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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communist history'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Parker, Douglas Scott. "Women in communist culture in Canada : 1932 to 1937." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22614.

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During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many artists, writers, and dramatists joined the Communist Party of Canada and its cultural wing, the Progressive Arts Club. They produced plays, and contributed articles, poems and stories to socialist magazines, such as Masses and New Frontier. As the depression deepened and radical politics became less sectarian, women played a more prominent role in the cultural realm of radical politics. Their increased participation changed the way women were represented in art and literature; women's roles became less stereotypical, and women artists and writers combined both socialist and feminist concerns in their work. The journal New Frontier, founded by Jean "Jim" Watts and edited by two women and two men, provides numerous examples of socialist-feminist writing. Dorothy Livesay, one of the editors and a member of the Communist Party from 1932 to 1937, deserves special attention for her contribution to Canadian literature of social protest.

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2

Voiculescu, Aurora. "Prosecuting history : political justice in post-Communist Eastern Europe." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1564/.

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Fifty years after the Nuremberg trials, Europe is challenged once again with a question: Who is responsible for state-sponsored violations of human rights. This time, those put on trial or ostracised from power are elements of the Communist structures of control. Some observers have criticised these measures of political justice, comparing them to a 'witch hunt,' and accusing the courts and legislature of often engendering an unjustifiable collective guilt. In contrast, others have claimed that not enough is being done; that the people of Eastern Europe "have asked for justice, and got the rule of law." In this thesis, the author proposes an assessment of the process of political justice taking place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The approach taken is from the perspective of the role played in this process by the concept of collective responsibility of political organisations for violations of human rights. While concentrating on the way collective responsibility appears in the criminal law measures taken in Hungary, and in the administrative procedures of screening used in the Czech Republic, the thesis also aims to offer a comprehensive picture of the general debate on accountability for past human rights violations which takes place in post-Communist Eastern Europe. The thesis underlines the complexity of the political reality in which the expectations for accountability for state-sponsored violations of human rights are answered. It also emphasises the importance for this answer to acknowledge the nature of the Communist regime, and of its representative structure known under the name of Nomenklatura. Based on these elements, the author argues for the necessity of combining individual and collective responsibility for human rights violations. A reconstructed concept of collective agency and collective responsibility appears to be the solution to the inconsistencies otherwise manifested in a process of political justice. Such concepts, the author argues, should allow for the acknowledgement - through commissions of truth, as well as through prosecution and screening - of the role played by the Communist structure of power in the violations of human rights which took place under its regime.

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3

Nho, Young Soon. "A history of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1930-1936." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.344081.

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4

Ferro, Ryan C. "Nationalism and the Communists: Re-Evaluating the Communist Guomindang Split of 1927." Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7785.

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The 1924-1927 United Front period has long been understood within a civil war context. The major revolutionaries of ethnic Han origins and the myriad of Comintern advisors that played significant roles have subsequently all been evaluated in those terms. My work decenters the civil war narrative in order to dislodge the rigid labels that have historically accompanied the identities of the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. When re-evaluating the activities of the First United Front as a loosely defined tactical alliance, the White Terror -perpetrated by the GMD onto Communists and their affiliated members – then becomes a moment of permanent dichotomization of Communist and Nationalists groups. Analyzing the activities of the First United Front without rigid Communist and Nationalists labels, aids in clarifying the organizations actions. Moreover, when viewing these activities within the broader context of a global anti-colonial movement, the shared goals of the tactical alliance become more comparable to many of the ideological tenets driving self-determination in the twentieth century.

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5

Mishler, Paul C. "The littlest proletariat: American Communists and their children, 1922-1950." Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38078.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This is a study of the political culture of the Communist Party of the United States as seen through the activities and programs they organized for children. Beginning in the early 1920s Communist-organized children's activities were designed to transmit the values and ideology of the movement to, what they hoped, would be the next generation of radicals. These activities ranged from children's organizations, such as the Young Pioneers of America, to a variety of after-school programs, cultural groups, and summer camps. Through the use of oral historical sources as well as printed and manuscript documents, this study explores the ways participation in the Communist movement was an aspect of the activists daily lives, intertwined with their concerns about their families and communities. In providing for the education and socialization of their children, Communists confronted the issue of their own place within American culture. For many, that relationship was structured by their own immigrant backgrounds, and their interest in maintaining their ethnic culture in the face of Americanization. For others, it was the search for those aspects of the American tradition which would be compatable with their radical social and political beliefs. Embedded in these children's activities were a multiplicity of ideals for what a socialist United States would look like. In the programs they organized for children Communists expressed autopian spirit, which is common to all radical movements. Thus, Communists' ideas about the role of the family and the process of child-rearing, and their attempt to counter the hostile influences of public schools, established religion, and organizations such as the Boy Scouts reflected their concerns about the relationship between themselves and their children and between their families and American society. In the organizations and activities they created for their children the Communists expressed their view of their place in history and their hopes for the future.
2031-01-01

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6

Vassilev, Rossen V. "Problems of democratic transition and consolidation in post-communist Bulgaria /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488196234911572.

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7

Thorn, Brian T. "The hand that rocks the cradle rocks the world, women in Vancouver's Communist movement, 1935-1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61609.pdf.

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8

Chonchirdsin, Sud. "The Indochinese Communist Party in French Cochin China (1936-1940)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363084.

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9

Zavatti, Francesco. "Writing History in a Propaganda Institute : Political Power and Network Dynamics in Communist Romania." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-29855.

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In 1990, the Institute for Historical and Socio-Political Studies of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party was closed, since the Party was dissolved by the Romanian Revolution. Similar institutions had existed in all countries belonging to the Soviet bloc. This Institute was founded in 1951 under the name of the Party History Institute, and modelled on the Marx-Lenin-Engels Institute in Moscow. Since then, it served the Communist Party in producing thousands of books and journals on the history of the Party and of Romania, following Party orders. Previous research has portrayed the Institute as a loyal executioner of the Party’s will, negating the agency of its history-writers in influencing the duties of the Institute. However, the recent opening of the Institute’s archive has shown that a number of internal and previously obscured dynamics impacted on its activities. This book is dedicated to the study of the Party History Institute, of the history-writers employed there, and of the narratives they produced. By studying the history-writers and their host institution, this study re-contextualizes the historiography produced under Communist rule by analysing the actual conditions under which it was written: the interrelation between dynamics of control and the struggle for resources, power and positions play a fundamental role in this history. This is the first scholarly inquiry about a highly controversial institute that struggled in order to follow the constantly shifting Party narrative canon, while competing formaterial resources with rival Party and academic institutions. The main actors in this study are the history-writers: Party veterans, young propagandists and educated historians, in conflicting networks and groups, struggled in order to gain access to the limited resources and positions provided by the Party, and in order to survive the political changes imposed by the leadership. By doing so they succeed, on many occasions, to influence the activities of the Institute.

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10

Karrar, Hasan Haider. "National consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China, 1921-1928." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ43891.pdf.

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11

Taylor, Gregory Stanton. ""Horatios at the bridge" : a history of the North Carolina Communist Party /." Full text available from ProQuest UM Digital Dissertations, 2005. http://0-proquest.umi.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=1260788651&SrchMode=1&sid=7&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1185221756&clientId=22256.

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12

Redfern, Neil. "The Communist Party of Great Britain, imperialism and war, 1935-45." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268242.

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13

Soroka, George. "Combative Pasts: Politics and Remembering in the Post-Communist Space." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11305.

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More than two decades after the Polish Roundtable Agreement inaugurated the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, political conversations in the post-communist space remain remarkably attuned to symbolic and ethical questions. Disputed historical legacies have represented significant points of contestation within and among the former Warsaw Pact and Soviet successor states ever since regime transitions began in the late 1980s and early 1990s, but instead of attenuating with the passage of time as many predicted, the politics of history have become more prominent over the course of the last decade, acquiring an increasingly transnational dimension in the process. Consequently, in post-communist Europe transnational moral discourse over contentious historical episodes has emerged as a significant feature of interstate relations, serving both as a means for states to define their identities and interests relative to neighbors and as a potential source of conflict between them. Proposing a contextual heuristic (Russia and the European Union [EU] as ideational "anchoring hegemons") within which to understand the regional influences that foster this phenomenon, I develop a set of theoretical mechanisms to account for the transnational salience of the past in contemporary post-communist politics. Argumentation proceeds through three case studies: Poland and the 1940 Katyń massacre; Ukraine and the 1932-1933 famine (Holodomor); and the divergent political recall of WWII and the communist period evinced across Russia, the European Union, and the Baltic/East-Central European states.
Government

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14

黃慶恩 and Hing-yan Simon Wong. "Reconstructing the origins of contemporary Chinese law: the history of the legal system of the Chinese communistsduring the revolutionary period, 1921-1949." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31241207.

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15

Weesjes, Elke Marloes. "Children of the Red Flag : growing up in a communist family during the Cold War : a comparative analysis of the British and Dutch communist movement." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7572/.

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This thesis assesses the extent of social isolation experienced by Dutch and British ‘children of the red flag', i.e. people who grew up in communist families during the Cold War. This study is a comparative research and focuses on the political and non-political aspects of the communist movement. By collating the existing body of biographical research and prosopographical literature with oral testimonies this thesis sets out to build a balanced picture of the British and Dutch communist movement. The study is divided into two parts. Part I discusses the political life of communists within the wider context of the history of British and Dutch communist organizations (i.e. both communist parties and their youth organizations) from 1901-1970. Part II discusses the private and public life of British and Dutch communists in the period 1940-1970. The latter draws upon oral testimonies and questions if non-political aspects of communist life were based on a Soviet model. The experiences of communist children are explored into detail within the context of the following topics; political and cultural upbringing, prescription and aspirations, neighbourhood, school & education, work & employment, money & poverty and friendships & relationships. The interviews are being used as a means of testing the accuracy of two authors in particular; Jolande Withuis and Raphael Samuel, who both published pioneering works on communist mentality. The originality of this project rests in its approach; it is a comparative research inspired by both oral history and memory studies. Instead of emphasizing the idea of a unified and centralized (international) communist movement, this thesis argues that cultural, social and political differences between Britain and the Netherlands fundamentally influenced the nature and form of their respective communist movement and explain the discrepancy between the Dutch and British respondents' experiences. Applying the comparative approach this study challenges the existing definitions of communist identity and as such it contributes to recent comparative studies of the communist movement as well as studies of communist mentality.

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16

Vlavianos, Haris. "The Greek civil war : the strategy of the Greek Communist Party 1944-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302964.

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17

Yin, Yanfei. "Communist or Confucian? The Traditionalist Painter Lu Yanshao (1909-1993) in the 1950s." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338318301.

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18

Uhl, Katharina Barbara. "Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.

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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.

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19

Andrews, Geoff. "Culture, ideology and strategy of the Communist party of Great Britain 1964-1979." Thesis, Kingston University, 2002. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20234/.

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This thesis provides a historical account of the Communist Part of Great Britain during the years 1964-1979, a period which has received very little in-depth research. It will argue that the most important context for understanding the Party's dynamics during this period is that of the major social, cultural and political changes associated with the 1960's and 1970's, and notably the important political developments, such as the student and feminist movements, the intense period of industrial militancy and the rise of Gramscism. In making this argument it therefore challenges the assumptions of much existing research into national communist parties that it is the developments within and around the Soviet Union, or the tenets of orthodox communism, that are most influential. While the 'Soviet mantra' remained an important source of identification for many British communists, predominantly it was the British factors that provide the key to understanding the Party's political direction. These were to be found firstly in the challenge to its political identity from the activities of the young communists in the 1960's which, together with the ideas and strategies adopted by feminist and student movements in the 1970's, provided the basis for the development of an alternative political strategy within the Party. Further ideological and strategic renewal came from two sources. Militant labourism enabled a closer relationship with the labour movement through the influential union networks established by Bert Ramelson, the leader of the Party's Industrial Department, while it also shaped militant opposition to legislation aimed at curtailing trade union power. On the other hand, socialist humanism helped revive a stronger role for the intellectuals in the Party, finding points of convergence with an emerging Gramscian generation (many of whom had graduated from the YCL, student and feminist movements), through initiatives like the Communist University of London, leading subsequently to a major attempt to change the Party's political strategy in the 1977 edition of the 'British road to Socialism'. The final section argues that the Party's demise had its roots in the decline of the traditional working class and the Party's failure to move beyond its labourist constraints in appealing sufficiently to new sections (as argued by Eric Hobsbawm in the 'forward march of labour halted?'). The conflict between the Gramscians and the leadership meanwhile intensified into irreconcilable positions, provoked by a debate over the Party's democratic structure in 1979. In the wake of its own decline, a further example of the Party's ability to influence the wider left was evident in the way in which the ideological and strategic dimensions of British Gramscism helped to shape the revival of the New Left in its third phase.

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20

Konstantin, Sheiko. "Lomonosov's bastards Anatolii Fomenko, pseudo-history and Russia's search for a post-communist identity /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050120.113353/index.html.

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21

Csipke, Zoltan Pal. "The 1956 revolution and the politics of history and memory in post-communist Hungary." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.526835.

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22

Voogt, Ryan J. "MAKING RELIGION ACCEPTABLE IN COMMUNIST ROMANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION, 1943-1989." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/46.

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This dissertation focuses on religious gatherings in communist Romania and the Soviet Union, 1943-1989. Church was one of the few opportunities for voluntary associational life and is invaluable for the study of power, ideology, and belonging in an everyday social setting. This project is based on archival documents and memoirs, uncovering how state officials and religious representatives struggled to establish religious practice that would be acceptable to all. Although ideologically atheist, state officials regarded some religious gatherings as acceptable and others unacceptable, but not due to utterances of beliefs or performance of traditional sacraments, but because of social aspects: how people related to one another, what kinds of people came, the settings of the gatherings, and affective characteristics like enthusiasm, engagement, and authenticity. Even though believers participated in religious gatherings for their own reasons, state officials policed them as contests for mobilization. This project compares the cases of the Romanian Orthodox Church and Reformed Church of the Transylvanian region of Romania and the Russian Orthodox Church and the Baptist Church in the Moscow region of the Soviet Union. Based on comparisons, the role of a Church's culture in shaping church-state relations becomes clear. Officials largely considered traditional Orthodox hierarchy and rituals as religiously unproblematic, but they underestimated the power of such features of Orthodoxy to endure and mobilize successive generations. The hierarchical nature of the Orthodox Churches did not preclude spirited negotiations over acceptable Orthodox religiosity, but non-conforming or innovating priests were marginalized relatively easily. Protestant Churches have had a more entrenched custom of decentralization in governance and Scriptural interpretation, factors which presented officials with difficulty in centralizing the management of such churches and which at times led to protracted interpersonal battles and inner-church divisions. One such case sparked the Romanian Revolution in 1989. Officials in Romania and the Soviet Union handled the problem of religion very similarly in defining the acceptable limits of religious activity in practice, but virulent attacks on religion in the Soviet Union prior to WWII made for a stronger lingering religious antagonism there after the War than in Romania, where Orthodoxy was at times incorporated into the state’s nationalist discourse.

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23

Li, Danyang. "Li Hanjun and the early Communist movement in China." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2011. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/27335/.

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This thesis explores the role Li Hanjun played in the initial stage of the Communist movement in China. It describes Li’s early life, including his family background, his upbringing, his schooling and the environment he grew up in. It analyses some of Li’s early writings to demonstrate his philosophical predispositions and political orientation, as well as his character and temperament. It examines Li’s understanding of Marxism and his endeavours to disseminate it and to introduce various socialist theories into China. It describes his contacts with socialists of other countries and his cooperation with Korean socialists and Soviet agents in China, which helped open up the Communist movement in East Asia. The research focuses on Li Hanjun’s activities in establishing the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the opinions he expressed at the Party’s founding congress. It also deals with his ideas and actions in directing labour movements in China. Li Hanjun was a dissident within the CCP and later left the Party. This study clarifies the divergence of views between him and other Party leaders, and shows that his rejection of the Bolshevik doctrines of centralism and dictatorship and of unconditional receipt of financial aid and orders from the Communist International (Comintern) were the main causes of the conflicts and his expulsion. The thesis discusses Li’s vision of socialism, and shows that his ideal socialist society was not one in which a centralist government and the dictatorship of a Communist élite should control and intervene in everything but a collectivity of associations of free and autonomous working people organised in cooperatives. The thesis ends with a critical assessment of Li as a historical figure. It recovers historical facts that have sunk into oblivion, and thus differs from comparable studies published both in China and abroad. It fills important gaps in the history of the early Communist movement in China.

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24

Mevius, Martin. "Agents of Moscow : the Hungarian Communist Party and the origins of socialist patriotism, 1941-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275757.

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25

Jones, Jean Elizabeth. "The anti-colonial politics and policies of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-51." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/96615.

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26

Dombi, Charles. "Analysis of the factors determining Rumanian nationality policy towards ethnic Hungarians under the Communist regime." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7584.

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27

Calkin, Rachael. ""Cracking the Stalinist crust" : the impact of 1956 on the Australian Communist Party /." Saarbrücken : VDM-Verl, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017394864&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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28

Clemis, Martin G. "The Control War: Communist Revolutionary Warfare, Pacification, and the Struggle for South Vietnam, 1968-1975." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/312320.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines the latter stages of the Second Indochina War through the lens of geography, spatial contestation, and the environment. The natural and the manmade world were not only central but a decisive factor in the struggle to control the population and territory of South Vietnam. The war was shaped and in many ways determined by spatial / environmental factors. Like other revolutionary civil conflicts, the key to winning political power in South Vietnam was to control both the physical world (territory, population, resources) and the ideational world (the political organization of occupied territory). The means to do so was insurgency and pacification - two approaches that pursued the same goals (population and territory control) and used the same methods (a blend of military force, political violence, and socioeconomic policy) despite their countervailing purposes. The war in South Vietnam, like all armed conflicts, possessed a unique spatiality due to its irregular nature. Although it has often been called a "war without fronts," the reality is that the conflict in South Vietnam was a war with innumerable fronts, as insurgents and counterinsurgents feverishly wrestled to win political power and control of the civilian environment throughout forty-four provinces, 250 districts, and more than 11,000 hamlets. The conflict in South Vietnam was not one geographical war, but many; it was a highly complex politico-military struggle that fragmented space and atomized the battlefield along a million divergent points of conflict. This paper explores the unique spatiality of the Second Indochina War and examines the ways that both sides of the conflict conceptualized and utilized geography and the environment to serve strategic, tactical, and political purposes.
Temple University--Theses

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29

Parker, Christine Susan. "History education reform in post-communist Poland, 1989-1999 historical and contemporary effects on educational transition /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054534962.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 272 p.; also includes graphics, col. map Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-254). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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30

Rafeek, Neil C. "Against all the odds : women in the Communist Party in Scotland 1920-91 : an oral history." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1998. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21344.

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The intention of this thesis is to redress the balance towards women in communist history and to show for the first time the extent to which they were involved in Communist Party activity at local, national and international levels. As an oral history the thesis is based on the testimony of women involved in the Communist Party of Great Britain in Scotland from its inception to its demise. The role of children's organisations in the first half of the twentieth century, and the part they played in shaping women's consciousness is considered. The many ways that women came into the Party and the part they played in its structures are defined, as is the unique role of the Scottish Women's Advisory Committee. Women's perceptions of the USSR and their experiences of visiting the socialist countries are examined along with their views on living socialism, the leadership in the Soviet Union and the events of Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. The activity of women in the Young Communist League (YCL) is described, especially in the 1960s when it seemed to take on a new lease of life as did the expectations of women in that era. The mid-1970s signal the influence of feminism in the Party and the respondent's views towards this are analysed. The penultimate chapter examines the divisions that occurred from the new draft of The British Road to Socialism in 1977. The new theories that came into the CP are discussed as are the acrimonious splits of the I 980s. The thesis ends with the fall of the Eastern Bloc and the winding up of the Communist Party of Great Britain.

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Sucala, Voicu Ion. "Inside the Romanian communist economy : state planning, factory and manager." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30636/.

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The aim of this research was to examine the main organisational and social characteristics of the Romanian industrial enterprise under communist rule. The research explored the complex relations between state planning bodies, enterprises, and the managers. The research’s approach was multi-disciplinary drawing on industrial management, economics, organisation studies sociology, and political science. The research had also a consistent trans-disciplinary character because it aimed to create an over-arching perspective on Romanian industrialisation process. The approach employed in this study was the one labelled by Burrell & Morgan interpretivist. This means that author’s set of assumptions over society and social research lies on the subjective side of the philosophy of science dimension, and is characterised by an integrationist view over society. The research methods employed were predominantly qualitative, based on interpretation of data collected using interviews and document analysis. The empirical research focused on the formation and key features of Romanian industrial enterprises, on the process of negotiation of the plan objectives between enterprises and central state structures, and on the analysis of the human resources processes of the enterprise. The empirical findings offer an in-depth perspective over the practices, mechanisms, and actors involved in the activity of the Romanian industrial enterprises for almost four decades. The findings also confirm the consistent potential of the interpretive approach to provide a better understanding of the way organisations work in a challenging environment as the communist regime was.

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32

Clark, Rhonda (Rhonda Ingold). "The Communist Party and Soviet Literature." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500452/.

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The Communist Party's control of Soviet literature gradually evolved from the 1920s and reached its height in the 1940s. The amount of control exerted over Soviet literature reflected the strengthening power of the Communist Party. Sources used in this thesis include speeches, articles, and resolutions of leaders in the Communist Party, novels produced by Soviet authors from the 1920s through the 1940s, and analyses of leading critics of Soviet literature and Soviet history. The thesis is structured around the political and literary developments during the periods of 1917-1924, 1924-1932, 1932-1941, and 1946-1949. The conclusion is that the Communist Party seized control of Soviet literature to disseminate Party policy, minimize dissent, and produce propaganda, not to provide an outlet for creative talent.

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Edwards, Constance Marie. "The diversity of Czech music for bassoon and piano during the Communist era (1947-1989)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298802.

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The subject of this investigation is music written for bassoon and piano by twentieth-century Czech composers. While there is substantial output in this category, my focus will be on the works of three Czech composers: Jindrich Feld, Sonatine (1969); Vaclav Felix, Sonata Giocosa, Op. 40 (1974); and Jiri Teml, Teatro Piccolo, (1982). For each composer, I will provide a brief biography as well as a performance analysis of one composition in order to highlight the main features of the work. I chose these three composers because they represent a wide variety of compositional styles under Communist rule (1947-1989). The specific region of focus is the Czech Republic established in 1993, formerly part of Czechoslovakia, a nation created in 1918. Before that time, the Czech lands were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Czech customs, culture and language were suppressed by the German-speaking Austrian rulers. In the 20th century, because Czechoslovakia was part of the Eastern Bloc from the late 1940s through the late 1980s, the wealth of literature from this region was not readily available to American performers. Thus, many of these works have not yet found their way into the standard repertoire of the United States.

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34

Gjoci, Nina Nazmije. "Remaking Albania: Public Memory of Communist Past." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525868882263365.

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Glanz, David 1956. "Confusion grows from the barrel of a gun : the Communist Party of the Philippines." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8816.

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36

Hughes, Hannah Cole. "Contemporary Perspectives on the French Communist Party: A Dying Ideology?" Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1368205610.

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37

Yung, Kai-chung Kenneth, and 容啟聰. "Personal sympathy and national interests: theformation and evolution of congressman Walter H. Judd's anti-communism, 1925-1963." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38969087.

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38

Travis, D. J. "Communism in Modena : The development of the PCI in historical context (1943-1952)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354350.

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39

Steppenbacker, James. "The Palestine Communist Party from 1919-1939: A study of the subaltern centers of power in Mandate Palestine." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253563737.

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40

Savelli, Mat. "Confronting the problems of the individual and society : psychiatry and mental illness in Communist Yugoslavia (1945-1991)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669947.

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41

Watson, Robert Emmerson. "The Foreign Office and policy-making in China, 1945-1950 : Anglo-American relations and the recognition of Communist China." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1645/.

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The thesis contributes to the broad body of literature which examines the role of Great Britain in the origins of the Cold War. In particular it focuses on the Foreign Office attitude towards the course of the Chinese Civil War, and ultimately the establishment of a Communist government in China between 1945 and 1950. It is a revisionist interpretation of cold war history drawn from a study of Anglo-American relations with regard to Chinese politics during this period. Traditional interpretations have emphasised the unchallenged nature of American involvement in China after the war. The thesis argues that during this period Britain actively sought to compete for such a predominant position, and specifically that the Foreign Office sought to replace the United States with Britain as the preeminent Western influence in post-war Chinese politics. To this end, Britain gradually moved its policy from one of cooperation with the United States to one of competition. Whilst originally seeking collaboration with Washington, the Foreign Office became increasingly frustrated with the problems within the American policymaking machinery, and ultimately pursued a unilateral position in China. This was most evident after 1948 when the rapid collapse of the Kuomintang position forced Western states to closely consider their relationship with the Chinese communists. Different views of Mao's communism, and different policy objectives in China, consequently led the British to move away from the American position. The thesis demonstrates such differences had actually existed since 1945, and charts the gradual breakdown of relations between that point and 1950. It specifically argues that unilateral recognition was as much an attempt to demonstrate to the Americans the error of their ways as it was to 'secure a convenience' of limited trade with the communists. Source material is drawn primarily from the Foreign Office 371 series, and Record Group 59 of the State Department Papers.

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Turner, David. "Reds at the heart of the empire : aspects of the Communist party of Great Britain in the Medway towns, 1920-1943." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297601.

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43

Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.

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44

Chan, Man-lok, and 陳民洛. "Between red and white: Chinese communist and nationalist movements in Hong Kong, 1945-1958." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46088908.

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45

Waterman, G. Scott. "The Common Cause of All Advanced and Progressive Mankind: Proletarian Internationalism, Spain, and the American Communist Press, 1936 - 1937." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2015. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/421.

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In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism. Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.

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Kube, Sven. "Born in the U.S.A. / Made in the G.D.R.: Anglo-American Popular Music and the Westernization of a Communist Record Market." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3656.

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Scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that popular culture factored significantly in Cold War contestation. As a pervasive form of cultural content and unifying medium for baby boomers worldwide, pop music played an important part in the power struggle between the era’s two adversarial camps. Historical studies of the past thirty years have identified initiatives of cultural diplomacy, from radio broadcasting to live concert tours, as key to disseminating Western music in Eastern Bloc societies. This project explains how cultural commerce across the divide of the Iron Curtain familiarized millions of music fans in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with popular sounds from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western democracies. Detailing a process that affected all Bloc states in similar ways, it seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on the role of pop culture in the twentieth century’s defining ideological conflict. Through analysis of previously unavailable or inaccessible sources, the dissertation reconstructs the economic development of a communist culture industry and measures the commercial significance of Western commodities in one Eastern Bloc marketplace. Drawing on untapped archival files, it traces the evolution of Deutsche Schallplatten (German Records) from a small private firm into a flagship enterprise on the GDR’s cultural circuit. It illuminates how dependency on technology and resources from capitalist countries prompted East Germany’s managers to prioritize the westward export of classical recordings for the purpose of earning hard currencies. Based on oral histories of contemporary witnesses, it documents how the Amiga label through the parent company’s business ties to capitalist partners advanced the import of Western jazz, blues, rock, pop, and dance music to exhaust the purchasing power of the home audience. Empirically evaluating formerly classified production data for a total of 143 million records, it reveals how the state-owned monopolist engineered a de facto takeover of the domestic marketplace by American, British, and West German performers to achieve high profitability. The dissertation argues that intensifying Westernization of its walled-in music market exemplified the GDR’s decision to concede the Cold War battle over cultural preferences and political loyalties of its citizens out of economic necessity.

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Mracevich, Milovan. "The motives of the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist returnees of 1947-48." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28182.

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During 1947 and 1948, over a thousand Croatian-Canadians went to Yugoslavia as part of a larger return movement that was organized by the Yugoslav-Canadian pro-Communist umbrella organization, the Council of Canadian South Slavs. The returnees were strongly encouraged to return by the Council and by its related Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist organization and newspaper, and left Canada aboard the Yugoslav vessel Radnik in a series of voyages. Many of the returnees had been in Canada for some twenty years, and quit jobs, sold houses and business assets, and uprooted their families in order to return. This thesis places the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist return movement within the context of return migration from North America by examining to what extent the returnees' decision to go back to Yugoslavia is explainable in terms of circumstances specific to themselves, and to what extent it reveals forces that were felt by other ethnic groups of the period. This study draws mainly upon interviews with participants in the return movement and upon the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communist newspaper Novosti in concluding that the returnees were motivated by a powerful and complex combination of forces: "traditional" return migration pressures; radicalizing and anti-assimilationist influences that were typical during the 1930s among the followers of the ethnic pro-Communist movement in Canada; Yugoslav wartime and postwar conditions that encouraged and allowed the returnees to go back; and a highly-organized and skillfully-propagandized return movement that both capitalized upon and created a desire for return among the Croatian-Canadian pro-Communists.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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48

Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.

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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.

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49

Jan, Ammar Ali. "A study of communist thought in colonial India, 1919-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271423.

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Despite having roots in 19th century Europe, Marxism had a deep impact on the trajectory of political ideas in the non-European world in the twentieth century. In particular, anti-colonial thinkers engaged productively with Marx’s ideas as part of their struggle against Empire. Yet, little attention has been paid to the displacements and innovations in political thought as a result of this encounter between anti-colonialism and Marxism. This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying the history of Indian communism, focusing on the first three decades of the communist movement (1921-1950). I claim that this is an ideal time period to interrogate the formation of political ideas in India, since they presented themselves with particular intensity in the midst of an unfolding anti-colonial struggle, and arguably, the birth of the Indian political. The entry of communist ideas into the charged political environment of the 1920s had an impact on the ideological debates within the Indian polity, as well as stamping Indian communism with its own specific historicity. Through a tracing of debates among communist leaders, as well as their non-communist interlocutors, this work seeks to provide a novel lens to consider the relationship between ideas and their historical actualization, or between the universal and its instantiation in the particular. Moreover, the dissertation argues that the radically different socio-political and historical landscapes of Western Europe and colonial India necessitated a confrontation with the stagist view of history dominant in the history of Western Marxism, prompting novel theoretical work on the issue of political temporality. Consequently, the relationship between necessity and volition, central to enlightenment thought, was radically transformed in the colonial world, particularly in terms of its entanglement with the problem of subjective violence. Engagement with such questions not only impacted Indian political thought, but transformed global communism itself, putting into question the concept of an “originary site” for political ideas. Thus, this work intervenes in debates in three distinct registers: Global Intellectual History, Marxist theory and Indian political thought.

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Nicklin, Sean. "The skies that bind: The evolution of civil aviation in Communist Europe and the role of international agreements." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28418.

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This thesis examines the development of civil aviation in Communist Europe from 1945 to 1970, focusing on political, legal, economic, and technological factors. Most of that region fell into the orbit of the Soviet Union, which provided aircraft, and encouraged isolation from the West in aviation matters. This isolation was compounded by the United States, which enacted a policy of Containment against Communist nations that enacted restrictions applying to aircraft and access to airspace. This limited the growth of Communist airlines and fostered interdependence within the Soviet sphere. Connections between East and West began to grow by the mid-1950s as restrictions were reduced, opening a market for air travel. The formation of air links and growing tourist travel indicated a current for European unity even during the height of the conflict, suggesting that the end of the Cold War started far earlier than the fall of the Berlin Wall.

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