Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Ghadar Party of India'
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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Ghadar Party of India"
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Jan, Ammar Ali. "In the Shadow of Ghadar: Marxism and Anti-Colonialism in Colonial Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (2018): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27202.
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The Ghadr Party, an eclectic group of diasporic Punjabis, was perhaps one of the most significant political movements led by emigre Indians in the early twentieth century. Designated as one of the biggest threats to colonial rule in the 1910s, the Ghadr Party spread its operations over five continents, and repeatedly committed acts of sabotage aimed at colonial officials from India. By the 1920s, however, the birth of popular movements in India marginalized various groups that believed in the spectacular actions of a vanguard as a strategy for overcoming the stifling impact of colonial rule. Members of the party, eager to find a foothold in the changed political scenario, opened discussions for building a popular front in Punjab, with many returning to the country to participate in such an endeavour. In this article, I study the encounter between the Ghadarite tradition and the communist movement in colonial Punjab through the writings of Sohan Singh Josh, who attempted to bring these two traditions together to produce a viable political project. I argue that Ghadar's encounter with Marxism not only influenced the former, but also radically transformed Marxism itself, particularly on questions of History, violence and volition.
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Jain, Dhruv. "Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.
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In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.
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Yin, Cao. "Kill Buddha Singh." Indian Historical Review 43, no. 2 (2016): 270–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616663408.
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On the morning of 6 April 1927, the Jemadar of the Sikh branch in the Shanghai Municipal Police, Buddha Singh, had been shot dead by an Indian nationalist. This incident has not drawn much attention from scholars studying modern Chinese history. This article argues that the narrative framework of the Chinese national history fails to provide a space for subjects such as Sikh migrants and nationalists that can hardly be appropriated. By exploring how the Ghadar Party, the Comintern and the Chinese communists cooperated with each other to shatter the British hegemony in Shanghai and how the British colonial authorities forged a coordinative network to check the ever-flowing dissidents, this article reconstructs the dramatic case of Buddha Singh not only in the milieu of the Chinese nationalist revolution, but also in the context of the global anti-imperial and communist movements. In so doing, it challenges the established national narrative and champions an approach that incorporates modern Chinese history into the global history.
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Tirmizey, Kasim Ali. "Learning from and Translating Peasant Struggles as Anti-Colonial Praxis: The Ghadar Party in Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (2018): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27243.
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The Ghadar Party introduced a radical anticolonial praxis to Punjab, British India, in the early 1910s. Much of the literature on the Ghadar Party situates the birth of the movement among Punjabi peasants along the Pacific coast of North America who returned to their homeland intent on waging an anticolonial mutiny. One strand of argumentation locates the failure of the Ghadar Party in a problem of incompatibility between their migrant political consciousness and the conditions and experiences of their co-patriots in Punjab. I use Antonio Gramsci's concept of “translation,” a semi-metaphorical means to describe political practices that transform existing political struggles, to demonstrate how the Ghadar Party's work of political education was not unidirectional, but rather consisted of learning from peasant experiences and histories of struggle, as well as transforming extant forms of peasant resistance – such as, banditry – for building a radical anticolonial movement. Translation is an anticolonial practice that works on subaltern experiences and struggles. The Ghadar Party's praxis of translating subaltern struggles into anticolonialism is demonstrative of how movements learn from and transform existing movements.
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Chopra, Rohit. "The Madness of Jodh Singh: Patriotism and Paranoia in the Ghadar Archives." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (2018): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27204.
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My paper focuses on Jodh Singh, a marginal figure in the archives of the Ghadar Party, who was arrested for High Treason against the United States for his role in the “Hindu Conspiracy” plots aimed at the British government of India. Incarcerated in a California prison, Singh was moved to a sanatarium on displaying symptoms of insanity. Through a close reading of a web of archival documents and scholarly reflections—at the center of which lies the report of a commission appointed to inquire into his mental condition—I examine the account of the madness of Jodh Singh as a statement about patriotism and paranoia. In engagement with the work of Foucault, Guha, and scholars of the Ghadar movement, I describe how the record of Singh’s experiences indicts the juridical-legal-medical framework of American society as operating on a distinction between legtimate and illegitimate madness. I also examine how Jodh Singh points to the glimmers of a critique of the self-image of the Ghadar Party as a revolutionary movement committed to egalitarian principles. I conclude with a reflection on what Jodh Singh might tell us about the relationship between madness, political aspiration, and the yearning for solidarity.
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Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.
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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.
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T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.
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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.
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Kiernan, V. G. "The communist party of India and the second world war." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (1987): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408708723102.
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Callaghan, John. "Rajani Palme Dutt, British communism, and the Communist Party of India." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 1 (1990): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415006.
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Pokhrel, Rajkumar. "Naxalbari and Jhapa Revolt: Historical Study." Tribhuvan University Journal 32, no. 2 (2018): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v32i2.24707.
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Naxalbari is a small village in West Bengal, India, where a section of the Communist Party of India (CPM) led by Kanu Sanyal,and Jangal Santhal initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. But before it, as a consequence of the debate in international communist movement, Indian communist Party split and a faction choose the path of Mao Thought to go ahead. The party was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal revolted against the existing political system. The uprising was started from Naxalbari village by using the policy of “annihilation of class enemy”. It is known as Naxalbari Revolt. But the neither could gain achievement nor run for long last. Top leader of the party, Charu Majumdar, was arrested and killed. After his murder, the party split into more than one dozen factions. On the other side, in Nepal, the neighboring district Jhapa came into influence of Naxalbari Revolt and the youth communists of Jhapa started the revolt using the same path of Naxalbari. Jhapa Revolt also runs for only 30 months. Both the movements became failure to achieve the aim. But due to the differences of ruling structure, existing political system, and geo political condition between two countries, the revolt of India split into several divisions and the movement of Nepal, even being unsuccessful to achieve the aim achieved to unify the divided movement. The impact of Naxalbari movement in India seems remain still now in some parts of India but in Nepal, Jhapa revolt has become a history. Whatsoever, both revolts have left impact in both countries till now.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Ghadar Party of India"
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Stewart, Peter. "Ideas against imperialism, Gandhi, the Communist party of India and some ideas related to social change /." Title page and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars851.pdf.
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El, Alami Nathalène. "La stratégie politique du parti communiste indien, 1936-1964 : l'impact des influences étrangères." Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010527.
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Cette thèse traite de la stratégie du parti communiste d'Inde (communist party of India, cpi) de 1936 à 1964, stratégie qui visait à la fois à répondre aux exigences de la situation nationale et aux directives du mouvement communiste international présidé par le parti communiste d'Union Soviétique (pcus). L'insertion du CPI sur la scène politique indienne fut donc malaisée ; de même son unité n'était-elle qu'artificielle ; c'est ainsi que les conflits sino-indien et sino-soviétique aggravèrent les antagonismes au sein du parti indien et le conduisirent a la scission (le 4 avril 1964).
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Hesse, Patrick. ""To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920-47." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19307.
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Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien.<br>Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
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Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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Ghosh, Utpal. "The communist party of India and India's freedom struggle: 1937-1947." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3342.
Full textBooks on the topic "Communist Ghadar Party of India"
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Communist Ghadar Party of India. Congress, ed. Preparing for the coming storms: Challenge facing Indian communists. Communist Ghadar Party of India, 1999.
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India, Communist Party of. Communist Party of India publications. Library of Congress Office, 2004.
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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). Library of Congress Office, 2009.
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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). Library of Congress Office, 2011.
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India-Maoist, Communist Party of. Communist Party of India (Maoist). Library of Congress Office, 2011.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist). Communist Party of India (Marxist) publications. Library of Congress Office, 2005.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) publications. Library of Congress Office, 2005.
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Communist Party of India. Congress. Communist Party of India, XX Party Congress documents, P. K. Vasudevan Nair Nagar, Hyderabad, March, 23-27, 2008. Communist Party of India, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Communist Ghadar Party of India"
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Ray, Rabindra. "The Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)." In The Naxalites and their Ideology. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077381.003.0005.
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Jeong, Janice Hyeju. "Mecca between China and India." In Beyond Pan-Asianism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190129118.003.0011.
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Through the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45) and the Nationalist–Communist War (1946–9), several Chinese Islamic pilgrimage delegations set out on their journeys across the Indian Ocean. Mecca was more than a simple endpoint destination. These travels encompassed transits and sojourns in cities in between Nanjing/Shanghai and Mecca, offering the pilgrim-cum-delegates venues of encounters with foreign dignitaries and diaspora populations. This chapter examines the published records and private diaries of members of the Chinese Islamic Goodwill Mission to the Near East (1937–9) who had been aligned with the Republican Nationalist Party, with a focus on their actions and rhetoric in Calcutta, Bombay, Karachi, and Lahore. Claims to anti-imperial Islamic solidarity and routes of the pilgrimage provided accessible channels for the Chinese Muslim delegates to conduct meetings with leaders of both the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress Party, while simultaneously attempting to garner support from Cantonese/Shandong diaspora populations and Turki refugees from the war-stricken Xinjiang Province. The practices and networks of informal diplomacy that consolidated in wartime would outlast the Second Sino-Japanese War itself.
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"2. “As Agitator and Organizer”: Socialist Realism and Artist-cadres of the Communist Party of India." In Partisan Aesthetics. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503613003-005.
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"IX." In The Struggle of My Life, translated by Ramchandra Pradhan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199480364.003.0009.
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This chapter is an addendum to Sahajanand’s main narrative which ended with imprisonment in April 1940. He actually wrote this part during 1946 to make his narrative up to date. He differed with the Congress decision to launch the Quit India Movement in August 1942 as he felt the situation had radically changed with Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union. The world in general and India in particular was faced with the prospect of the fascist menace. It was during this phase that most of the political parties emerged from the Kisan Sabha and the Communist Party of India tried to take over the All India Kisan Sabha. Sahajanand became very critical of the political party system and reiterated his final decision never to join any political party. His narrative ends with a reference to the Dumraon struggle against the Dumraon Raja.
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Owen, Nicholas. "Alliances from Above and Below." In Workers of the Empire, Unite. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859685.003.0004.
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This chapter concerns the campaigning of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its attempt to recruit British workers in solidarity with the Indian anti-imperialist struggle in the 1920s and 1930s. It begins by distinguishing three possible obstacles to a mass anti-imperialism in Britain: compromising interests, low salience, and poor political articulation. It argues that the first two were largely indeterminate – they had no single, directional implication for anti-imperialism – and that the weight of explanation must fall on the third, which was more determinate. It then examines the inter-relationships between four groups of political actors: the Communist International, the Indian émigré revolutionary groups directed – or in rivalry with – the Bengali revolutionary M.N. Roy to whom Comintern initially assigned its Indian work; the Communist Party of India (CPI) founded by Roy in October 1920, and the CPGB itself which was given first informal and from 1925 to 1934 formal responsibility for communist work in India. In each case it explores the strengths and weaknesses of their political work. It identifies the relationships between Indian and non-Indian actors as the key explanation, and the main difficulty in these relationships as the tension between communist internationalism and Indian nationalism’s commitment to self-directed and self-reliant national struggle. Terms such as sympathy, help and solidarity, the chapter argues, are not neutral: they define distinct, uneven relationships between those who act and those who benefit which are sometimes (not always) problematic.
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Hamblin, Jacob Darwin. "Colored and White Atoms." In The Wretched Atom. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197526903.003.0005.
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As with its overall foreign policy, the United States framed its atomic energy offerings as part of the global struggle between the “free world” and the communists, a division that masked the firm US military alignment with colonial powers. The United States continued that framing even as nations such as India and Ghana tried to forge a different path that associated atomic energy with the struggle for national or even racial liberation. The specter haunting Eisenhower and his successors was the emergence of a bloc of countries whose concerns were primarily racial and anti-colonial. Given the reality of racial segregation at home and the government’s close alliance with colonial powers of Europe, such a framing would put the United States on the side of the old colonial masters. American politicians utilized the promise of atomic energy to dim such perceptions amid numerous racially charged challenges in the 1950s and ’60s.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Pratinav Anil. "An Incongruous Coalition." In India's First Dictatorship. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197577820.003.0009.
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This chapter illustrates the unusual allies of the Congress who made authoritarian rule possible. These include the political partners of the Congress like the Communist Party of India, the Republican Party of India and the Shiv Sena, all of which have completely different ideologies. The regime was also aided by some sections of the media, the business community, the bourgeoisie and the trade unions. Industrialists were the biggest beneficiaries of the regime’s policies and, therefore, supported it in return. The bureaucracy which suffered from a colonial hangover was primed for survival and thus adapted to the circumstances. The chapter also analyses the intersection between the interests of the elites and the Emergency. It examines the resilience of long-standing social and cultural values and attitudes, including a deep-rooted sense of hierarchy and respect for authority.
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P R, Nisha. "Circus Workers and Trade Unions." In Jumbos and Jumping Devils. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199496709.003.0005.
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Circus has always figured in the common sense as a place of extreme exploitation with dangerous working conditions, wretched living conditions, miserable wages, irregular working hours, physical and mental harassments, and insecure employment and life. But, strangely, if we look at the history of trade unions in India we would hardly find a circus workers’ union. This chapter talks about the Akhil Bharat Circus Karmachari Sangh organized under the Communist Party in late 1960s, which succeeded to an extent to establish a workers’ circus—owned, worked, and managed by the workers. The chapter also discusses the emergence of the only existing circus workers’ union in India now, the Indian Circus Employees Union, under the tutelage of Indian National Congress.