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Journal articles on the topic 'Communist parties – France'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.

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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposit

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2

Damiani, Marco, and Marino De Luca. "From the Communist Party to the Front de gauche. The French radical left from 1989 to 2014." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 4 (2016): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.001.

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This article examines the political transformations experienced by the Communist Party and the evolution of the radical left in France in the twenty-five years after 1989. Interpreting the Communist Party and Left Front as anti-establishment, that is, opposed to the political elite, but pro-system parties that are not interested in changing the nature of democratic governance. The peculiarities of French communism and its political philosophy are illustrated. Finally, this study considers the constituent process of the Front. At the beginning of the 21st century, the Front plays the role of a

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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The aut

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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have

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Bakshaev, Maxim. "The Rivalry at the Periphery of the Cold War: the USA, the USSR and the Communist Parties of Spain, Italy and France during the Conflict in Western Sahara (1977–1979)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2023): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080021120-9.

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The article examines the foreign policy positions of Moscow and Washington in the context of the events in Western Sahara in the second half of the 1970s, taking into account the diplomatic activities of the Communist parties of Italy (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI), France (Parti communiste français, PCF) and Spain (Partido Comunista de Españа, PCE). The research is based on the published documents of the US president J. Carter&apos;s administration, sources of the US State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency, as well as unpublished declassified documents of the CPSU Central

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Yakovlev, i.G. "PRESS FOR SQUEEZING PARTY PROGRAMS." Sociology of Power, no. 6 (June 5, 2003): 81–92. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13255336.

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In societies with a developed multi-party political system, researchers and journalists are often faced with the task of classifying political and ideological views espoused by various political associations. The classification systems used in practice are not very diverse. Usually, one encounters the use of the so-called left-right continuum1 – a division into radical, or “left-flank”, political parties and conservative, or “right-flank” ones. This name comes from the seating arrangement of representatives of the National Assembly of France during the French Revo

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Scionti, Andrea. "“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand”: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (2020): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00927.

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This article examines the nature and significance of the activities carried out in France and Italy by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an international organization that was secretly funded by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to support anti-Communist intellectuals, including those on the left end of the political spectrum. These two West European countries, with their large and politically influential Communist parties, were central to the CCF's work in Europe. The organization's task was complicated by domestic concerns and traditions that forced local intellectuals to stress th

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Guseletov, Boris. "European Left Party – a New Ghost of Communism to Europe." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520201623.

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers’ parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the coll

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Palma, Francesco Di. "„Rote“ Städtepartnerschaften als die besseren kommunistischen Beziehungen im geteilten Europa?" Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 103, no. 1 (2023): 389–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2023-0020.

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Abstract This article uses the example of a trilateral network of relationships to offer a critical and much-needed contribution to the history of town twinning across the Iron Curtain through the late 1970s and 1980s. The chosen case studies are Italy and France on the one hand, the two countries with the most influential communist parties in Western Europe – the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) and the PCF (Parti Communiste Français) –, and the SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, Socialist Unity Party of Germany) on the other, the state party of the German Democratic Republic (G

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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.

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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are r

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SCHMIDT, ELIZABETH. "COLD WAR IN GUINEA: THE RASSEMBLEMENT DÉMOCRATIQUE AFRICAIN AND THE STRUGGLE OVER COMMUNISM, 1950–1958." Journal of African History 48, no. 1 (2007): 95–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002551.

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When the Cold War broke out in Western Europe at the end of the Second World War, France was a key battleground. Its Cold War choices played out in the empire as well as in the métropole. After communist party ministers were ousted from the tripartite government in 1947, repression against communists and their associates intensified – both in the Republic and overseas. In French sub-Saharan Africa, the primary victims of this repression were members of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), an interterritorial alliance of political parties with affiliates in most of the 14 territories

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12

Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.

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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition gov

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Kaninskaya, Galina. "NEW ECOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL PEOPLE’S UNION AS A LIFELINE FOR THE FRENCH LEFT." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (2022): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022157164.

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The article is devoted to the unification of the leading left parties of France: Socialist (SP), Communist (FCP), Europe Ecology – The Greens (EEG), France Unbowed (FU) – on the eve of the parliamentary elections on June 12 and 19, 2022, into a single alliance, called New Ecological and Social People’s Union (NESPU). It is analyzed to what extent the efforts made by the leaders of the leading left political forces corresponded to the aspirations of the left electorate. Particular attention is paid to the theoretical provisions of the program adopted by the NESPU, it was educed to what extent t

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14

Lyozin, Alexander Ivanovich. "The communist movement in Nghe-Tinh and political parties in the French Indochina (1930–1931)." Samara Journal of Science 13, no. 1 (2024): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2024131204.

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The article analyzes the experience of the French Colonial Empire of the 1930s in ensuring internal security in the Indochina region. The social, economic and climatic causes of political unrest (1930–1931) in the northern part of Annam, namely in the two provinces of Nghe An and Ha Tinh (Nghe-Tinh), are examined. The characteristics of the three ideological directions on which the political parties of Indochina are based are given. The development of the peasant movement and the creation of alternative administrations in villages to replace colonial ones are demonstrated. The new institution

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15

Łukasiewicz, Sławomir. "A Shadow Party System: The Political Activities of Cold War Polish Exiles." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 1 (2023): 46–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01121.

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Abstract Polish émigrés were an important feature of the Cold War landscape in Europe, as were exiles from other Central European countries. In addition to opposing the Communist systems in their countries of origin, they tried to pursue independent policies in the West. Émigrés were active in political parties—including Christian Democratic, Socialist, and agrarian parties—but at the same time they attempted to create new forms, such as new political and social movements and transnational organizations. With active international agendas, they also worked to influence their own societies, both

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16

Sergeev, Sergei. "Political symbols and symbolic policy of the Western European left radical parties." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.08.

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The concept of agonistic democracy put forward by Ch. Mouffe opposes both the understanding of political conflict as antagonistic, the parties of which regard each other as implacable enemies, and the actual denial of the conflict in the consensus theories of democracy. This concept, in which a political conflict is seen as a struggle between two opponents, each of which recognizes the legitimacy of the other, has found its implementation in the activities of new left-wing radical parties that have appeared in Western Europe over the past 10–15 years. Their appearance was a reaction to the cri

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17

Hargrove, Erwin C. "Introduction." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (2003): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0004.

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The purpose of this issue is to explore the possible political futures of parties and movements of the “democratic left” in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, the European Union, Poland, and Russia. The task could not proceed without clear definition, or definitions, of the “democratic left” because of national variations. There is “liberalism” or “progressivism” in the United States of many hues, but with no “social democracy” or politically viable socialism to the left. Socialism, in the old sense, of ownership of the means of production, has died in Britain, and the pre

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18

DOMANOV, A. O. "Euroscepticism Level of French Parties Determined by the Content-analysis of Their Pre-election Manifestos." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (2018): 199–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-199-212.

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The dynamics of Euroscepticism intensity of some French parties is analysed in the given article with the use of Attitude to European integration index. The degree of criticism of the EU is evaluated quantitatively (1-13 points) based on the following data extracted from 2010-2017 party manifestos: attitude to the principal idea of European integration, affective and instrumental support or discontent of the EU, the perception of the EU as an (un-) accountable institution. The elaborated method was proven to be instrumental and reliable for Euroscepticism studies by finding correspondence betw

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19

Reid, Donald. "To Bear Witness After the Era of the Witness." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 3 (2018): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360305.

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This essay examines how two French individuals in the third generation of Holocaust victims/survivors, Christophe Boltanski and Ivan Jablonka, research and present their grandparents and how they challenge contemporary memory culture. Their works differ in their ambitions and the strategies used to achieve them, but both Boltanski and Jablonka take the most disrespected of historical genres, the history of the author’s family, and reveal its potential in an arena where the duty to remember what was done to Jews as a group can obscure the complex individuals who were victims. These forgotten se

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20

Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.

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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the Fre

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21

Kostiuk, Ruslan. "The French left and Russia: History and modernity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 1 (2022): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.105.

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The article analyzes approaches of France’s leading left forces towards Russia (USSR) from beginning of the 20th century to the present. At beginning of the twentieth century, almost all parts of the French left expressed hatred of the Russian monarchy and, at the same time, solidarity with the struggle of democratic and socialist forces in Russia for freedom and a republic. The question of the attitude to Soviet Russia played a central role in the historic split of the SFIO in 1920 and in the future for decades to come; “the Soviet question” was the line of the watershed between the two leadi

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22

Hopkins, Stephen. "Gavin Bowd, Les communismes britannique et français, 1920-1991. Un conte de deux partis; Marco Di Maggio, The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Entangled Historical Approaches." Twentieth Century Communism 24, no. 24 (2023): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864323837280472.

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In 1944 America, 41 per cent of men and 28 per cent of women read comics, plus 91 per cent of American children. By 1950, 'the comics industry generated an annual profit of almost $41 million dollars and published 50 million comics a month: everyone read comics' (pp 17-18). Resistance to the industry came from groups such as church and parental organisations that assumed children read the texts seriously. 1954 witnessed the adoption of the Comics Code Authority (CCA), a self-regulatory body that prohibited certain content. It dealt a huge blow to the horror genre, although it did not destroy i

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23

Chapman, Herrick. "The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900016811.

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Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches

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Chapman, Herrick. "The Political Life of the Rank and File: French Aircraft Workers During the Popular Front, 1934–38." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003835.

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Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches

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25

Суздальцев, И. А. "The Policy of the Comintern towards the Communist Party of Spain as Interpreted by Modern Historians." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 650–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-2-7.

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В статье анализируется современная отечественная и зарубежная историография (2000-е гг. – настоящее время) взаимоотношений Коммунистического Интернационала – международной организации, объединявшей коммунистические партии в 1919–1943 гг., и Коммунистической партии Испании (КПИ) в период от ее основания (1921 г.) до окончания Гражданской войны в стране (1939 г.). Рассмотрены мнения историков из России, Испании, Великобритании, США и Италии. Выбор обусловлен тем, что именно в указанных странах за последние десятилетия был опубликован ряд интересных работ по данной тематике. По мнению лидеров Ком

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Stankov, Nikolaj N. "The First Book about the Czechoslovak Republic in the USSR: “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.05.

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The article dwells upon the book “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko — the Soviet representative in Prague from June, 1921 till February, 1923. The author of the article supposes that Mostovenko began to work on this book immediately after his return from Czechoslovakia in the spring of 1923 following his fresh impressions and having all the necessary materials. All the chapters of this book embraced a wide range of problems: a brief history of Czechia, the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, its social and economic development, the financial system, the constitution of 19

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Astakhov, Evgeny. "«Eurocommunism» and the split of the Communist movement in Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-7-15.

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In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, ﬁrst of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difﬁculties of institutional development, the complicated ﬁnancial situation, lack of personnel, became a signiﬁcant factor in the national political ﬁeld. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine clas

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Strazzeri, Victor. "Transnational Women’s Activism in Eurocommunist Politics." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 1 (February 22, 2024): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2024.8261.

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This article examines the phenomenon of “Eurocommunism” through the lens of the transnational dialogue between Italian and Spanish communist women activists as Spain transitioned from dictatorship to rebuilding democracy (1974-1982). Eurocommunism emerged in the mid-1970s as a trend of West European communist parties aiming to leverage democratic politics as a strategy of transition to socialism. The paper sheds light on the little-known female protagonists of the phenomenon by reconstructing the exchanges and collaborations between Italian and Spanish communist women on various fronts: from s

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Haughton, T. "Elections, Parties and Representation in Post-Communist Europe by Frances s> Millard (review)." Slavonic and East European Review 83, no. 1 (2005): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/see.2005.0153.

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Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine. "L'opinion française et la décolonisation de l'Afrique noire: De la colonisation à la coopération." Itinerario 20, no. 2 (1996): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006975.

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Au lendemain de la deuxième guerre mondiale, personne n'était en France prêt à envisager une perspective d'indépendance: ni l'opinion publique, ni les partis (pas même le parti communiste), ni le gouvernement. C'est une différence majeure d'avec la Grande-Bretagne: celle-ci avait été de longue date préparée à organiser l'indépendance de ses colonies – à la différence de la France vis-à-vis de l'Algérie. Depuis un demi-siècle elle négociait celle de l'Inde qui aboutit en 1947.

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Ivanov, Alexander G. "To the Question of Origin of the Policy of Non-Intervention in Spain in 1936 (On Materials of the Foreign Office’s Archives)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-49-58.

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The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official Lond

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Hippler, Thomas. "La France et les études de paix." Recherches internationales N° 125, no. 1 (2023): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rein.125.0099.

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La contribution cherche à donner une réponse à la question de savoir pourquoi, contrairement à ce qui s’est passé dans d’autres pays, il ne s’est pas développé un champ d’études de paix en France. Pour ce faire, l’article revient dans une première partie sur les débuts de la peace research après 1945, particulièrement aux États-Unis et dans les pays scandinaves. Dans une deuxième partie, sont abordées les tensions et scissions qui ont traversé ce champ depuis la fin des années 1960, et cela jusqu’au tournant libéral des peace studies dans les années 1990. La troisième et dernière partie appliq

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Hippler, Thomas. "La France et les études de paix." Recherches Internationales 125, no. 1 (2023): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rint.2023.3374.

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La contribution cherche à donner une réponse à la question de savoir pourquoi, contrairement à ce qui s’est passé dans d’autres pays, il ne s’est pas développé un champ d’études de paix en France. Pour ce faire, l’article revient dans une première partie sur les débuts de la peace research après 1945, particulièrement aux États-Unis et dans les pays scandinaves. Dans une deuxième partie, sont abordées les tensions et scissions qui ont traversé ce champ depuis la fin des années 1960, et cela jusqu’au tournant libéral des peace studies dans les années 1990. La troisième et dernière partie appliq

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Bressler, Jonas. "Crusade against Bolshevism." Fascism 13, no. 1 (2024): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10070.

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Abstract During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), many conservatives and fascists in Western Europe supported the Francoist rebels. This paper will outline how conservatives and fascists in Great Britain, France, and Belgium worked together to support the rebellion in Spain. Regarding Great Britain, the pressure group Friends of Nationalist Spain (FNS) will be studied, while for France and Belgium several different groups and individuals will be examined. In all countries, these networks were managed by the Francoist Ambassadors. This paper sheds light on an extensive pro-Francoist network th

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Gauvin, Gilles. "Le parti communiste de La Réunion (1946-2000)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 68, no. 4 (2000): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.p2000.68n1.0073.

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Résumé Apparu durant l'entre-deux-guerres, le mouvement communiste à la Réunion se structure en 1946 à l'occasion du combat pour la départementalisation de l'île. En 1959, cette Fédération se constitue, autour de Paul Vergés, en Parti communiste réunionnais et affirme sa volonté de décoloniser l'île en revendiquant l'autonomie. Par son homogénéité idéologique, ce parti, auquel s'est violemment opposé Michel Debré jusqu'en 1988, est une matrice fondamentale dans la construction de l'identité politique d'une population exprimant à la fois une forte personnalité et un indéniable attachement à la

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Elguezabal, Eleonora. "Quand la gendarmerie devient participative : l’engagement des voisin·es dans les réseaux officiels de vigilance en France." Participations N° 29, no. 1 (2021): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.029.0073.

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Bloquet, Claire, and Anastasia Pyschny. "Aus vier mach eins? Die Kandidatenaufstellung der Linksallianz bei den französischen Parlamentswahlen 2022." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, no. 3 (2022): 617–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-3-617.

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Tue 2022 legislative elections in France saw a new political player: NUPES, who won about a fourth of the National Assembly seats. Tuis ad hoc alliance of the four main parties of the left-wing political spectrum (socialists, greens, communists, radical left) faced considerable hurdles in nominating candidates. When analyzing the extent to which these were overcome, a number of less well-known factors of the French political system are explained, and the possible effects the electoral alliance might have on the party system are explored. Based on the LEGIS-2022 dataset on candidates in the par

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Beurois, Tom. "Une aide alimentaire apolitique ? Formes de (dé)politisation ordinaire au sein d’épiceries sociales en France et en Belgique." Participations N° 33, no. 2 (2022): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.033.0031.

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ALLEMAN, Clémence, Julie VOLLETTE, and Jean-Marc THIRION. "Étude des communautés de papillons Rhopalocères dans des marais du centre-ouest de la France." Naturae 2024, no. 10 (2024): 211–22. https://doi.org/10.5852/naturae2024a10.

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Les insectes comptent parmi les taxons qui diminuent le plus fortement depuis ces dernières décennies. Les papillons Rhopalocères font partie des espèces les plus impactées par les activités humaines. Ce sont des espèces relativement faciles à étudier pour montrer des évolutions dans les communautés d’insectes. Un inventaire standardisé a été engagé en 2011 puis reconduit en 2021 sur le site Natura 2000 du « Marais de Brouage (et marais nord d’Oléron) 

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Hamidi, Camille. "Les minorités doivent-elles être représentées par des minorités ? Une color line dans les représentations ordinaires de la représentation en France." Participations N° 30, no. 2 (2021): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.030.0065.

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Malochet, Virginie. "La sécurité est-elle vraiment « l’affaire de tous » ? Les limites de la participation citoyenne en France dans un domaine typiquement régalien." Participations N° 29, no. 1 (2021): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.029.0041.

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Gardenier, Matthijs. "La surveillance a-t-elle une couleur politique ? Cercles de vigilance, capital social et compétition municipale dans des espaces périurbains en France." Participations N° 29, no. 1 (2021): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.029.0097.

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Landon, Aurélie. "Le tiers-lieu à l’épreuve de son succès. Vers la formation d’un compromis civico-marchand dans la fabrique de la ville en France." Participations N° 33, no. 2 (2022): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.033.0181.

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Nez, Héloïse. "Entre refus, évitement et expression du politique dans les centres sociaux en France. Une enquête ethnographique dans une petite ville en milieu rural." Participations N° 35, no. 1 (2023): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parti.035.0101.

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Mozzachiodi, Luca. "On the creation of a communist poetic tradition through the review Officina." Twentieth Century Communism 27, no. 27 (2024): 61–86. https://doi.org/10.3898/175864324839498919.

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This article examines the cultural and literary review Officina to show how, between 1955 and 1959, the editors (Roberto Roversi, Pier Paolo Pasolini, Francesco Leonetti, Gianni Scalia, Angelo Roman?? and later Franco Fortini) worked to construct a non-party communist poetic tradition. These authors used Antonio Gramsci’s recently published-Prison Notebooks in order to re-read the Italian literary tradition (from Giacomo Leopardi to Giuseppe Ungaretti), through re-considering the relationship between intellectuals and society and between poetry and politics. The article uses the activities of

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Braouezec, Patrick. "« Les quartiers en rénovation urbaine sont les seuls lieux où l’ascension sociale fonctionne encore »." Hérodote N° 193, no. 2 (2024): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/her.193.0163.

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Patrick Braouezec, ancien maire communiste de Saint-Denis, revient sur le bilan de l’aménagement de La Plaine Saint-Denis, pour lui largement positif. Davantage que par l’évolution sociologique de la ville, en partie une conséquence de cette opération d’aménagement, il explique la perte de la mairie et de la communauté d’agglomération au profit du parti socialiste par le choix du PC de se replier sur lui-même, en renonçant à dialoguer avec l’ensemble des acteurs du territoire, autres courants politiques, associations ou entreprises. Il souligne le rôle des quartiers populaires, seuls territoir

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Grugel, Jean, and Monica Quijada. "Chile, Spain and Latin America: The Right of Asylum at the Onset of the Second World War." Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no. 1-2 (1990): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015492.

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In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Na

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Melone, Albert P. "Elections, Parties, and Representation in Post-Communist Europe. By Frances Millard. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. xxiii, 350 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. $74.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 64, no. 4 (2005): 874–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3649920.

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Díaz Díaz, Benito. "Tiempos de violencia desigual: guerrilleros contra Franco (1939-1952)Times of unequal violence: guerrilla fighters against Franco (1939-1950)." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 5 (May 23, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i5.205.

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RESUMEN Tras la victoria del general Franco en la Guerra Civil, la paz no llegó por completo a todos los rincones de la geografía española. La falta de una política de reconciliación nacional, junto al mantenimiento de una intensa actividad represora, hicieron que algunos republicanos se refugiasen en la sierra, sin otro objetivo que el de salvar la vida. Con el tiempo, y en paralelo a la evolución de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Partido Comunista de España consiguió dotar de objetivos políticos a estos huidos y crear agrupaciones guerrilleras, lo que contribuyó a agravar la violencia rural.

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Soares, Máio. "« Mémoires d'Avril »." Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps N° 80, no. 4 (2005): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mate.080.0002.

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Résumé Mário Soares met tout d’abord en relief le caractère révolutionnaire et populaire des événements du 25-Avril car, si d’une part, il s’agit d’une vraie rupture avec l’ancien régime, d’autre part, le peuple a apporté un soutien actif à l’action des militaires. Le régime fasciste s’écroule en quelques heures sans effusion de sang et sans aucune interférence extérieure. Mário Soares évoque ses années d’exil en France, la formation du Parti socialiste, les réunions pour demander leur soutien aux partis socialistes européens, dont cet épisode vécu à Bonn la veille du 25 avril, où ses camarade

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