment, or future successors of the study, which will connect to it after a while. Violations of ethical principles implicitly perceived by this maxim (such as full mutual trust and equality among study participants, respect for results achieved by others, the priority of common goals over personal competition, etc.) are perceived as treasonous to the spirit of science and behavior worthy of censure. Despite interpersonal and inter-group conflicts accompanying the research work, the view of knowledge as a common, communal property of a commonwealth of scientists or, at least, this team, is an important factor in the effectiveness of scientific research. On the contrary, the privatization of knowledge and its total secrecy, characteristic of periods of scientific stagnation, is accompanied by a break of contacts between the subjects of discourse and the fading of interest in cardinal, breakthrough, innovative epistemological problems.

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Raza, A. "Separating the Wheat from the Chaff: Meerut and the Creation of "Official" Communism in India." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 33, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 316–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2378112.

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Maclean, Kama. "Comrade Ryan, International Trade Unionism and White Australia: Global Communism, Trade Unionism and Empire in Interwar India." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 47, no. 6 (March 4, 2019): 1125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2019.1576834.

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Dhivya, Chrispin Antonieta. "The Impact of Marxism and Communism: A Critical Study of Meena Kandaswamy’s ‘The Gypsy Goddess’." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 11 (November 28, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i11.10097.

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Meena Kandasamy is a versatile writer from India who writes poetry, essays and fiction. She was born to Tamil parents in 1984. Meena Kandasamy completed a doctorate of philosophy in socio-linguistics from Anna university, Chennai. She was very interested in writing from her childhood and even wrote her first poetry at the age of 17 before translating books by Dalit writers. Kilvenmani, an obscure village in the Nagapattinam taluk of erstwhile Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu, shot to significance in 1968, forty-four Dalit were, locked in a hut and burnt alive because they demanded for hike in wages. This study is an attempt to analyze the events, looking at it not in isolation, but by placing it in the larger socio – political scenario, by examining the various narratives of the incident itself, the aftermath, and the emotions and movements it spurred among the people based on the novel The Gypsy Goddess by Meena Kandasamy taking Marxism and communism as its main theme.

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Sackley, Nicole. "The village as Cold War site: experts, development, and the history of rural reconstruction." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 481–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000428.

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AbstractThis article examines ‘the village’ as a category of development knowledge used by policymakers and experts to remake the ‘Third World’ during the Cold War. The idea of the village as a universal category of underdevelopment, capable of being remade by expert-led social reform, structured efforts to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of people from Asia to Latin America and Africa. Rooted in a transnational interwar movement for rural reconstruction, village projects were transformed in the 1950s and 1960s by a scientization of development that narrowed the range of experts in the field and by Cold War politics that increasingly tied development to anti-communism and counterinsurgency. From India to Central America, strategic efforts to control rural populations won out over concerns for rural welfare.

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Banerjee, Vasabjit. "Communism in India: Events, Processes and Ideologies. By Bidyut Chakrabarty. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. 336p. $78.00." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2016): 1238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003777.

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DEB ROY, ROHAN. "WHITE ANTS, EMPIRE, AND ENTOMO-POLITICS IN SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 63, no. 2 (October 2, 2019): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000281.

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AbstractBy focusing on the history of white ants in colonial South Asia, this article shows how insects were ubiquitous and fundamental to the shaping of British colonial power. British rule in India was vulnerable to white ants because these insects consumed paper and wood, the key material foundations of the colonial state. The white ant problem also made the colonial state more resilient and intrusive. The sphere of strict governmental intervention was extended to include both animate and inanimate non-humans, while these insects were invoked as symbols to characterize colonized landscapes, peoples, and cultures. Nonetheless, encounters with white ants were not entirely within the control of the colonial state. Despite effective state intervention, white ants did not vanish altogether, and remained objects of everyday control until the final decade of colonial rule and after. Meanwhile, colonized and post-colonial South Asians used white ants to articulate their own distinct political agendas. Over time, white ants featured variously as metaphors for Islamic decadence, British colonial exploitation, communism, democratic socialism, and, more recently, the Indian National Congress. This article argues that co-constitutive encounters between the worlds of insects and politics have been an intrinsic feature of British colonialism and its legacies in South Asia.

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Klafke, Renata V., Caroline Lievore, Claudia Tania Picinin, Antonio Carlos de Francisco, and Luiz Alberto Pilatti. "Primary knowledge management practices applied in Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) industries from 2001-2010." Journal of Knowledge Management 20, no. 4 (July 11, 2016): 812–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jkm-12-2015-0522.

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Purpose This study aims to expose the main knowledge management (KM) practices applied in BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) industries using scientific literature published in the Scopus database from 2001 to 2010. Design/methodology/approach A search was performed in papers selected from the Scopus database, which houses the KM practices of industries in BRIC countries. Findings The results show that Brazil, Russia and India have an easier way of converting tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge compared to China, where informal relationships of trust and friendship play a special role within organizations, as well as where the political structure (communism) is an intervening factor. Brazil, Russia and India practice similar KM mechanisms such as the use of technology, process standardization and electronic data management. They also model the positive experiences of western companies. In China, interpersonal relationships shape the tacit and explicit features of organizations. Research limitations/implications The methodological filter could potentially limit the volume of responses, as not every case study can demonstrate the usual practices of KM. Empirical studies are able to capture the nuances and even provide a holistic picture of these practices. Practical Implications The results have practical implication, in particular. They are expected to help managers and workers to better comprehend KM practices in BRIC countries or even suggest new KM practices in the business. Originality/value The main discussion of this paper brings together a large range of KM practices applied in BRIC, addressing similarities and differences between KM deployments.

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Momen Sarker, Md Abdul, and Md Mominur Rahman. "Intermingling of History and Politics in The God of Small Things." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.4p.138.

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Suzanna Arundhati Roy is a post-modern sub-continental writer famous for her first novel The God of Small Things. This novel tells us the story of Ammu who is the mother of Rahel and Estha. Through the story of Ammu, the novel depicts the socio-political condition of Kerala from the late 1960s and early 1990s. The novel is about Indian culture and Hinduism is the main religion of India. One of the protagonists of this novel, Velutha, is from a low-caste community representing the dalit caste. Apart from those, between the late 1960s and early 1990s, a lot of movements took place in the history of Kerala. The Naxalites Movement is imperative amid them. Kerala is the place where communism was established for the first time in the history of the world through democratic election. Some vital issues of feminism have been brought into focus through the portrayal of the character, Ammu. In a word, this paper tends to show how Arundhati Roy has successfully manifested the multifarious as well as simultaneous influences of politics in the context of history and how those affected the lives of the marginalized. Overall, it would minutely show how historical incidents and political ups and downs go hand in hand during the political upheavals of a state.

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Sarathy, Ravi, and Elitsa R. Banalieva. "Economic Development and Marketing Strategies: a Comparative Lens." Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 5, no. 1 (May 30, 2014): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2014.5.1.14241.

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Go back We analyze two core models of economic development in emerging markets: socialism (i.e., the “visible hand” of the state in directing the country’s socio-economic life) and capitalism (i.e., the “invisible hand” of the markets implemented through pro-market reforms). We further distinguish between two types of socialist economic development: Soviet Communism (as experienced in the pre-1990s Central and Eastern European transition economies) and Fabian Socialism (as experiencedin pre-1991 India). We then suggest that companies can adapt to the evolution from socialism to capitalism in their countries through the implementation of more sophisticated marketing strategies that can ensure a sustainable competitive advantage. Thus, we study the marketing strategies of companies from emerging markets operating under both models of economic development. We analyze the opportunities and challenges that emerging market companies face under each model of economic development in terms of deploying various marketing strategies, and provide useful venues for future research.

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Yengibaryan, R. V. "Mass and uncontrolled immigration as a threat to the civil, legal and civilizational stability in Western European countries and Russia." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-3-9.

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Introduction. Following the collapse, or rather self-liquidation, of the Soviet Union-USSR world events began to develop at a kaleidoscopic speed. Europe, Russia and the United States ceased to be central actors in global politics. Huge civilization countries such as China, India and the African continent broke into global politics with ever-increasing power. The united bloc of Islamic countries began to make aggressive claims to the entire world community, and especially to the countries of Christian civilization. And the most important and unexpected thing is that the peoples, nations, communities everywhere began to return to their civilizational, religious and spiritual roots.Materials and methods. Various methods such as comparative law, systemic, logical analysis and other methods were used in writing this article.The results of the study. The attempt to globalize the world by the socio-political criterion “capitalism socialism” failed. The world community, or rather its political, economic and intellectual elite, was given a clear message: ideologies of all kinds communism, fascism, nationalism, socialism eventually undergo transformation, split into sub streams and practically disappear, but the world religions and civilizations remain.Discussion and conclusion. The world globalized spontaneously and naturally, with financial, economic, political and technological dimensions playing the major role. At the same time globalization laid the foundation of new contradictions among countries that enjoy different social, economic levels of development and belong to various civilizations. Moreover, the interests of civilizations living in different time dimensions began to clash, like Islam that lives in 1441 and other countries that have been living in the 21st century for the second decade. The ideology of multiculturalism both in Western Europe and in the USA turned out to be unrealizable in practice, just like the communist ideology that has sunk into oblivion.

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محەمەد, ئاشنا. "Britains’ Political And Strategic Influence in Iran." Journal for Political and Security Studies 4, no. 7 (June 1, 2021): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10050.

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The main idea behind writing this research is Britain’s increased interest in the area which was because of having East India Company that had caused Iran to impose its policy in the surrounding area, on top of all Iran, especially after finding oil in the area increasing Iran’s value. Also, the aftermath of October’s 1917 revolution and the spread of communism in the area and Iran caused Britain to attempt to strengthen a stronger Iran in order to make it a barrier against Soviet and keep its interests safe. Therefore, they thought about enthroning someone who could both stand against Soviet and keep their interests, and that person was Raza khan. To analyze the data, the research has taken advantage of both analysis and history methods. It comprises four chapters. The first chapter deals with the beginnings of Britain’s entrance into Iran up until World War I. The second chapter discusses Britain’s politics from 1918 to 1920. The second chapter deals with the influence and role of Britain in Iran. The fourth chapter talks about the 1921 coup d’état and the reactions to the coup d’état.

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Zafar, Mohammad Ali, and Shaheer Ahmad. "Appraisal of Order in ASEAN and SAARC: A Comparative Inquiry." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3794.

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The paper examines how ASEAN has emerged as a face of Southeast Asia: from anarchy to order, to promote stability, strengthen sovereignty, reduce the role of great powers and build the harmony of interests among the states, while SAARC remained less effective in maintaining Order in South Asia. While combating the challenges of communism and regional instability, ASEAN’s has minimized the involvement of non-state actors while keeping the state’s sovereignty at the forefront. On the other hand, SAARC remained less influential in maintaining Order under common norms, values and interests due to a lack of the conflict management mechanism and inbuilt hostility between India and Pakistan. To understand the reason for the effectiveness of ASEAN Vis-à-vis SAARC, the conceptual framework of Order proposed by Hedley Bull provides a befitting context to examine both regional platforms. Both ASEAN and SAARC had the aim to solve interstate conflicts, but SAARC turned out to be ineffective. Hence, a comparative analysis critically evaluates how and why ASEAN has performed better than SAARC in conflict management. Eventually, the paper discusses the possible changes that SAARC can make to maintain Order in South Asia.

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Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.

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The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

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Jeffrey, Robin. "Book Reviews : DILIP M. MENON, Caste, Nationalism and Communism in South India. Malabar, 1900-1948, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1994, 209 pp., Rs 295." Indian Economic & Social History Review 32, no. 3 (September 1995): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469503200313.

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Copland, Ian. "‘Communalism’ in Princely India: The Case of Hyderabad, 1930–1940." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 4 (October 1988): 783–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015742.

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The time has come when the communal holocaust must be confined to the Indian States, the time has come when both the Hindu and Muslim newspapers must be prevented from blowing communalism into British India. There was a time when our politicians like Gokhale rightly used to take pride in Indian States being free from communalism, which was a vice in British India.… But the table appears to have been turned.

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Khan, Abdul Qayum, and Nadeem Ahmad. "A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO ALLAMA MUHAMMAD IQBAL’S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 338–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.300.

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In Iqbal’s political philosophy and practice, parliamentary spiritual democratic system is universalistic and particularistic in its range. Global in nature, it is anchored in the religion of Islam that gives it a universal look. In 1926, when he entered politics to realize this ideal in practice, his ideas started to reflect the political scenario of the subcontinent. Besides Islam, Iqbal had made use of a good deal of western political concepts of nationalism, democracy, secularism, sovereignty, ethics of politics and communism. But he neither fully appreciates nor discards out rightly all these concepts. On the other hand, he has expounded his own political ideals of Tauhid, Khudi, Marde Momin, Islamic democracy, Millat, etc. Through these patterns of thought, Iqbal try to train an individual, a society and a global Islamic order. This universal order as it is construed from the concept of ummah will strive for the promotion of pan-humanism, i.e., freedom, brotherhood, and equality of humanity. In this paper Iqbal’s political philosophy, his concept of Khudi, how he perceives an ideal society will be analyzed. It will also be highlight that how his political philosophy changed from one stage to another. Keywords: Allama Iqbal, Political Philosophy, Muslim Society in India, Islam, Nation-State

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Amin, Zukhruf. "Hindu Orthodoxy versus Indian Pluralism." Review of Human Rights 9, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v9i1.242.

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The rise of Hindutva or Neo-Hindu nationalism has undermined the inclusive, all embracing and coexisting nature of Indian secular democracy. The political utilization of the doctrine of Hindutva has led to multi-dimensional challenges in the Hindu majoritarian state of India. The exercise of extant communalism has driven the Indian minorities to a state of constant insecurity. It reflects religio-nationalist identity politics particularly under the Modi regime, which is posing security challenges to multiple communities in India. The divided Communalism with Hindu majoritarianism has characterized the state of India with deeply entrenched Hindu racial supremacy that has caused increasing human insecurity in India. The study analyses how the rise of Hindutva is creating problems for the Indian pluralism. The study argues that the rise of ultra-Hindu-nationalism in practice of populist identity intellectual leadership in India has threatened the human security at the domestic level.

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Kesselman, Amrita, and Mark Kesselman. "Class, Communalism and Official Complicity: India after Indira." Monthly Review 36, no. 8 (January 2, 1985): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-036-08-1985-01_2.

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Lossovskyi, Ihor. "ASIAN NEUTRALISM AND THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR: HOW TO CHANGE THE BALANCE IN UKRAINE’S FAVOR." Strategic Panorama, no. 2 (August 8, 2023): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.53679/2616-9460.2.2022.09.

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The author analyses the evolution of the modern concept of neutralism in international law, as historically practiced by the countries of the Asian region starting from the middle of the 20th century. The Asian region is viewed as the birthplace of foreign policy ideas about neutrality and non-alignment. The bloc confrontation during the Cold War functioned both the source of and the environment for the formation and consolidation of neutrality and non-alignment. These concepts are associated with Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of independent India, who proposed the “geopolitical code” of India, which has its roots in the ancient traditions of the Indo-Buddhist civilization. This notion greatly outlived its creator; however, as after his death, the locus of further promoting neutralism shifted to the countries of Southeast Asia. The main ideological core of the consolidation of this subregion was the idea of Asian neutralism and anti-communism. At the same time, neutralism was channeled against active military and political interference in the affairs of the subregion by external states, primarily the USA, the USSR, and China, as well as attempts by them to involve the SEA countries in their conflicts. Evolving from the key concept of the bloc confrontation of the Cold War to neutrality as an important factor in the confrontation between the USA and the PRC in the East Asian region after the end of the Cold War, on today's stage neutralism manifests itself as an important factor in the military confrontation of Ukraine against the Russian aggressor, and in a more global context, the confrontation between global liberal democracy and authoritarianism or totalitarianism. The political positions of traditionally neutral (in the sense of the mentioned evolving concept) Asian countries, as well as those that openly declare and consistently maintain a neutral status regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war, are analyzed in detail. A conclusion is made regarding the possibilities of changing the balance of power and “pulling” certain neutral countries to the side of the pro-Ukrainian coalition of states.

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Saleem, Raja M. Ali. "Jewish Civilizationism in Israel: A Unique Phenomenon." Religions 14, no. 2 (February 16, 2023): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020268.

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Populism and civilizationism have transformed the politics of many countries. Many scholars consider them the biggest challenges to democracy since the rise of fascism and communism in the first half of the last century. The close affinity between populism, civilizationism, and rightwing politics has also been analyzed and recognized in many countries from Turkey to India to the US. However, there are three areas that distinguish the appearance of civilizationism in Israel. First, in contrast to many other countries, civilizationism in Israel is not a new phenomenon. It has been an essential part of Israeli nationalism or Zionism since the early 20th century. Second, unlike many countries, Jewish civilizationism in Israel is an article of faith for all major Israeli political parties. It is not a slogan raised only by the rightwing, conservative part of the political spectrum. Finally, one observes an affinity between civilizationism and populism. Civilizational rhetoric is the mainstay of populist leaders, such as Trump, Erdogan, etc. In Israel, populism and civilizationism have no special relationship as civilizationism is mainstream politics. All politicians, populists and non-populists, have to pay homage to Jewish civilizationism; otherwise, they will not succeed. This paper analyzes the Israeli founding fathers’ statements, the Declaration of Independence, Israeli state symbols, the revival of the Hebrew language, the Law of Return, the first debate in the Knesset, and the more recent Nation-State Law to demonstrate how Jewish civilizationism is old, mainstream, and not exclusively populist.

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Saleemi, Sundus. "Kamran Asdar Ali. Communism in Pakistan: Politics and Class Activism 1947- 1972. London, U.K.: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd./Philip Wilson Publishers Ltd. 2015. 304 pages. £ 59.00." Pakistan Development Review 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i2pp.151-154.

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The book is divided into two parts consisting of eight chapters, including the introductory and concluding chapters, and an epilogue. It is a 304 page book including notes and references, which are not only interesting but are very helpful for any reader interested in the topic. The introductory chapter sets the stage for the reader, introducing her to the diversity of nations living in the geographical boundaries of Pakistan and points to the failure of their integration in the state project. The author also touches upon the ethnic and nationalistic struggles played out in Pakistan throughout history and their relationship with the politics of the left. Furthermore, he reiterates that mainstream discourse on Pakistan’s history presents the struggle for separate nation in unified India as a struggle of a monolith Muslim nation in the sub-continent largely ignoring the ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity of these Muslims, thereby undermining their aspirations for freedom, self-determination and autonomy. The Bengali and the Baloch freedom movements have been cited as examples of what he calls the “collective amnesia” of the nation and notes that resistance, or left-leaning, movements have also been largely ignored in mainstream discourses on the history of Pakistan.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Communism – India'

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