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Journal articles on the topic 'Communist countries'
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1
Pop-Eleches, Grigore, and Joshua A. Tucker. "Associated with the Past?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 1 (November 29, 2012): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412465087.
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In this article, we test the effect of communist-era legacies on the large and temporally resilient deficit in civic participation in post-communist countries. To do so, we analyze data from 157 surveys conducted between 1990 and 2009 in twenty-four post-communist countries and forty-two non-post-communist countries. The specific hypotheses we test are drawn from a comprehensive theoretical framework of the effects of communist legacies on political behavior in post-communist countries that we have previously developed. Our analysis suggests that three mechanisms were particularly salient in explaining this deficit: first, the demographic profile (including lower religiosity levels) of post-communist countries is less conducive to civic participation than elsewhere. Second, the magnitude of the deficit increases with the number of years an individual spent under communism but the effects were particularly strong for people socialized in the post-totalitarian years and for those who experienced communism in their early formative years (between ages six and seventeen). Finally, we also find that civic participation suffered in countries that experienced weaker economic performance in the post-communist period, though differences in post-communist democratic trajectories had a negligible impact on participation. Taken together, we leave behind a potentially optimistic picture about civic society in post-communist countries, as the evidence we present suggests eventual convergence toward norms in other non post-communist countries.
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Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.
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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.
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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.
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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "Nepali Communist Parties in Elections: Participation and Representation." Dristikon: A Multidisciplinary Journal 10, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dristikon.v10i1.34537.
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The communist parties are not gaining popularity throughout the countries of the world, as they are shrinking. The revolutionary communist forces are in a defensive position, and the reformist communists have failed to achieve good results in the elections. Communist parties are struggling just for their existence in the developed countries. They are not in a decisive position, even in developing countries as well. Nevertheless, communists of Nepal are obtaining popularity through the elections. Although the communists of Nepal are split into many factions, they have been able to win the significant number of seats of electoral offices. This article tries to analyze the position of communist parties in the general elections of Nepal. It examines seven general elections of Nepal held from 1959 to 2017. Facts, which were published by the Elections Commission of Nepal at different times, were the basic sources of information for this article. Similarly, governmental and scholarly publications were also used in the article.
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Dashdavaa, Badamdash. "Nationalistic tendency in communist camp." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 3 (May 1, 2002): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.3.6.
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The purpose of the paper is to examine the nationalistic characters of socialist regimes after the Second World War until the 1990s in the cases of Romania and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Therefore, I will attempt to examine whether the communist leaders in Romania and Yugoslavia appealed to nationalistic communism or communism with national distinction in order to demonstrate that they were not directly controlled or directed by The Soviet Union. They enjoyed sovereignty greater than other communist countries in Eastern Europe. Both Romania and Yugoslavia could receive maximum of aid and attention from Western countries, which led to maneuvering strategies between the Western countries and the socialist camp.
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Głowacka-Grajper, Małgorzata. "Memory in Post-communist Europe: Controversies over Identity, Conflicts, and Nostalgia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 4 (June 24, 2018): 924–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418757891.
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This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.
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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent past – the National Archives, the National Council for the Study of Securitate's Archives, and the Institute for the Investigation of Crimes of Communism – is undertaken. The work of these three institutional actors shows a direct relationship between truth-telling in its various forms (access to archives, opening the files and exhumations) and any subsequent retroactive justice and restitution. The main argument of the paper is that while deep-seated dichotomies between former communist and anti-communists in addressing the past still persist, a more nuanced way of seeing the regime that explores the ambiguous line that divides outright repression from cooptation is emerging.
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Pop-Eleches, Grigore. "Pre-Communist and Communist Developmental Legacies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414555761.
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This article discusses two distinctive approaches for thinking about historical legacies in the post-communist context. The first approach, which builds on the work of Ken Jowitt, emphasizes the distinctiveness of Leninist socioeconomic and political legacies, while the second approach, rooted in the writings of Andrew Janos, highlights the significant and resilient pre-communist, communist, and post-communist diversity of the countries of the former Soviet bloc. The empirical evidence reviewed in this paper suggests that both types of legacies continue to matter after a quarter-century of post-communist transitions. Thus, whereas we can still discern a distinctive and fairly uniform communist imprint in areas such as primary education and the importance of the state sector in the economy, in other areas of socioeconomic development, either communism was unable to reverse longer-term intraregional differences (e.g., with respect to GDP/capita or the size of the agrarian sector) or its initially distinctive developmental imprint has been fundamentally reshaped by post-communist economic reforms (as in the case of the massive increase in income inequality in a subset of ex-communist countries). In political terms, there is an interesting contrast between institutional trajectories (such as regime type), which largely follow pre-communist developmental differences, and individual political attitudes and behavior, where communist exceptionalism generally trumps post-communist diversity.
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Rueschemeyer, Marilyn. "Research in Communist Countries." Problems of Post-Communism 60, no. 4 (July 2013): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216600400.
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Bogdan, Michael. "Autonomy in Communist Countries." Nordic Journal of International Law 55, no. 1-2 (1986): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181086x00355.
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Choi, Changyong, and Hyeyoung Woo. "A Comparative Study on Political Trust in Transition Countries." Journal of Policy Studies 38, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/jps38404.
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This paper investigates the origin of political trust in post-communist Central European and Soviet Union countries. By comparing two competing theories that explain political trust, institutionalism, and socialization theory, the paper tried to explore which theory shows a higher explanatory power in the transitional context. The research employs ordinary least squares (OLS) methodology, using country and time as dummies to control for unobserved heterogeneity. The main independent variable is constructed based on the ‘cohort effect,’ representing years of experience of communist rule. The study explores the role of socialization, institutionalism, and labor market experiences as determinants of political trust. Findings indicate that socialization under communism resisted democracy and market economy adoption, but economic and political situations played a more significant role in shaping political trust. Additionally, being employed in the state sector or self-employed during the transition period positively influenced political trust levels. This research sheds light on the intricate factors influencing political trust in the aftermath of significant institutional transformations in post-communist countries.
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El-Amin, Mohammed Nuri. "The Role of the Egyptian Communists in Introducing the Sudanese to Communism in the 1940s." International Journal of Middle East Studies 19, no. 4 (November 1987): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800056506.
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The Sudan came to know of Communism directly during the 1940s, through Egypt and Herbert Storey. Egyptian Communism had passed through two phases. The first phase was in the 1920s when, under Joseph Rosenthal and his Alexandria Group, it appeared first as a socialist movement and then as a Communist one proper. During this phase it made some impact on some of the Egyptian intelligentsia, a few trade unions, and a small number of workers. It also tried, though unsuccessfully, to join the Comintern so as to act as its official representative in this part of the world, thereby assuming for itself the role that organization had already entrusted to the Communist parties of the European colonial countries. However, the efforts of Egyptian Communism during this first stage received a mortal blow in the mid-1920s at the hands of Saʿd Zaghlūl, the leader of the Wafd party, when he began to see in the activities of the Communists a serious challenge to the hegemony of the Wafd in Egyptian politics.
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Redžić, Ena, and Judas Everett. "Cleavages in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe: A Review." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 231–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0011.
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AbstractThis review of the historical studies of cleavages and seeks to bridge the gap between the historical study of cleavages and frozen cleavage theory and the post-communist states of Europe which have transitioned to democracy. The study identifies the literature on frozen cleavages and new divides which have arisen transition, as well as the primary actors in their political representation and issue positioning. The key literature in the development of studies on cleavages was provided by Lipset and Rok-kan, but their work focused mostly on Western democracies and did not include any of the countries which were behind the iron curtain at the time. However, the transition of the post-communist nations of Europe are now several decades old. Since the demise of communist regimes in Europe, much literature has been produced on the newly democratic regimes developing there. This article provides a broad overview of general trends in cleavage literature and more specific developments for Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The main findings were that there are frozen cleavages present in the post-communist countries of Europe, but that much of the developments since the fall of communism seem to be unpredictable and change-able — a fact reflected by the instability and constant change in the party systems.
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Mihalic, Tanja. "Redesigning tourism in CEE countries: the main areas of change and the communist past." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-10-2016-0036.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide details of the communist and socialist past to inform the debate on redesigning tourism in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries as impacted by the transition and accelerated by European Union (EU) membership. Design/methodology/approach The issues from two sides are addressed: academic and practical. Based on a literature review, the authors propose a model of five main research topics that represent the main areas of change and conceptualise the general EU accession research debate on tourism. Content analysis is conducted on each of the revealed main research topics that are presented and discussed from the standpoint of tourism-relevant socialist and communist stature and image. On the other hand, this paper engages with reality as it surveys real-life practices in tourism development and business operation based on the personal experience of the researcher regarding the social situation under consideration. Findings The findings concerning the revealed main areas of tourism change in CEE countries following EU accession refer to the: change from communism towards a new image (Europeanisation and re-imaging), change from communism to capitalism (transformation and marketisation), change from old communist tourism products to new products (rejuvenation, diversification), change from communist towards sustainability values (sustainability) and change from tourism inside the communist block to international tourism (re-internationalisation) The discussion indicates how each area of change relates to socialist and communist content and its tourism relevance and the potential for tourism development, policy and business. Research limitations/implications The list of relevant works is not exhaustive as only tourism-focussed quality journals are surveyed in order to define the main areas of change. Practical implications A very relevant source of information and impartial advice for tourism developers and policymakers in ex-socialist and communist countries is provided regarding tourism development at the strategic and managerial levels. Originality/value This paper fills an identified information/resource gap concerning the potential and contribution of communist and socialist heritage to tourism development and business, and places this in the context of the changes CEE countries have made in order to stay and/or become tourism destinations. It introduces a new term “tourism redesign” which explains the transition in tourism development, policy and management through different areas of change.
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Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.
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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Meleshkina, E. Yu. "The Prohibition of Communist Symbols in Post-Communist Countries." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-36-45.
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The article focuses on communist symbols bans in post-communist countries. The author highlights the influence of various conditions such as existence as a part of USSR or Russian empire, the experience of independent state-building in XX century, membership in European Union, lack of dominant political actor and resources for his long domination, the popularity of successor parties, the radicalism of institutional reforms. The analysis also accounts associated impacts of international environment and relations of post-communist countries with Russia. Based on a combination of various conditions, the author develops a typology of post-communist states where communist symbols have been banned.
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Sinitsyn, Fedor. "External Challenges to Soviet Ideology in the Second Half of the 1960s and in the 1970s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017638-0.
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The Soviet Union's foreign policy challenges of the 1960s and 1970s had an ideological aspect to them. Contradictions between Soviet Communism and Eastern European socialist models of development became more pronounced. Eastern European socialist countries began to emphasize the variety of models for “building socialism” and offered their own theories, not sanctioned by Moscow, of the construction of socialism in other European countries. Certain “ideological dangers” for the USSR also came from the Communist parties of capitalist countries. Authority of the Soviet Union and the CPSU among Western communists had declined. The weakening of the influence of Soviet ideology in the world had become evident. As a result, Western communists began to distance themselves from the USSR and the “Socialist Bloc” countries. In the post-war years, the authorities and the elites of the “Capitalist Bloc” countries took additional measures to reduce the popularity of the Communist ideology by promoting the idea of “social compromise instead of social revolution”. One of the most significant challenges to Soviet ideology was also the “convergence theory”. The socio-economic models developed in capitalist countries — especially the concept of the “welfare state” — presented another serious challenge. As a result of these trends and an increase in the standard of living in capitalist countries, there was a “de-ideologization” as well as a decrease in mass revolutionism of the population. The external challenges to Soviet ideology were regarded in Moscow with dismay. New ideological and socio-political concepts in capitalist countries were perceived negatively by the Kremlin. The external challenges had a negative impact on the mass consciousness of Soviet citizens. The article concludes that during the period under review, the challenges posed to Soviet ideology from abroad began to be complex. This article also gives classification of these challenges and reveals main ways of their manifestation.
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Ishiyama, John. "Explaining Change in Communist Successor Parties: Political Environment versus Party Organization?" American Review of Politics 23 (January 1, 2003): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.319-336.
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The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the transformation of the formerly dominant communist parties has provided an opportunity to test some of the major propositions regarding party change. This article focuses on the relationship between external and internal factors, and evolution of the communist successor parties in seventy-nine countries across the world. The most important factor explaining the electoral success of the communist successor parties is the degree of organization, a finding that provides broader support for the literature arguing that communist successor party electoral performance is primarily a result of the organizational features these parties inherited from the past.
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Mueller, Wolfgang. "Soviet Policy, Political Parties, and the Preparation for Communist Takeovers in Hungary, Germany, and Austria, 1944-1946." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354557.
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A large number of similarities can be seen between Soviet and communist activities following World War II in Germany and Austria and in East Central European countries such as Hungary, which were later entirely incorporated into the Soviet bloc. In both cases, Moscow-trained communists aimed at establishing “people’s democracy” and took a leading role in rebuilding the respective country’s adminis-trative apparatus. However, while they managed, with Soviet support, to take over power in Hungary, they failed to do so in Austria. In Germany, communist and Soviet action contributed to the partition of the country. This article, on the basis of Soviet and German documents, draws the conclusion that the main reason for the success or failure of communist takeover was the Soviet factor: the power Soviet authorities had in the respective countries and the priority they assigned to communist takeover.
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Duan, Zhongqiao. "‘Caudine Forks’: Can Capitalism Be Leapt Over?" Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1995): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00135.x.
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The article shows that, according to Marx, capitalism is a necessary stage leading to communism, and the backward countries have to pass through capitalism, if they cannot get the material conditions to establish communist society from the developed capitalist countries.
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Parra, Ricardo, and Jorge Ferraz. "From a Communist Heritage to an Unwanted Past: The Case of Romania." Science Insights 38, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 298–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.15354/si.21.re076.
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Communist ideologies and political regimes have had their specific models of tourism. These models reflect on the way former communist countries view tourism today. Despite the long communist period, Romania refuses to accept Communism as an integral part of its historical culture and society, being perceived as a dark period of its history. Several campaigns which were broadcasted as a way to show the cultural and natural beauty of the country, promote rural tourism and the ancient Romanian History, eluding themes and subjects related with that recent past. Even though there has been a growing touristic interest in Romania’s communist heritage, the country’s strategies express the difficulty in accepting Communism as part of the Romanian cultural identity and history. Thus, what communication strategies does Romania use to promote its culture, in order to avoid its communist heritage? What are the reasons behind the country’s vehement silence about its past? This article aims to discuss how and why the country and its population promote specific tourist products as a way to avoid their communist legacy.
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Budrowska, Kamila. "Badania porównawcze (transnarodowe) nad cenzurą i cenzurowaniem literatury w byłych krajach komunistycznych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Wstępne rozpoznania i przegląd stanu badań." Wielogłos, no. 3 (48) (2021): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2084395xwi.21.021.15036.
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Comparative (Transnational) Research on Censorship of Literature in the Former Communist Countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Preliminary Findings and the State of the Art Overview The article reviews the state of research in multilingual literature and proposes the original research concept. In the first part, entitled: “Transnational research”, the Author describes the possibilities which were offered by the adhibition of the new methodological concept in comparative research on communism in European countries of the former Eastern bloc. In the second part, “Research on communist censorship”, the Author summarizes the trend of research on communist censorship, which was dynamically developing since the collapse of the system, with particular emphasis on the issue of censorship of literature. In the last part: “Comparative research on communist censorship” she juxtaposes both trends and draws a new research proposal from them. The Author notes that there is no scientific study yet to discuss censorship in all former communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe as 1. a supranational phenomenon and 2. using the same methodological perspective. Therefore, she proposes to conduct such research and sees the transnational approach as particularly useful here, which – releasing the researcher from the national perspective of political histories – creates an opportunity to trace the “flows” of ideas, people, and cultural texts between the Eastern bloc countries.
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Linke, Gabriele M. "“Belonging” in Post-Communist Europe: Strategies of Representations in Kapka Kassabova's Street without a Name." European Journal of Life Writing 2 (March 28, 2013): T25—T41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.2.46.
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In her book Street without a Name, Kapka Kassabova, a Bulgarian author living in Scotland, combines a memoir of her childhood in communist Bulgaria with a travelogue about later return visits to her – now post-communist – native country. In this study, the discontinuous, fragmented and heterogeneous narrative of her autobiographical text is interpreted as an attempt to find an appropriate mode of sharing intimate knowledge of life in communism with a wider reading public in (primarily) Western English-speaking countries. It is demonstrated that Kassabova, writing from the perspective of an expatriate, emphasizes both the uniqueness of life in communist Bulgaria and the commonality of many experiences and values as well as their compatibility with those held by many people in Western countries. By employing a hybrid textual form, she succeeds in rendering her experiences as a child and teenager in communist Bulgaria and as a transnational migrant into the structures, metaphors and themes of a transnational “liquid modernity”, thus appealing to a broad multinational readership.
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Nowak, Krzysztof. "Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.017.13810.
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Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.
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Tucker, Joshua A. "Comparative Opportunities." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (May 2015): 420–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414559051.
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As the theoretical rationale (and funding opportunities!) for considering Eastern Europe as a distinct region diminish as we move farther away from the momentous events of 1989, the value of including East-Central European countries in comparative studies has only increased. This article outlines how comparative studies of political behavior involving East-Central European countries have evolved in the author’s own research from comparative studies including Russia along with four East European countries, to more broadly based comparative studies including multiple East European countries and former Soviet Republics, to studies where behavior is analyzed in both East European countries and more established democracies, and finally to large cross-national studies focused on questions related to post-communist politics (namely, the legacy of communism on post-communist attitudes and behavior) but relying on the comparative analysis of survey data from countries around the world. In a way, the research has come full circle, from studies of East European political behavior to better understand East European political behavior, to studies including East European countries to better understand general questions of political behavior not specific to post-communist countries, to now the most extensive comparative studies that are, however, designed once again to better understand East European political attitudes and behavior.
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Jordan, Bill. "Themed Section on Social Policy in Central Europe." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 2 (March 28, 2002): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640200026x.
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The transition to democracy and markets in the post-communist countries has produced many losers. Survey research has indicated that the populations of most of these states look back to the later decades of these regimes as ones of relative security and prosperity. The gainers have been those who valued freedom, and possessed the material resources (because of political or mafia connections) or social capital (because of their experience in the second economy under communism) to use it to their advantage. The recent electoral victory of the former communists in Poland, and the routing of Solidarity, indicate the depth of anxiety about the social consequences and costs of transition.
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Ancans, Sandris. "Backwardness of Central and Eastern Europe as a Heritage of the Soviet Period." Rural Sustainability Research 43, no. 338 (August 1, 2020): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/plua-2020-0008.
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AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.
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Leustean, Lucian N. "Ethno-Symbolic Nationalism, Orthodoxy and the Installation of Communism in Romania: 23 August 1944 to 30 December 1947." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353915.
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The presence of Soviet troops in Eastern Europe and the reshaping of Europe's internal borders sped up the separation between the Eastern and Western blocs in the first years after the end of the Second World War. In countries where communism had been declared illegal or lacked the support of the electorate before 1944, the accession of communist leaders to governmental structures had been advanced by the politics of the Soviet Union, based on systematised political intimidation, institutionalised violence, and blackmail. The communist authorities then legitimised their political positions in relation to the historical past of their countries and according to the development of their societies after the Second World War.
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Sahadev, Sunil, and Mehmet Demirbag. "A comparative analysis of employment practices among post‐communist and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe." Employee Relations 32, no. 3 (April 27, 2010): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011038780.
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PurposeThis paper aims to explore the level of convergence in employment practices among firms in the post‐communist countries and capitalist countries in South Eastern Europe. Firms from a total of ten countries were included in the post‐communist block and firms from Greece and Turkey were included in the capitalist block. The main purpose was to verify whether employment practices in firms in the post‐communist countries now resemble that of firms in the capitalist countries after almost a decade of transition.Design/methodology/approachThe study analyzed the employment practices in terms of the skill ration, employment of temporary workers and the education level of employees of about 8,000 firms in the region.FindingsIn terms of skill ratio and the education level significant levels of divergence was found between firms in post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. However, in terms of employing temporary workers significant levels of convergence was detected.Research implications/limitationsThe research shows that there is some convergence in the employment practices of post‐communist countries and capitalist countries. This shows that several post‐communist countries in South East Europe have completed the transition from a communist society to a capitalist society.Originality/valueThe study is one of the first, which compares the employment practices of post‐communist and capitalist countries in the region. By showing some levels of convergence, the study argues that the transition period in the post‐communist economies is finally ending and thus firms in post‐communist countries finally resemble those in capitalist countries at least in employment practices.
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Yarashevich, Viachaslau. "External debt of post-communist countries." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (April 10, 2013): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.001.
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On the background of continuous global economic instability and debt problems in the Eurozone, the significance of post-communist external debt goes without saying. The article will explore the scope and dynamics of external indebtedness in the post-communist world in a comparative and historical framework. Particular attention will be paid to a likelihood of a debt crisis in the region similar to the one in the developing world in the early 1980s. The debt crisis will be an ultimate price for reform mistakes and may have serious political economy implications by hampering or even reversing the process of the post-communist transformation.
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Noureen, Abida, Tanveer Hussain, and Haseeb Ur Rehman Warrich. "Hollywood Interpretative Overview on Communism: An Analysis of Pre, During & Post-Cold War Era." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-i).01.
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The US communist or socialist fright began in the late 1800s, the moment when blue-collar workers stood up in opposition to get their fundamental integrity, remuneration betterment etc., and the attainment of such integrities from intercontinental supremacies, and to have remained in opposition to such economical way of mechanism. The fears of communism and their followers of anti-harmony to US community were seen among the structural class systems of ethnic interconnectedness. The elementary struggle is related to the portrayal of Communism and their followers in Hollywood productions. It relates to exacerbating negatively frame about their ideological depictions, communist countries and the individuals interlinked with it.
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Naxera, Vladimír. "Stranická patronáž a její vztah ke korupci a klientelismu: teoretický koncept a nástin uplatnění v postkomunistickém prostředí." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.4.264.
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This article examines the patterns of party patronage in both communist and post-communist regimes in Central Eastern Europe. Firstly, the text outlines the theoretical concept of patronage and explains in more detail the linkage between patronage and other related phenomena – i.e. corruption and clientelism. This part focuses on both the differences and similarities between them. In the second part, the article sketches out the principles of the working of patterns of patronage (so-called nomenclature) in communist regimes. In the last part, the paper discusses changes in the patterns of party patronage after the fall of communism and provides an explanation for the varying practices of patronage among post-communist parties, stressing the institutional legacy of the past. The paper thus generally aims to provide theoretical background for further research on party patronage in post-communist countries and also in more specific (i.e. local or regional) contexts
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Wu, Yu-Shan, and Tsai-Wei Sun. "Four Faces of Vietnamese Communism: Small Countries' Institutional Choice Under Hegemony." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1, 1998): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00018-x.
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Since 1975, Vietnamese communism has changed face three times. These frequent and radical institutional permutations have been unprecedented among communist countries. This paper argues that hegemonic dependence, domestic economic imperative, and elite idealism are the three main factors that determine Vietnam's institutional configuration. Among the three, dependence on a hegemon means the dominance of the developmental model and institutional preferences of that hegemon. Only when there is no hegemonic dependence do domestic economic imperative and elite idealism emerge as the crucial factors in determining institutional arrangements. Historically there have been four developmental stages for Vietnam's communist regime: independent socialism (1975–1977), orthodox socialism (1978–1985), glasnost socialism (1986–1990), and market socialism (1991–now). Among the four stages, orthodox socialism and glasnost socialism are the direct result of Hanoi's dependence on Moscow. After examining Vietnam's historical experience, we conclude that small countries' institutional choice under hegemon is extremely limited, but they regain latitude when hegemonic dependence is removed.
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Pawlak, Katarzyna. "Developing Microfinance in Post-Communist Countries." Finance & Bien Commun 20, no. 3 (2004): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/fbc.020.0014.
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Jenkins, Rachel, Judith Klein, and Camilla Parker. "Mental health in post-communist countries." BMJ 331, no. 7510 (July 21, 2005): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.331.7510.173.
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Cook, Linda J. "Labor Unions in Post-Communist Countries." Problems of Post-Communism 42, no. 2 (March 1995): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1995.11655593.
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Schanda, Balázs. "Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no. 37 (July 2005): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
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In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Comparative perspectives on Communist successor parties in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 7, 2008): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.006.
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The article builds on Ishiyama’s (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61e85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at achieving this; countries with imperial legacies; and Eurasian autocracies. The fate of successor Communist parties is discussed within the parameters of previous regime type, political opposition in the Communist era and the nationality question.
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Kowalski, Mariusz. "Trwałość przestrzennego zróżnicowania zachowań wyborczych w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej = Durability of the spatial differentiation characterising voting behaviour in Central and Eastern European countries." Przegląd Geograficzny 95, no. 1 (2023): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/przg.2023.1.3.
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The main objective of the work described here was to identify core phenomena and processes relating to post-1989 voting behavior in selected CEECs (Poland, Romania and Lithuania). Political and economic changes commencing some 30 years ago triggered the process of transformation of post-communist countries from an economy that was centrally planned and steered, towards one based around the market that was liberal and open to global processes. This transformation was accompanied by dynamic political and social phenomena, as culminating in the accessions of the majority of CEECs to NATO and the European Union. One of the very important consequences of the collapse of the communist system was the introduction of the democratic institution of free elections. Despite decades of unification under communism, differences in terms of political sympathies were still revealed, including with a spatial dimension. One such involved distinct differentiation in voting behavior between cities and rural areas. However, the latter areas were also characterized by visible internal differentiation. Variability occurred not only in space, but also temporally. While the change of influence of individual parties or political options from one election to another is a normal phenomenon, there are more durable changes of a generational character. The researched period proves readily dividable into two intervals, even as all the CEECs considered here are characterised by similar, if regionally differentiated, trends. Thus, in all states the post-1989 period can be divided up into a first (post-communist) part characterized by the dispute between the centre-right, mostly originating from the anti-communist opposition (dissident movements), and the groupings arising out of communist formations. The latter would come to power mainly via support from the inhabitants of rural areas. The second period is undoubtedly linked with the change of generations. People who matured under communism came to be replaced by those who grew up during perestroika and democracy.
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Gries, Peter, and Richard Turcsányi. "The East Is Red…Again! How the Specters of Communism and Russia Shape Central and Eastern European Views of China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.1.
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During the past decade, China has rapidly emerged as a major player in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Will it divide Europe? Might these formerly communist countries align themselves again with a communist superpower to their east? Or does their past experience of Russia and communism generate suspicions of China? This article explores what public opinion data from a fall 2020 survey of six CEE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Latvia, Poland, Serbia, and Slovakia) can teach us about the drivers of CEE attitudes toward China. It suggests that China has become a “second Eastern power” beyond Russia against which many people in the CEE have come to define themselves. Although there are large differences between CEE publics in their views of China, individual-level self-identifications with the East or West, and attitudes toward the communist past and communism today consistently shape views of both Russia and China. Russia looms large for all in the CEE, but especially for Latvia and Poland, whose views of China appear to be almost completely mediated through attitudes toward their giant Russian neighbor. We conclude with thoughts on the implications of these findings about the structure of CEE public opinion toward China for the future of the “16+1” mechanism and CEE-China relations more broadly.
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Hrazhevska, N. I., M. V. Petrovsky, and O. O. Demydiuk. "EFFICIENCY OF INSITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN POST-COMMUNIST COUNTRIES." SCIENTIFIC BULLETIN OF POLISSIA 1, no. 1(9) (2017): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2410-9576-2017-1-1(9)-30-36.
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Malltezı, Orinda. "Political Culture in Post-Communist Countries: Albanian Case." International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration 2, no. 1 (2014): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.21.1004.
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The goal of this article is to establish the degree of interrelation between state and society as well as the implications that come from this interrelation by focusing on the Albanian case. If the state is perceived in relation with the society, then what comes as a result of this relationship will be seen as Plexus. On the other hand, Nexus is the way the Albanian society perceives the relation between state and society mostly represented by the functioning of state, where the state is the central axis and the society has no influence on it. This derives mostly from the political culture which has been shaped during communism. Countries that experienced totalitarian regimes tend to have similar behavior and perception towards politics which is the product of political culture. In this regard, the political culture in post-totalitarian regimes shares similar elements such as: lacks of civic participation, lack of public on governments or politics, etc.
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Cieślik, Ewa. "POST-COMMUNIST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IN GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS." Ekonomika 93, no. 3 (January 1, 2014): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/ekon.2014.0.3886.
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Transformations and integration processes of post-communist European states have resulted in changes in the production process across borders. The main objective of this article is to present the positions of post-communist states in terms of cross-border input–output linkages. The analysis takes advantage of both the conventional methods of comprehensive study of global value chains and the advanced methods and measures examining the role of Central and Eastern Europe in global value chains in general and in sectoral terms. Findings of the study suggest that more integrated are countries with grater connections to Western European countries, especially Germany; a large share of exported goods from the post-communist states passes through GVCs in Western Europe, and exporters from post-communist states are usually located more in downstream segments of production than in upstream markets.
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Fedosov, Victor, and Tetiana Paientko. "Government financial accountability: key problems and main trends in post-communist countries." Zeszyty Teoretyczne Rachunkowości 2018, no. 99 (155) (August 20, 2018): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.2930.
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The article deals with the problems of government financial accountability in post-communist countries. The purpose of the article is to justify the necessity of government financial accountability development, especially in post-communist countries. Several research methods were used. First of all, the positive economic approach was used to describe the main ideas of government financial accounting and account- ability. Secondly, Worldwide Governance Indicators were used to prove the necessity of government financial accountability development in post-communist countries. Thirdly, by using an institutional analysis, the main problems in government financial accountability were discovered. Fourthly, ideas to improve government financial accountability were suggested. Those suggestions were developed, taking into account the specific problems of post-communist countries. Government financial accounting in post-communist countries, such as Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia, significantly lags behind the demands of modern society, affecting all members and levels of the national economy. Overcoming this problem is common to almost all post-communist countries. Effective finan- cial and economic information must meet basic quality characteristics – relevant, significant, objective, comprehensive, neutral, and without error. Post-communist countries which are not EU members must consider the important role of open financial information in the successful development of state and business spheres, increasing competitive advantage and attracting investors.
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McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Nostalgia for the Demise of the ussr in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (June 20, 2016): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102001.
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A quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its demise still has ramifications for public opinion across the postcommunist world. Using surveys conducted in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, we show that nostalgia for communism is both widespread and persistent. Across all three countries, nostalgia is concentrated among the old and less well-off and, not surprisingly, among those with Communist Party connections. Social networks and travel to other countries is relatively unimportant in shaping views of the communist past. However, despite these widespread feelings of nostalgia, they have implications for contemporary political opinions only in Belarus. Overall, the results suggest that regret for the demise of the Soviet Union will remain in postcommunist societies for some time.
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Szostak, Michał. "Does Polish Post-Communist Cultural Burden Influence the Perception of Creative Identities?" Journal of Intercultural Management 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/joim-2021-0060.
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Abstract Objective: Post-communist countries, affected by decades of one of the most repressive political systems, are perceived as a particular area of gaps in social capital. These gaps influence the whole spectrum of behaviors of individuals, groups, and society. Countries that changed their political system start a journey of external (economic, social) and internal (personal, interpersonal, group) changes. The post-communist burden determines human behavior, so leaders and managers should pay attention to these consequences. The research deals with the differences in perception of creative identities (a creator, artist, manager, entrepreneur, and leader) by Polish society compared to other countries without communist history. Methodology: Quantitative research (n = 160) in the form of a survey among people from Poland and other countries. Verification of hypotheses by chisquare test of independence used (SPSS, MS Excel). Next, a qualitative analysis of discrepancies was undertaken (NVivo). Findings: There are no statistical differences in the perception of creative identities of a creator, artist, manager, entrepreneur, and leader between citizens of Poland and citizens of other countries. The additional qualitative analysis exposed that differences in perception of the creative identities between investigated societies might have necessary consequences while managing or leading groups (and organizations) dominated by creative individuals. These differences are shown in detail, and links between our research results and the literature are built. Value Added: It looks like a post-communist burden in current Poland has a minimal impact on the perception of creative individuals. Thus, it can be said that communism disappears from the social capital during one generation (ca. 30 years). Recommendations: Further research exploring the perception of creative identities by different analogical groups of compared societies would be valuable.
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Sima, Claudia. "Communist heritage representation gaps and disputes." International Journal of Tourism Cities 3, no. 3 (September 4, 2017): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-03-2017-0015.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and explore how different stakeholders represent communist and revolution heritage for tourism, with a case-study on Bucharest, the capital city of Romania. The research attempts to identify gaps and tensions between representation makers on communist heritage tourism. Design/methodology/approach The research employs a range of qualitative methods in order to explore communist heritage tourism representation from different perspectives: content analysis of secondary data in the form of government, industry and media destination promotional material; interviews with a range of representation producers (government, industry and media); focus groups with potential tourists; and content analysis of user generated content under the form of blogs by actual visitors to Bucharest. Findings Findings reveal that there are gaps between the “official” or government representations of communism and revolution heritage and “unofficial” or industry, media and tourists’ representations. The research confirms and builds on Light’s (2000a, b) views that communist heritage is perceived as “problematic” by government officials and that attempts have been made to reinterpret it in a different light. The process of representation is made difficult by recent trends such as the increase in popularity of communism heritage tourism in countries such as Germany or Hungary. The potential of communist and revolution heritage to generate tourism is increasingly being acknowledged. However, reconciliation with “an unwanted” past is made difficult because of the legacy of communism and the difficulties of transition, EU-integration, economic crisis or countless political and social crisis and challenges. The “official” and “unofficial” representations successfully coexist and form part of the communism and revolution heritage product. Research limitations/implications The research attempts to look at the representation of communism heritage from different angles, however, it does not exhaust the number of views and perspectives that exist on the topic. The research only records the British and Romanian perspectives on the topic. The topic is still in its infancy and more research is needed on communism heritage tourism and representation. Originality/value The research identifies and explores gaps, agreements and disagreements over the representation of communist and revolution heritage in Bucharest, Romania.
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Panov, Trajche, and Dane Taleski. "The Shades of Communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.22.
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The bases of the political divisions in Macedonia are hard to explain solely through the traditional theoretical approach based on social structures and values. We include the perceptions of the communist past together with the social structures and values; and use survey data to run a multinomial logistic regression with undecided voters as the base category. Results show that perceptions of communism have the strongest influence on political divisions. Diverging perceptions of communism combine with attitudes toward religious values and shape a cultural left-right dimension. On the other hand, there is an absence of a left-right distinction in economic policies. The finding could be a useful explanation for political divisions in other post-communist countries, where there is an absence of distinction in economic policies.
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Salca, Horia, and Valeriu Podborschi. "The Romanian Inventors in Exile, Traian Vuia, Gogu Constantinescu, Henri Coanda, in the Sights of the Communist Security." Intellectus, no. 2 (December 2023): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.56329/1810-7087.23.2.18.
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The Securitate acted in the Western countries, through actions of a terrorist nature, conducted directly or through intermediaries, the targets being represented by the main opponents of the communist regime in Bucharest. The long arm of communism could reach each and every troublesome refugee. One form of action was that of attracting world-renowned personalities back to their country. Associating with them and the publicity they hoped to gain in this way could represent an image blow to the communist power. The present work presents such concrete operations: Traian Vuia, George Constantinescu and Henri Coanda. Paradoxically, none of the decision-makers and executors of these actions was held accountable by the Romanian state, which thus assumed the guilt for those crimes even after the fall of communism.
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KOPSTEIN, JEFFREY. "1989 as a Lens for the Communist Past and Post-communist Future." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 289–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005050.
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AbstractPolitical scientists have documented significant variation in political and economic outcomes of the 1989–91 revolutions. Countries bordering on western Europe have become relatively democratic and economically successful, with both democracy and wealth dropping off as one moves east and south. Explanations for this variation and the replication of an older pattern on the Eurasian landmass have moved farther and farther into the past. Yet in moving to the longue durée, more proximate events such as the revolutions of 1989, the demise of communism and even the communist experience itself recede into the background and are themselves accounted for by antecedent conditions. The article discusses how two more proximate factors helped to change older patterns in central and eastern Europe: the impact of communist modernisation and the prospect of European integration.