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Journal articles on the topic 'Communismo y sociedad'
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1
Klicperova-Baker, Martina, and Jaroslav Koštál. "Post-communist democracy vs. totalitarianism: Contrasting patterns of need satisfaction and societal frustration." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 50, no. 2 (May 31, 2017): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2017.05.002.
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Frustration/satisfaction under the post-Communist democracy and under the pre-1989 Communist authoritarianism were studied in the Czech Republic in 2008 using a nationwide sample of 1093 respondents and an original Societal Frustration inventory. The patterns of frustration were contrastingly opposite: The past was dominated by the memory of oppression, of curtailed self-actualization yet fulfilled basic needs. In contrast, current democracy allowed for free self-actualization but the intensity of the current frustrations has exceeded the past frustrating memories. Main current complaints included a) general insecurity, lack of fulfillment of basic needs; b) corruption, low political culture, decline of civility (rudeness, envy, and ethnic intolerance). The results and their discussion help to explain the psychology of Communism, post-Communism, transition, and democratic consolidation.
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De Smaele, Hedwig. "Values Underlying the Information Culture in Communist and Post-Communist Russia (1917−1999)." Media and Communication 3, no. 4 (December 29, 2015): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v3i4.334.
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In this article the concept of information culture—understood as the dominant handling of information, shared by a dominant proportion of journalists, the public, authorities and other actors within a societal environment at a given time and place—is explored in the context of Communist and early post-Communist Russia (1917−1999). Three value pairs underlying the attitude towards information are explored: individualism and collectivism (the relation of man to the state), universalism and particularism (the relation of man to man), and pluralism versus dominance (the nature of knowledge and truth). Continuities are found between the Communist Soviet Union and post-Communist Russia in their instrumental use of media and information (collectivism), the view on information as a particular privilege rather than a universal right and the monopoly of truth. Post-Communism, therefore, appears not only as an indication of time (i.e. the period after Communism) but also as an indicator of the continuation of basic value orientations over these time periods.
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Movilla Vega, Daniel. "HACIA LA NUEVA SOCIEDAD COMUNISTA: LA CASA DE TRANSICIÓN DEL NARKOMFIN, EPÍLOGO DE UNA INVESTIGACIÓN." Proyecto, Progreso, Arquitectura, no. 9 (2013): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ppa.2013.i9.02.
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Iankova, Katia, and Sonia Mileva. "Societal Approach Towards the Socialist Heritage in Bulgaria." Cultural and Historical Heritage: Preservation, Representation, Digitalization 7, no. 1 (2021): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26615/issn.2367-8038.2021_1_014.
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The paper propose a conceptual framework of societal attitudes towards the socialist heritage in Bulgaria as a country with controversial socialist legacies in the field of tourism. The analysis aims to investigate the different expressions of sociatel approach to the heritage of the communist period of Bulgaria and what is the attitude, feelings, actions of the society towards this heritage in the post-communist times. Keywords: Socialist Heritage, Tourism, Societal Approach, Concept
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Reis, Olaf. "Families as niches during communism in East Germany: Consequences for parent–child relationships during times of change." International Journal of Behavioral Development 32, no. 5 (September 2008): 412–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025408093660.
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This study brings together two main theoretical traditions in order to better understand how parent–child relationships are influenced by the societal conditions around the family. The concept of the ecological niche has been used to describe the way in which East German families dealt with government institutions during communism, while we used the concept of individuation to describe relationships between parents and their children. Using a model predicting individuation within a family we demonstrate that the type of niche predicts individuation even after intrafamilial variables, such as the level of parent–child conflict, agency and time of the interaction have been controlled for. By employing hierarchical log-linear techniques to analyze narrative interviews of parents and their adult children from 34 families, we found that families who were more balanced in their interactions with communist government institutions were also more balanced in their parent–child individuations.
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Abdelal, Rawi. "Memories of Nations and States: Institutional History and National Identity in Post-Soviet Eurasia." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 3 (September 2002): 459–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011714.
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The national identities of post-Soviet societies profoundly influenced the politics and economics of Eurasia during the 1990s. These identities varied along two distinct but related dimensions: their content and contestation. Nationalist movements throughout post-Soviet Eurasia invoked their nations in support of specific purposes, which frequently cast Russia as the nation's most important “other” and the state from which autonomy and security must be sought. Nationalists therefore offered specific proposals for the content of their societies’ collective identities. But not everyone in these societies shared the priorities of their nationalist movements. Indeed, the international relations among post-Soviet states often revolved around one central question: did post-Soviet societies and politicians agree with their nationalists or not? The former Communists played a decisive role in contesting the content of national identity. One of the defining differences among post-Soviet states during the 1990s was the political and ideological relationship in each one between the formerly Communist elites and the nationalists—whether the former Communists marginalized the nationalists, arrested them, coopted them, bargained with them, or even tried to become like them. These different relationships revealed different degrees and kinds of societal consensus about national identity after Soviet rule.
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Becciu, Sorin. "Political Pressure Methods Used for Imposing the Bolshevik Regime in Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 190–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.190-197.
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The XX-th century had a decisive role in shaping the societies of Eastern Europe. In a short period of time several political ideologies influenced the people causing deep woundsand the effects we face even today.
The Republic of Moldova, The Ukraine and Romania have all fallen under the influence of the soviet ideology. To impose such a drastic change regarding the way of life, social institutions such as the Church, the family and private propriety, special methods had to be used. The Bolshevik ideology did not have any regard for the price of individual life and did not refrain from using violent methods. According to the main communist ideologues famine, torture, propriety nationalization and killings were justified.
The effects of this societal change still affect the region. Romania, The Republic of Moldova and Ukraine must find the understanding for the past and create solutions for the common problems.
Keywords: political pressure, communism, intellectuals, violence, famine
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Lenski, Gerhard. "Ecological-Evolutionary Theory and Societal Transformation in Post-Communist Europe." Czech Sociological Review 32, no. 2 (September 1, 1996): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1996.32.12.05.
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Chauvin, Bruno, Dimitra Macri, and Etienne Mullet. "Societal Risk Perception: A 19-Countries Comparison." Psihologia Resurselor Umane 5, no. 2 (January 20, 2020): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24837/pru.v5i2.325.
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The study was aimed at structuring the crosscountry differences in risk perception that have been reported in the literature, using cluster analysis. A 30-hazard x 19-country matrix was composed using as inputs the mean risk estimation levels available in the literature, and cluster analysis was conducted on this matrix. Six clusters of countries were found: A Communist bloc cluster (USSR and Hungary), a Nordic cluster (Finland, Norway, Sweden), an Arab cluster (Egypt and Kuwait), a Developing countries cluster (Brazil and South Korea), a Western cluster (France, Portugal, Spain, USA), and a cluster comprised of four countries or territories (Burkina Faso, China-Hong-Kong, China-Macao, Russia) which only common denominator seems to be that these countries are countries in which many economical and/or societal problems exist. The factors that may explain this clustering are discussed, and a new, more analytic approach to cross-national differences in risk perception is suggested.
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Charalambous, Giorgos, and Iasonas Lamprianou. "Societal Responses to the Post-2008 Economic Crisis among South European and Irish Radical Left Parties: Continuity or Change and Why?" Government and Opposition 51, no. 2 (October 31, 2014): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.35.
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The economic crisis has meant that radical left parties in Europe have been faced with changing socioeconomic environments. In this study we examine how European radical left parties have responded to the crisis in terms of their societal mobilization strategies and seek to explain their responses. Discussions in the relevant literature advocate that party-specific characteristics matter greatly in how parties mobilize in society and establish relations with social groups in times of stability. But do they continue to be as important at times of dramatic change, when new realities emerge in society? We look at the cases of the Greek (Greek Communist Party and Coalition of the Radical Left), Irish (Sinn Féin), Portuguese (Portuguese Communist Party and Bloco) and Spanish (Spanish Communist Party/United Left) radical left parties, which are alike at the country level but exhibit differences at the party level. Utilizing data from an original expert survey, we show that both ideology and organizational legacy throw considerable light on the observed variation among the six radical left parties’ societal responses to the crisis. In this way, they ensure continuity rather than change.
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Gąsior-Niemiec, Anna, Georg Glasze, and Robert Pütz. "A Glimpse over the Rising Walls." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408328749.
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The authors focus on societal perceptions of the Polish post-communist transformation as reflected in the rising discourse of gated communities. Guarded, (video-) controlled and/or walled housing estates have been on the sprawl in the Polish metropolises throughout the 1990s and 2000s. However, only recently they have been discursively constructed—under the banner of “gated communities”—as a social and political issue in the country. The authors look at this issue from a vantage point offered by Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, which allows the authors to combine a spatial and a linguistic analytical perspective. The analysis emphasizes the manner in which societal perceptions of borders surrounding gated communities overlap with perceptions of boundaries being inscribed in the social structure of post-communist Poland, while the resulting socio—spatial configurations are taken to signify political cleavages inherent in the Polish nation.
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Witkowski, Gregory R. "On the Campaign Trail: State Planning and Eigen-Sinn in a Communist Campaign to Transform the East German Countryside." Central European History 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 400–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161041445643.
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Throughout its history, the East German Communist Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, hereafter SED) organized campaigns to overcome the economic and political challenges facing it and to launch new program initiatives. Whether the aim was to increase factory safety, beautify a village, or raise standards of living, the party and the East German government used mass mobilizations to shape society, or at least certain social groups. Communist campaigns were directed attempts to improve diverse sectors of society by concentrating resources on arenas marked as economically deficient and socially resistant. By directing their efforts at revolutionizing narrowly defined critical areas, Communist leaders felt that they could enact overarching societal changes. Campaigns thus served as a means to initiate new policies and to correct problems that developed later. They were an essential part both of the state planning so prevalent in Communist systems, and of the often hectic short-term initiatives endemic in such economies. These mobilization efforts were so critical to the regime that one scholar has declared that the German Democratic Republic (GDR) possessed a campaign, rather than a command economy.
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Popova, Lubomira. "The end goal of the post-communist transition in Bulgaria: societal transformation or EU membership?" Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2020 (December 14, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.20.6.
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The end of the Cold War resulted in an unprecedented geopolitical situation in Europe, presenting a challenge to the security in the continent and the integration achieved so far. The only solution to this geopolitical problem was the integration of the post-communist Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) into the European Union (EU). The CEE countries therefore had to undergo deep societal reforms, while simultaneously pursuing a new foreign policy agenda away from the orbits of Russia. The EU was perceived as a solution to all existing problems. The results of the research conducted in Bulgaria, presented in this article, demonstrate that preparation for meeting the membership criteria which on the surface seemed to correspond to the aims of the transition, substituted the due structural reform. Thus, the EU accession instead of being an instrument for achieving sustainable long-term goals, became an end goal in itself, as if it would be an international testimony of a successful transition. The reforms carried out became a formality, were partial and superficial, and therefore reversible. As a result, the rule of law is deteriorating, and we can observe a facade democracy.
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Scherner, Karl Otto. "Blath, Simon, Societas sive communio. Zum Begriff des Personengesellschaftsvertrags vom Humanismus bis zum 19. Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 131, no. 1 (August 1, 2014): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga-2014-0124.
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Tampere, Kaja. "Corporate social responsibility developments in post-communist countries: Towards organisations’ social legitimacy." Central European Journal of Communication 12, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.12.1(22).4.
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The aim of the paper is to introduce corporate social responsibility CSR as an organisation’s management and stakeholders’ relations tool in post-communist countries for ensuring the organisation’s social legitimacy. The article discusses how understanding the interdependence between the organisation and society helps to support the organisation to develop social legitimacy and therefore ensure its sustainability. The general research problem in this article is connected with the societal context of studied organisations: how CSR could be positioned and managed in a post-communist society to avoid a rebuff against an organisation’s CSR activities. The topic of this paper is approached through three research questions: how post-communist organisations see the CSR position in the organisation, how social legitimacy is acknowledged and defined, and finally to what extent CSR is seen as a tool for ensuring social legitimacy. For the research, seven Estonian organisations’ representatives with management responsibility were interviewed to find out their thoughts and ideas about CSR and social legitimacy.
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Nebřenský, Zdeněk. "From International Activity to Foreign Tourism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (February 2015): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559049.
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This article examines foreign travels and international tourism to and from Czechoslovakia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Based on the annual reports of the international department of the ÚV ČSM and reports on their foreign travels submitted by youth officials, the article argues that rather than representing communist efforts “to maximally isolate Czechoslovak citizens from the outside world and to hinder interaction with foreigners,” communist restrictions on private foreign travel could be interpreted as a shift in emphasis from an individual to a collective form of travelling. The article suggests that collective travel abroad as a socialist form of travel had a political meaning and purpose: it represented “society-wide benefit” and thus was part of the communist societal transformation, educating the labouring classes and eliminating inequalities in the realm of transnational mobility. It explores how socialist travel abroad was intended to mitigate differences of opinion, balance particular interests and create ideological consensus.
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Dalton, Russell J. "Communists and Democrats: Democratic Attitudes in the Two Germanies." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 469–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006967.
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German unification has revived earlier scholarly debates about the nature of the German political culture and the ability of the nation to rise above its cultural heritage – now focused on the cultural inheritance from the German Democratic Republic. This article examines popular support for democratic attitudes as a prerequisite for successful political unification and the development of democracy in a unified Germany. Our evidence focuses on a study of democratic attitudes conducted in West Germany and East Germany by the Mannheim Research Unit for Societal Development in early 1990, with supplemental data from more recent surveys. We find that East Germans voice support for democratic attitudes that rivals or excels the expression of democratic norms in the West. The correlates of these opinions suggest that democratic norms in the East developed from an on-going process of counter-cultural socialization and from judgements about the relative economic strength of the Federal Republic.
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Tešan, Jesenko, and Joan Davison. "Leadership Amidst Transition and Liminality: The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Former Yugoslavia." Advances in Politics and Economics 3, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): p16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v3n2p16.
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A history of empires and communism created a liminality in the former Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). When leaders throughout the Soviet Bloc began to discredit communism, an opportunity opened for the leadership of B&H to unify the popular will and transition to democracy. Yet, the appropriate leadership, a master of ceremonies from van Gennep and Turner’s perspectives, a philosopher from Plato’s view was absent. Politicians instead repackaged themselves as nationalists and supported extremists and divisive actions, culminating in war. Subsequently, the mechanisms associated with the Dayton Peace Accords conceived to return B&H to normalcy instead made the divisive liminality a new normal as power sharing elites benefitted if they held to nationalist claims and ignored societal reintegration. This, study examines the reasoning and tactics of elites who rejected the mantle of good leadership and now abuse the spirit of the constitutional and institutional power sharing mechanisms to maintain the schizophrenic division and conflict. It also introduces the type of virtuous leader states needed for transition.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "Rebuilding the Leninist Party Rule: Chinese Communist Party under Xi Jinping's Stewardship." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000015.
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In 2015, Xi Jinping tried to restore many Leninist features to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He took measures to rebuild the ideological faith, entrench Party organisations with state administration and run the CCP as a meritocracy. “Party groups” (dangzu) are extended to non-governmental, non-profit and other societal organisations. He insisted that party members must observe both formal disciplines and informal norms of the Party, and show loyalty to the leadership.
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Roghină, Răzvan Cosmin. "The Constitutional Court of Romania against the direction of the constitutional moment of 1991." Journal of Legal Studies 20, no. 34 (December 1, 2017): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2017-0015.
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Abstract The year 1991, the year when the current Romanian fundamental law came in to force, designed a constitutional moment built on profound political and societal emotions. These emotions pushed the Constituent Assembly in search of an answer, in the form of a solution, to the question „What do we not want?” The answer was: “An authoritarian president / chief of state!” Consequently, the position of the head of state in the political scaffolding received an increased attention. Unlike the Communist president, who exercised great powers, the new president was thought and designed antagonistic to his predecessor. He was reduced to a role of a simple mediator. However, more than 20 years after the fall of the communist regime, the “traditional” authoritarian personality of the president transcended - of course, not as pronounced as in the communist era - the finality of the presidential role and of the presidential attributions stated in the Constitution. As we shall see, the “player president” emerged and got confirmed by the Romanian Constitutional Court against the desideratum of the constitutional moment of 1991.
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Knight, John. "The Societal Cost of China's Rapid Economic Growth." Asian Economic Papers 15, no. 2 (June 2016): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00435.
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In China, political control is centralized and economic management is decentralized. This gives rise to a serious principal–agent problem, in which the agents are often better informed than the principal. China also has a semi-marketized economy involving much state intervention. This intervention serves both a political and an economic function. It enables the Communist Party to remain in political command and generates formidable patronage resources. It also provides the policy instruments, including incentive structures for officialdom, to maintain a “developmental state.” The combination of economic decentralization and a semi-marketized economy creates a problem of weak accountability and a breeding ground for rent-seeking and corruption. For a quarter of a century China's leadership gave overwhelming priority to the objective of achieving rapid economic growth. This policy was viewed as providing political legitimacy and securing the best protection against social instability. It is argued that the leadership was able to solve the principal–agent problem in its pursuit of economic growth. By contrast, the solution to the principal–agent problem failed in other respects, giving rise to societal costs. Little attention was paid to the dramatic socioeconomic changes—including rising inequality and economic insecurity, environmental degradation, mass migration, rent seeking, and corruption—which accompanied economic growth and posed new challenges. It is argued that these changes help to explain the failure of life satisfaction scores to rise over the two decades from 1990–2010. They can also help to explain the rise in indicators of social instability over that period. It is to be hoped that the new leadership's current anti-corruption campaign, together with its declared policy intention to reduce state economic intervention and increase reliance on competitive markets, will strengthen deterrence and weaken opportunities for rent seeking and corruption. The paper carries the implication that China's economy cannot be well understood except through the lens of political economy.
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Proteasa, Viorel, Liviu Andreescu, Vlad Botgros, and Alexandra Dodiță. "Mapping students’ organizations in post-communist Romania: a structuration perspective." International Review of Social Research 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/irsr-2018-0005.
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Abstract Who is who in Romanian student representation? In this article we answer this (apparently) simple question. We start with early 1990, when the Romanian campuses experienced ample changes – part of the societal transformations which swept over Central and Eastern Europe. Our ambitions in this text are twofold: (1) to construct a map of student federations in post-communist Romania, and (2) to identify and describe the waves of structuration of the field. In doing so, we revert to classical social theory and document the emergence of “organizational archetypes” of student representation. We identify two types of structuration, “bottom-up” and “top-down”. We find evidence regarding the resilience of the “bottom-up” organizational archetypes in relation to the successive attempts of “top-down” (re)structuration.
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Arpad, Todor. "Institutional Trust In The Context Of Post-communist Democratic Consolidation." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 9 (April 29, 2005): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.9.3.
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Trust in institutions represents an indispensable ingredient for their legitimacy. The major post-communist social reshaping process is inextricably related with countries’ institutional modernization capacity. Using data from Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia, this article approaches two different levels of this issue. The first relates to the societal and institutional legacies that influence the contemporary sources of institutional distrust. Informality, corruption and lack of efficiency not only that self-reinforce but they also create behavioral expectations from the mass-public. The second discussion approaches the individual level, studying the influence of social capital, different types of trust, personal experience and subjective wellbeing on individuals’ predisposition to trust and act accordingly toward institutions. While experience and people’s socio-economical situation has a minimal influence, subjective factors explain the bulk of variation.
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Nawojczyk, Maria, and Shane Walton. "Polish Perspectives on the Morality of Capital Accumulation." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 16, no. 1 (2004): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2004161/27.
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This essay examines market morality from a sociological perspective. Focusing upon a case study of Poland, it highlights the effects historical socio-political forces have upon popular attitudes toward unequal accumulation. Poland's unique mythology of wealth is rooted in both peasant and literary subcultures, and the communist experience. Public opinion surveys demonstrate that negative attitudes toward wealth accumulation were pervasive in Poland during the early 1990s. Actual capital accumulation suggests that, in the early years of the post-communist transition, Polish reality largely substantiated Polish mythology. Political connections were often used to enter the Polish business elite, and shady practices employed to maintain such positions. The essay explores this correlation, highligjhting social mythology's joint dependence on cultural residue and reality, as well as the effects of social, political, and economic forces upon societal attitudes toward morality in the marketplace.
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Minelgaitė, Inga, Romie F. Littrell, and Vida Škudienė. "Preferred Leader Behaviour in the Business Sector of Lithuania: Follower Diversity Perspective." Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 272–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2018.10.00014.
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Leadership roles in sustaining effective management have recently become paramount due to the need to keep up with the fast technical and societal developments. Moreover, business sectors in the postcommunist transformation settings are facing distinct leadership challenges suggesting a different pattern of leadership behaviour. The main contribution of this study was to build on follower-centric approach in leadership and investigate followers’ diversity in regard to leader behaviour preferences as a means to benchmark followers’ attitudes in the post-communist country still undergoing societal cultural shift. The purpose of the study was to investigate the leadership behaviours in Lithuanian cultural context. This study used 129 responses to the Leader Behaviour Description Questionnaire XII in order to identify the followers’ preferences of the leadership behaviour. ANOVA and correlation analyses were used to identify how followers’ age, level of education, and gender are related to leadership behaviour. The results indicated significant differences in regard to gender and education level of the follower towards the desired leader behaviour. However, the age of the follower did not affect leader behaviour preferences. This indicates that followers in Lithuania have diverse attitudes towards perception of effective leadership. Studying leader behaviour within the context of the followers’ socio-demographic characteristics contributes to the increase of knowledge about leadership behaviour in post-communist emerging economies.
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Howard, Rhoda E., and Jack Donnelly. "Human Dignity, Human Rights, and Political Regimes." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 801–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960539.
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It is often argued that internationally recognized human rights are common to all cultural traditions and adaptable to a great variety of social structures and political regimes. Such arguments confuse human rights with human dignity. All societies possess conceptions of human dignity, but the conception of human dignity underlying international human rights standards requires a particular type of “liberal” regime. This conclusion is reached through a comparison of the social structures of ideal type liberal, minimal, traditional, communist, corporatist and developmental regimes and their impact on autonomy, equality, privacy, social conflict, and the definition of societal membership.
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Rybář, Marek. "National determinants of international preferences in post-communist Europe: The case of Slovakia in the European Union." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 3 (July 20, 2011): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.06.001.
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This paper shows that the dominant theory of European integration, the liberal inter-governmentalism, contains several assumptions about the process and character of national preference formation that may not be fully met in the post-communist EU member states. It argues that the primacy of economic and societal interests in influencing positions of national governments should not be taken for granted. Using Slovakia as an example, it demonstrates the autonomy of political and bureaucratic actors and importance of their preferences. It is also argued that ideational and exogenous factors should not be left out in constructing a realistic framework of national preference formation.
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Urman, Aleksandra, and Mykola Makhortykh. "There can be only one truth: Ideological segregation and online news communities in Ukraine." Global Media and Communication 17, no. 2 (April 16, 2021): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17427665211009930.
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The paper examines ideological segregation among Ukrainian users in online environments, using as a case study partisan news communities on Vkontakte, the largest online platform in post-communist states. Its findings suggest that despite their insignificant numbers, partisan news communities attract substantial attention from Ukrainian users and can encourage the formation of isolated ideological cliques – or ‘echo chambers’ – that increase societal polarisation. The paper also investigates factors that predict users’ interest in partisan content and establishes that the region of residence is the key predictor of selective consumption of pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian partisan news content.
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Xing, Li. "From 'Politics in Command' to 'Economics in Command': A Discourse Analysis of China's Transformation." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 18 (August 30, 2005): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v18i0.20.
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This article proposes a framework for understanding the way the Chinese Revolution emerged, developed and achieved power (1921-49), then further consolidated in the period of socialist 'uninterrupted revolution' (1949-77) and was finally abandoned by the post-Mao regime (1977 to the present). This analysis is based on a perspective of discourse theories framed in historically new forms of political, social and ideological relations. In other words, it attempts to conceptualize the transformation of China and the Chinese Communist Party by analysing the role of ideological discourses (arguments and interpretations) and the cognitive elements (beliefs, goals, desires, expertise, knowledge) as the driving-force behind societal transformations. The discourse theory applied here – logocentrism and econocentrism – also serves both as a political arena of struggle to confer legitimacy on a specific socio-political project and as a distinctive cog ni tive and evaluative framework for understanding societal transformations. The conceptualization of the paper is informed by the work
of David Apter and Tony Saich on discourse theory.
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Agarin, Timofey, and Miķelis Grīviņš. "Chasing the green buck? Environmental activism in post-communist Baltic States." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 3 (June 17, 2016): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.001.
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The paper investigates the dynamics and volution of issues on the agenda of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) since the collapse of communism. The past research on Baltic environment activism suggests that these enjoy high visibility because they tapped the core societal views of natural environment as a crucial asset of a nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, the changes in agendas of Baltic environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) make clear that the rhetorical toolbox of ‘national environment’ is often used to mainly achieve greater financial gains for individual members, rather than for society at large. We illustrate how the dearth of economic opportunities for domestic public has impacted perceptions of ‘nature’ advocated by the environmental activists, focussing specifically on national perceptions of ownership and the resulting actions appropriating ‘nature’ as a source for economic development, only tangentially attaining environmental outcomes on the way. The vision that the ‘environment’ is an economic resource allowed ENGO activists to cooperate with the domestic policymaking, while tapping international networks and donors for funding. Throughout the past decades they worked to secure their own and their members’ particularistic economic interests and, as we demonstrate, remained disengaged from the political process and failed to develop broader reproach with publics.
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Schifirneţ, Constantin. "Tendential modernity." Social Science Information 51, no. 1 (March 2012): 22–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018411426518.
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Resume This article approaches the concept of tendential modernity as a type of evolution towards principles and norms of modernity within societies with an insufficiently functioning capitalist economy. In these societies, there is a gap between faster institutional renewal and slower economic development. Consequently, cultural, political and intellectual modernity outrun economic modernity. Tendential modernity refers to the ideas and actions aimed at modernization which remain partial and not finalized. Modernity is more an aspiration, a societal developmental intention, a goal to be reached, but which is never fully realized. Due to the fact that modernity is merely a tendency that is never finalized, the transitions are never completed. Modernity moves slowly and with difficulty through the intricate network of socio-institutional structures of the patriarchal and traditional society. It is inlay modernity, not structured under a clear, dominant form. My thesis is applied to the study of Romanian society’s modernization through all its stages: the emergence of the national state, the period between the two World Wars, the communist period and the post-communist period. Even though these periods are not all homogeneous in their rate of development, tendential modernity characterizes the evolutionary process of modern Romania.
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Yeganeh, Hamid. "Religiosity, socio-economic development and work values: a cross-national study." Journal of Management Development 34, no. 5 (May 11, 2015): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmd-06-2014-0066.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to use international survey data to investigate the effects of religiosity, religious denomination, communist heritage, and socio-economic development on work values. Design/methodology/approach – First, religiosity and work values are conceptualized. Next, the relationships among these concepts are discussed and the hypotheses, variables, and data are presented. Finally, the results of the empirical tests are presented and the theoretical and managerial implications, as well as avenues for future research, are discussed. Findings – It is found that socio-economic development negatively, whereas religiosity and communist heritage positively, influence extrinsic work values. Further analysis reveals that religiosity has a quadratic relationship with intrinsic work values. Conspicuously, after controlling for the effects of religiosity, no significant association is found between religious denominations and work values. Research limitations/implications – The current analysis relies only on national/societal level data and overlooks the effects of independent variables (religiosity and communist heritage) at the individual level. Furthermore, the methodologies and measurements of religiosity and work values are of a limited scope. Thus, future studies may look into the effects of religiosity on work values at the individual level and apply other conceptualizations and measures to test the validity of the results. Practical implications – Based on the findings of this study, it can be suggested that the use of intrinsic rewards might be less appropriate in the societies marked by communist heritage or high religiosity. On the contrary, these societies may embrace more extrinsic work values associated with direct, restrictive, and tangible aspects of work. Originality/value – This study contributes to the literature by conceptualizing, measuring, and incorporating various variables into the research design and by providing original insights into the influence of religion on work values. Furthermore, this study suggests that, at least with regard to work values, religiosity (the strength of one’s conviction for their religion) is more important than religious denomination (Protestantism, Catholicism, Islam, Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism).
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Kubat, Aleksandra. "Morality as Legitimacy under Xi Jinping: The Political Functionality of Traditional Culture for the Chinese Communist Party." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 47, no. 3 (December 2018): 47–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261804700303.
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Taking as an example Xi Jinping's use of the phrase “excellent traditional culture” ([Formula: see text], youxiu chuantong wenhua), this article looks at the construction of a centrally sanctioned narrative of traditional Chinese culture in resources produced within the Party school system. The specific focus of analysis is on how these resources theorise the functionality of traditional culture for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as a political organisation, and what culture-based solutions they put forward to tackle the problems with Party theory and ideology, the state governance model, and cadre performance. It is argued that by referencing traditional culture, and, in particular, by drawing on traditional moral virtues, the CCP realigns itself with societal expectations without making concessions over the ideological foundations of the party state.
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Bobak, M., M. Murphy, R. Rose, and M. Marmot. "Societal characteristics and health in the former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union: a multilevel analysis." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 61, no. 11 (November 1, 2007): 990–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2006.052134.
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Aguiar, Márlio. "Sobre a Definição de Res Publica em Cícero (Rep. 1.39)." Journal of Ancient Philosophy 12, no. 2 (December 18, 2018): 133–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v12i2p133-178.
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A despeito de ser uma das obras sofisticadas de Marco Túlio Cícero, o tratado De Re Publica e o conceito de res publica (Rep. 1.39) permanecem ainda temas pouco debatidos para além da repetição apressada de seus termos. Estão entre os lugares comuns as leituras excessivamente individualizantes, moralizantes ou mesmo atualizantes e anacrônicas do pensamento político e jusnaturalista de Cícero. O objetivo deste artigo é o de oferecer uma leitura da definição de Cipião, trazendo à luz o aspecto institucional (e historicamente localizado) deste conceito. Procedemos por uma análise dos principais elementos que compõem a definição (iuris consensus, utilitatis communio, sociatus-societas), partindo do pressuposto que formam um complexo conceitual que precisa ser lido na sua inteireza.
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Zhou, Luyang. "Historical origins of the party-army relations in the Soviet Union and China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.07.006.
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It is established that Party-army relation followed a “separated” pattern in the Soviet Union as opposed to an “infused” pattern in China. This article explores the historical origin of this difference in the revolutionary periods. By analyzing the biographies of communist military elites, it argues that this discrepancy took shape before the revolutionary takeover and resulted from the differentiated intensities of warfare across Russia and China. In China, the numerous civil wars and military defeats, radicalized the old military structure and boosted societal militarization; thus, eroding the mutual exclusion between the military and revolutionaries. The effect was lesser in Tsarist Russia than in prerevolutionary China, making the old military a conservative and professional corporate that the Bolsheviks could not completely subordinate to Party control.
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Vegetti, Federico. "The Political Nature of Ideological Polarization: The Case of Hungary." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218813895.
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Polarization in Hungary is one of the most severe cases in Europe. It is predominantly elite-driven, and determined mostly by the antagonistic confrontation between the parties. Left and Right blocs oppose each other in a struggle where the loser is completely denied any influence on policymaking. The two blocs endorse opposing views on socio-cultural policies, but this division emerged as a consequence of the rhetoric and coalitional choices of parties, more than from the societal divisions that they ostensibly represent. Moreover, while the perceived ideological distance between party blocs is wide, the actual programmatic differences in the parties’ economic and social policy stances are modest. This article draws on a broad range of sources to describe the process of polarization in Hungary after the fall of communism. I discuss how a polarizing style of political competition can lead to a politically divided society and, over the long run, to democratic erosion.
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Janmaat, Jan Germen. "Civic Culture in Western and Eastern Europe." European Journal of Sociology 47, no. 3 (December 2006): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975606000129.
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This paper examines the nature of civic culture and the strength of civic attitudes in postcommunist and western countries. In particular, it seeks to explore the internal consistency and durability of civic culture using World Values Survey and European Values Study data. It discusses three perspectives on the strength and durability of civic attitudes in East and West, (the historical roots, the legacy of communism, and the postcommunist transition perspectives) and explores to what extent the pattern of civic attitudes in the two regions matches the predicted outcomes of these perspectives. The paper finds that the attitudes associated with civic culture do not form a coherent syndrome, neither at the individual nor at the societal level. It further finds only marginal support for the historical perspective, which accords a great degree of persistence to civic culture. It therefore concludes that civic culture is not the monolithic and durable phenomenon that some cultural theorists claim it is.
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Unludag, Tania. "Bourgeois Mentality and Socialist Ideology as Exemplified by Clara Zetkin's Constructs of Femininity." International Review of Social History 47, no. 1 (April 2002): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000475.
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Clara Zetkin (1857–1933) remains one of the most famous figures in the history of the German and international Left. She rose to prominence as a social democrat beginning in 1890 and became a Marxist and, as of 1919, a member of the high-ranking cadre of the KPD; she was an activist of the Second International, starting in 1889, and belonged to the Executive Committee of the Communist International (EKKI) in the 1920s. She is known in history primarily as the leader and chief ideologue of the socialist, and later the international communist, women's movement, but is also a popular figure in the leftist women's movement of the twentieth century. Zetkin, the founder of International Women's Day, is still widely depicted as a heroine. However, in light of recent research conducted in Berlin and Moscow and from the perspective of the history of mentalities, the tendency to mythologize her needs to be questioned. This essay on Clara Zetkin's constructs of femininity is part of a biography oriented toward a history of mentalities, in which the socialist and communist Zetkin is presented in the entire societal context of her times, perceived as a contemporary of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From this perspective, it is precisely Zetkin's comments on the women's issue that mirror the influences of Social Darwinism and biological discussion at the turn of the century in Germany. The ideas held by the leader and theoretician of the international socialist women's movement on the “liberation of women” from “gender slavery” and “class bondage” were not aimed at pursuing an autonomous process of emancipating women for their own sake, but at pursuing a well-structured and directed process of educating them that would end up turning them into a new physically and mentally improved “consummate woman” who would efficiently serve the socialist society.
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Kuhar, Metka, and Herwig Reiter. "Frozen transitions to adulthood of young people in Slovenia?" Sociologija 54, no. 2 (2012): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1202211k.
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This article reviews key-indicators of youth transitions in Slovenia over the last decades and highlights some of the inherent tensions. Against the background of the metaphor of ?frozen transitions?, which tries to grasp some of the contradictions between the speed of societal change and the stagnating development of youth towards independence, the article describes and reflects the development of youth transitions in the three domains of employment, housing and parenthood. The basis is a selection of indicators available in international data sets and surveys that allow to trace the change at least over the last two decades after the breakdown of Yugoslavia. Our findings indicate that transitions in Slovenia are frozen in all three domains, which challenges the usefulness of the conventional life course framework for studying post-communist contexts.
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Brūveris, Klāra. "Alternative Networks of Globalisation: Latvian Neorealism in the Films of Laila Pakalniņa." Baltic Screen Media Review 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsmr-2017-0003.
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Abstract This paper examines the development of neorealist tendencies in the oeuvre of contemporary Latvian filmmaker Laila Pakalnina. Her work is positioned within the global dissemination of cinematic neorealism, and its local manifestations, which, it is argued, develop in specific national contexts in reaction to dramatic societal and political changes. Pakalniņa’s films are examined as a documentation of the change from a communist satellite state to an independent democratic, capitalist country. Heavily influenced by the Riga School of Poetic Documentary, a movement in Latvian cinema that adhered to the conventions of poetic documentary filmmaking, the article analyses how her films replicate and further develop the stylistic and aesthetic devices of the Italian neorealists and the succeeding cinematic new waves. In doing so the argument is put forth that Pakalnina has developed neorealism Latvian style.
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Sairambay, Yerkebulan. "Transitional Justice and Democratic Consolidation in the Post-Communist Space: A Comparative Review of the Czech Republic, Latvia and Slovakia." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0006.
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Abstract In this comparative review, I first evaluate scholarly findings attempting to dis/prove a relationship between transitional justice and the consolidation of democracy. Second, I outline several criteria for ‘democratic’ transitional justice in order to be able to judge transitional justice policies. Third, I examine and judge transitional justice policies of the Czech Republic, Latvia and Slovakia by these criteria. Last, I argue that transitional justice is neither a prerequisite for the successful consolidation of democracy nor inherently democratic unless it is carried out in coordination with the ideals of liberal democracy, which might support the achievement of peace and societal stability in a transition period.
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Karády, Victor. "Historical Studies of Elite Groups in the Age of Computer Science: The Case of Post-Feudal Hungary." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102013.
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This essay addresses the issue of social stratification, which is the basic organizing factor of life in human communities, since it defines one’s position in any societal environment as well as the fabric or the internal structure of societal togetherness. It deals with one essential aspect of social stratification, namely that of elite formation, taking as a relevant example the case study of Hungary. It is argued that new computer technologies make possible large-scale surveys of elite formation, opening up new vistas for the interpretation of major process of social change that took place in Central European societies. The first part of the essay provides a historical overview of processes of elite formation in modern Hungary. The second part presents an ambitious program of research on the evolution of Hungarian elites from the 1867 “Compromise” with Austria to the beginning of the Communist regime (1948). This unprecedented vast survey was initiated in 2005 and will be completed in 2009. The main target concerns educated elites, but the project also deals with other elite clusters, on a selective basis. The method employed is prosopographical, covering some 200,000 individual biographies. The essay provides a comprehensive description of the technical side of the survey and of the socio-historical scope of the problems it highlights.
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Mrozik, Agnieszka, and Anja Tippner. "Remembering Late Socialism in Autobiographical Novels and Autofictions from Central and Eastern Europe: Introduction." European Journal of Life Writing 10 (July 9, 2021): RLS1—RLS14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.10.37602.
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Since the fall of communism in 1989 and 1990/91 literature has dealt with this epochal societal change, trying to come to terms with the past and assessing its influence on the present. In the last years the focus has turned towards the era of late socialism, that is the 1970s and 1980s. Many writers who attempt to present and reevaluate these decades and their ongoing influence on biographies and societies today grew up or came of age in this era. Our main contention is that different forms of life-writing, especially autofictions and autobiographical novels, have become the dominant narrative device for addressing and narrating the socialist past. Accordingly, the contributions to this cluster explore the era of late socialism, examining its different and often contested meanings not only from the perspective of the past but also from the perspective of today. Thus, we explore the role of autobiographical writing in commemorating the past as well as in demonstrating the demise of socialism, as represented in contemporary literatures in Czech, Polish, Romanian, and Russian.
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Kołczyńska, Marta. "On the Asphalt Path to Divinity." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2013): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2013.220204.
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This article presents one of the many faces of contemporary Islam in the Balkans, that of the Bektashi community in Albania, and specifically the Sari Saltik teqe (sanctuary) on Kruja mountain. In so doing, it sheds light on the role of religion in 'post-atheist' Albania, while taking into account major changes to the religious landscape in the post-communist, and arguably post-transformation context. The essay ethnographically examines the challenges posed by societal changes for the Kruja teqe, which is undergoing its own micro-scale technological revolution in the form of a newly constructed asphalt road to the top of the mountain, which will likely have far-reaching consequences for the shrine and the whole local community. The essay thus illustrates how Albanian society has become entangled with the turbulent processes of modernisation, increased mobility and the globalising world.
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Lodi-Corrêa, Samantha. "Nadezhda Krupskaia: por uma Educação Revolucionária." Germinal: Marxismo e Educação em Debate 10, no. 3 (May 12, 2019): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/gmed.v10i3.27387.
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<strong>RESUMO</strong><br />O centenário da Revolução Russa unido aos trabalhos que trazem à tona ações de mulheres revolucionárias permitiu que o nome de Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) fosse bem divulgado pelo Brasil no último ano. Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar algumas propostas da revolucionária foi considerada a primeira pedagoga comunista, em seu projeto de educação do “novo homem”. Krupskaia debateu e agiu para uma formação <em>onmilateral</em> de crianças e jovens para a construção de uma sociedade sem classes, na qual os sujeitos fossem prioridade em detrimento do capital. Com autonomia de pensamento Krupskaia apresentou a escola livre enquanto espaço de educação revolucionária.<br /><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Educação e revolução; História da educação.<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>RESUMEN</strong><br />El centenario de la Revolución Rusa unido a las investigaciones que ponen de relieve las acciones de mujeres revolucionarias permitió que el nombre de Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) fuera bien divulgado por Brasil en el último año. Este trabajo tiene por objetivo presentar algunas propuestas de la revolucionaria fue considerada la primera pedagogía comunista, en su proyecto de educación del "nuevo hombre". Krupskaia debatió y actuó para una formación onmilateral de niños y jóvenes para la construcción de una sociedad sin clases, en la que los sujetos fueran prioridad en detrimento del capital.<br />Con autonomía de pensamiento Krupskaia presentó la escuela libre como espacio de educación revolucionaria.<br /><strong>Palabras-clave</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Educación y revolución; Historia de la educación.<br /> <br /><strong>ABSTRACT</strong><br />The centenary of the Russian Revolution together with the works that bring about the actions of revolutionary women allowed the name of Nadezhda Krupskaia (1869-1939) to be well disclosed in Brazil last year. This article aims to present some proposals of the revolutionary was considered the first communist pedagogue, in her project of education of the "new man." Krupskaia debated and acted for an <em>onmilateral</em> formation of children and young people for the construction of a society without classes, in which the subjects were priority to the detriment of the capital. With autonomy of thought Krupskaia presented the free school as a space of revolutionary education.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Nadezhda Krupskaia; Education and revolution; History of education.
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Orban, Clara. "Contextualizing History in Hungarian Films of the New Millennium." Hungarian Cultural Studies 6 (January 12, 2014): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2013.111.
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Hungarian films produced after the year 2000 build on the historical reality of the fall of communism and anticipate, or come to terms with, entry into the European Union. This article will explore six films that deal with history through multiple perspectives to dramatize the dynamic between historical events and human responses to them. These films reference history, or efface it, as a way of problematizing the relationship between human behavior and history. Colossal Sensation [Világszám – Dodó és Naftalin] (2005) and Children of Glory [Szabadság, szerelem] (2006), for example, examine Hungarians’ moments of defiance during the 1956 uprising but shape historical events to fit human constructs. Contemporary history provides satire of rising capitalism in The District! [Nyócker!] (2005) whose plot weaves historical figures into a modern rendition of Romeo and Juliette. Miracle in Krakow [Csoda Krakkóban] (2004) also presents a book as its central metaphor, and, like The District!, the book allows some of history’s uglier moments to be erased. Béla Tarr’s Werkmeister Harmonies [Werkmeister harmóniák] (2000) and Nimród Antal’s Control [Kontroll] (2003), films without overt historical markers, provide allegorical visions of societal unrest that can be read as allusions to millennial concerns.
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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae, Rares Stanescu, and Monica Stanescu. "Social Entrepreneurship and Sport in Romania: How Can Former Athletes Contribute to Sustainable Social Change?" Sustainability 12, no. 11 (June 8, 2020): 4688. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114688.
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Social entrepreneurship is an underrated subject in the field of sports. For Romanian society, the fall of communism opened up new opportunities in the entrepreneurial domain. At the same time, entrepreneurship began to intersect with sports, and the results were often productive. Sport is seen as a domain that could inspire entrepreneurship through its principles. The similarities between these two fields have created the perspective of common action in sport and entrepreneurship, and this coexistence has improved during times of social change. After 1989, Romania was confronted with many challenges at the societal level, and sport offered a way to address and to tackle social problems. Through sport, some athletes decided to contribute to issues of individuals or communities. They assumed the status of a social entrepreneur, and developed activities that could inspire others. This paper intends to gather examples of such social entrepreneurship from Romania, and to identify the elements that lead to success. The research takes into consideration case studies from various domains, and this diversity helps us to better understand the challenges of Romanian sport when it interacts with social entrepreneurship.
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Bougdaeva, Saglar. "The Russian puzzle: Mortality and ethnicity in a changing society, 1994–2004." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 3 (August 16, 2010): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.002.
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Do ethnic minority populations cope better with the transition from socialism and subsequent economic decline than Russian majority populations in post-communist Russia? Using multivariate and random-effects models for the 1994–2004 panel data and adjusting for income, urbanization, and crime, this paper demonstrates that the long-standing pattern of Muslim mortality advantage continued to persist during the post-Soviet mortality crisis in Russia. This study suggests that in the ethno-territorial federative system of Russia belonging not to autonomous republics, but to the Muslim ethno-religious communities was significant in resistance to cumulative death crisis during a period of dramatic societal changes. In fact, both living in the Caucasus environment and in the Muslim ethno-religious communities appeared to be significant factors. This study suggests that not only religion, but cultural practices based on ethno-religious and environmental prescriptions may account for collectively healthier practices and, therefore, advantageous mortality outcomes.
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Misztal, Barbara A. "How not to deal with the past: lustration in Poland." European Journal of Sociology 40, no. 1 (May 1999): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600007268.
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By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.