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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communist Party (China)'
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1
Doyon, Jérôme. "Rejuvenating communism : the Communist Youth League as a political promotion channel in post-Mao China." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0029/document.
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Comment l’Etat-Parti chinois renouvelle-t-il son élite et maintient-il sa cohésion dans la période post-Maoïste ? Il s’agit d’une question fondamentale pour comprendre l’évolution du système politique chinois. Or, les explications fournies par la littérature sur la question sont loin d’être satisfaisantes. J’aborde ces questions à travers une étude unique du rôle joué par la Ligue des Jeunesses Communistes dans le recrutement et la promotion des cadres de l’Etat-Parti depuis les années 1980. Je montre que du fait de la situation politique de l’après Révolution Culturelle et des besoins en jeunes soutiens de certains dirigeants, un système de « mobilité sponsorisée » s’est développé afin de renouveler l’élite politique chinoise. Des étudiants sont recrutés dès l’université et formés par les organisations de jeunesse du Parti. Ils sont alors placés sur une filière de promotion rapide, avec des opportunités de carrière et de formation uniques. Ce qui les conduit à des postes de dirigeants au sein de l’Etat-Parti. Par ailleurs, à travers les différentes étapes du processus de « mobilité sponsorisée », les jeunes recrues développent un rôle spécifique en tant que futurs cadres dirigeants et transforment leurs cercles de sociabilité. En conséquence, ils renforcent leur engagement politique et donc leur intérêt personnel à la survie du régime. Enfin, la nature décentralisée de l’Etat-Parti, et de ses organisations de jeunesse ; rend difficile pour les jeunes recrues d’établir des groupes cohésifs qui pourraient s’organiser contre l’Etat-Parti lui-mêmeHow does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question in order to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. I approach these questions through a unique account of the role played by the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) in terms of cadres’ recruitment and promotion since the 1980s. I show that due to post-Cultural Revolution politics and the need for leaders at the time to recruit loyal young cadres, a “sponsored mobility” system was developed to renew the Party-State’s elite. College students are recruited and trained through the Party’s youth organizations. They are put then on a unique promotion path, which includes specific opportunities and trainings, and which leads them to leadership position in the Party-State. In addition, through the various steps of the sponsored mobility process, the young recruits develop a specific social role as future officials and transform their social circles. As a result, they cultivate a political commitment to their career in the Party-State and to the survival of the regime. Finally, the decentralized nature of the Party-State and its youth organizations make it difficult for the young recruits to establish cohesive groups which could organize against the Party-State itself
2
Zhang, Yang. "Taming factions in the Chinese Communist party." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2170.
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How does the Chinese Communist Party tame factions from breaking it apart? Relying on thousands of biographies, the dissertation attempts to uncover the complex network of Chinese political elites and investigate how institutions constrain the expansion of factions.
First, it finds that the rule of avoidance has been effectively implemented. Native provincial officials are often assigned with secondary party positions, especially so in deeply indebted provinces that are heavily reliant on the central government for fiscal transfer. Second, the centralization of the disciplinary inspection system helps maintain the momentum of the anticorruption campaign since the 2012 leadership succession. Compared to native officials, the officials who were transferred from a different province or a central government agency are likely to investigate much more corrupt party cadres in their jurisdictions. Third, when it comes to promotions of provincial party secretaries, many performance-based criteria appear to be less important than factional ties. Good economic performance such as fast GDP growth does not increase a provincial party secretary’s odds to join the Politburo. However, the effects of factional ties are mixed. For example, family ties to a top party leader greatly increase the likelihood of promotion, but college ties disadvantage the candidates. Finally, the dissertation shows that network centrality in the Central Committee is a strong predictor of the outcomes of the Politburo turnover. The network centrality is positively associated with party seniority, but due to the age limits, it cannot grow without a ceiling.
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Guo, Maocan. "Party sponsorship and political incorporation : Communist Party membership and social stratification in urban China /." View abstract or full-text, 2006. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202006%20GUO.
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Chonchirdsin, Sud. "The Indochinese Communist Party in French Cochin China (1936-1940)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363084.
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Mirić, Siniša. "Social Stability and Promotion in the Communist Party of China." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7117.
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The Communist Party of China CCP) controls all political, economic, and military issues in China. In the absence of elections, the only route of recruitment at higher levels of the political hierarchy in the Party is an official promotion. The scholarship on promotions offers two main explanations for advancement inside the Communist Party of China: (i) informal connections between high officials and candidates, and (ii) merit of candidates. This scholarship disregards, however, the importance of achievement of political targets by the candidates, specifically, their ability to deliver social stability.
Like every authoritarian regime, the CCP faces threats from the masses over which the elites rule. Reducing social mobilization is a key component of the CCP’s rule. In the past decade, labor strikes have become offensive in nature with workers demanding better conditions and espousing democratic values, thus challenging the Party’s dominant position in Chinese society. In order to minimize collective activities of Chinese citizens, provincial officials use censorship of the media, including posts on the social media websites, threats of job termination, as well as threats of deportation from urban areas. For that reason, those provincial officials who minimize the number of labor protests increase their chance of promotion to the Politburo. Furthermore, avoiding unrest should matter more for the promotion of party secretaries than governors, whose domain is economic growth.
To evaluate my argument, I analyze promotions of provincial leaders to the Politburo in 2003-2017. The data yield that—consistent with my argument—provincial leaders’ ability to minimize labor strikes increases their chances of promotion. In addition, positive economic performance matters more for the promotion of governors than of party secretaries.
6
Sanson, Esther Mary. "The Chinese Communist Party and China's Rural Problems." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Languages and Cultures, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1903.
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Vast disparities exist between China’s rural and urban areas. Throughout the history of Communist Party rule, ever-widening rural-urban inequality, problems with migration to the cities, and the threat of rural unrest have afflicted the countryside. Efforts by previous administrations have largely failed to solve the nation’s rural problems. China’s current leaders are determined to tackle these issues by means of a change in the direction in policy: the new focus is on sustainable development and social justice rather than rapid economic growth. At the same time, the central government hopes to strengthen the Communist Party’s power base and reduce potential threats to its ongoing reign. While the new policy direction is expected to improve the standard of living of China’s rural people and reduce social conflict in the short term, it may be insufficient to bring peace and satisfaction among the people in the long term.
7
Chun, Philip. "The Paths to Power in the Chinese Communist Party." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/867.
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China’s current crop of leaders has inherited a country full of promise. After the disastrous socialist transformation under Mao, Deng Xiaoping and his successors have implemented large scale, successful economic and social reforms and in less than two generations brought China to the forefront of the global economy. As a result they have gartered most of the praise, glory, and often, economic windfall, associated with China’s success. The goal of this thesis is to examine the complex, non-linear fashion in which China’s top leadership is chosen, and explore the best possible paths to ascend the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. An investigation of China’s current governing leaders’ paths to power will be included to illuminate how various factors including merit, patronage, institutional role, and luck play a part in the ultimate makeup of China’s top leadership. Key findings show that family pedigree, faction loyalty, and exceptional performance in important roles, especially in provincial governments are the most influential variables when predicting Chinese leadership.
8
Lei, Jie. "China's welfare regime 1949-2011 : the key role of the Communist Party of China." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2201/.
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Gruin, Julian Y. "Communists constructing capitalism : socio-economic uncertainty, Communist party rule, and China's financial development, 1990-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a70d4158-ac36-477c-accb-37f940071a0d.
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To what extent does China's experience of economic reform since 1989 compel a reconsideration of the ontological foundations of contemporary capitalist development? China's political economy remains characterized by a unique and resilient political structure (the Chinese Communist Party) that penetrates both 'private' (market) and 'public' (state) organizations. The conceptual rootedness of contemporary theories of comparative and international political economy in a distinctly Western historical experience of capitalist development hinders their ability to understand Chinese capitalism on its own terms—as historically, culturally, and globally embedded. To generate greater analytic traction in understanding China's otherwise paradoxical constellation of actors and dynamics, I argue that contemporary capitalism should be studied as a set of mechanisms for managing and exploiting socio-economic uncertainty, rather than according to the binary logics of state regulation and market competition. These mechanisms can be conceptualized as an overarching risk environment. On this basis, I trace how the cognitive frames, social institutions, and relational networks that emerged within the 'socialist market economy' in China's post-Tiananmen financial system have placed the Chinese Communist Party at the nexus of the state and the market. I argue that specific ideas emerged about how to manage the flow of capital, playing a significant role in underpinning expectations of financial growth and stability. During this period the financial system underpinned the CCP's capacity to both manage and exploit socio-economic uncertainty through the path of reform, forming a central explanatory factor in a developmental trajectory marked by a trifecta of rapid economic growth, macroeconomic stability, and deepening socio-economic imbalances. Rather than viewing the path of financial reform in China solely in terms of 'partial' or 'failed' free- market reform, it thus becomes possible to cast China's development in a new light as the product of a more concerted vision of how the financial system would enable a mode of economic development that combined the drive for capital accumulation with the distinctive socio-political circumstances of post-1989 China.
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Zwisler, Evan. "Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese Communist Party: Moving Forward in the 21st Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/454.
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I examine the state of Tibetan Buddhism that exists in China in the 21st century and what are the best methods to increase religious freedom and political autonomy. I look at what cause China and Tibet to reach this point, and why do the respective nations do what they do. Man people fundamentally misunderstand the reasons why the Chinese Communist Party oppresses Tibetan Buddhism; they aren't concerned with eradicating religion, they want to simply maintain longterm political legitimacy in Tibet.
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Feeney, Caitlin. "China's Censored Leap Forward: The Communist Party's Battle with Internet Censorship in the Digital Age." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/408.
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Citizens around the world are using the Internet to connect with an international community, speak out against governmental injustices, and dissolve informational barriers. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a regime known for its strict control and harsh repression, is faced with the challenge of balancing an appropriate amount of civilian freedom on the Internet while still maintaining its monopolistic power. How does a one-party system successfully maintain control over the flow of information and sustain its unchallenged control of citizens in an increasingly-liberalized world? The Party’s answer to this question is a finely-tuned Internet censorship strategy, which this paper seeks to investigate.
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Bell, James. "Economic Statecraft and Ethnicity in China." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1527196412862614.
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Hearn, Kay, and n/a. "Sniffer Packets & Firewalls." University of Canberra. n/a, 2008. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20081217.153550.
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Falun Gong protesters, the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, the spy
plane incident and a series of mine accidents are just some of the events over the past
decade that involved the Internet. In each incident the leadership of the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) was caught off guard by the circumvention of informational
flows as a consequence of the Internet. This is in some ways indicative of the impact
the medium is having on the ability of the CCP to manage political discourse within
the confines of the country. This thesis examines the way that political discourse in
contemporary China is managed in response to the development of the Internet, using
the concepts of time and space as conceived by Harold A. Innis.
This historical study considers the strategies used in the management of time and
space in the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) across a broad range of ways in which
the medium is used by particular groups, such as online gamers, bloggers, hackers,
and activists. I have also looked at the way information flows are managed during a
crisis or disaster using critical textual analysis of Internet sources, and specific
examples. These sources are both official and unofficial including Chinese
government sites, journalistic sources both Chinese and Western and Chinese legal
databases that appear on the World Wide Web (WWW). The study finds that there is
an emerging shift from propaganda based media manipulation and suppression to a
style of stage managed spin. The CCP have used three strategies to contain and
maintain their hold over central power, including the rule of law, investment in the
development of content and technological means. The development of the Internet in
China is marked by a dialect of desire for the technology for economic purposes and
the perceived need to control the technology for political purposes. The Internet has
also enabled the central government in Beijing to reassert its position as a central
authority over local and provincial governments.
This study contributes to the existing knowledge about Chinese media policy and the
Internet, and will shed light on the ways in which the tehcnology influences the
production and consumption of media and the impact that the development of this
medium has upon media policy in China. Furthermore, this study will contribute to a
greater understanding of CCP's ability to manage information and the impact that this
medium will have on the operations of Chinese politics within the space of the
Internet, as well as the impact of the technology on politics, and China's interaction
with the international community.
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Arantes, Virginie. "From the Avoidable to the Desirable: the Chinese Communist Party "Green" Authoritarian Strategy. Shanghai as Case Study." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/304319.
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The argument goes that, as living standards rise, the demand for better environmental management increases and a liberal political system is best placed to deal with such issues. In contrast to the dominant discussions of environmentalism, which concentrates on the relationship between democracy and environmentalism, this thesis suggests that environmental protection can become a playground for authoritarian regimes to pursue ulterior motives and goals. Using the concept of environmental authoritarianism, the following research assesses the resilience capacity of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) despite the gravity of its environmental crisis and mounting citizen grievances. An ethnographic methodology composed of different methods is employed to undertake the investigation including participant observation, field notes, interviews and document analysis. The implementation of cooperation and legitimation strategies are investigated at an urban city level in the field of environmental sustainability. Broadly, the thesis argues that the environmental governance capacity of the CCP has been developed around three ideas: (1) (re)centralise environmental governance efforts; (2) create a consensus around environmental protection (e.g. âecological civilisationâ); and (3) institutionalise grassroots movements. Using actor-network-theory as a method of analysis, I explore how these processes occur in practice at a local level through two case studies: a registered NGO working on waste reduction and a social enterprise aimed at strengthening rural communities and promoting sustainable agriculture. The thesis findings indicate that there has been a shift from fragmentation to a consolidation resulting in less room for contentious participation. The instrumentalisation of environmental issues by the government prevent environmental activists to resist co-optation by the government machinery. Still, empirical evidence demonstrates that actors continuously adapt to new pressures. Broadly, by focusing on Shanghai as a case study, the following research advances that environmental protection is being instrumentally mobilised to legitimise a variety of planning practices through the use of a complex combination of mobilising, politicising and depoliticising techniques. Wider conclusions are drawn on authoritarian resilience, Chinaâs public participation, and authoritarian modes of environmental governance.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Blizzard, William D. Jr. "The Building of the Shenyang Jianzhu University 1998-2007: A Case Study of the Role of Professor Fuchang Zhang and His Communist Party Network." [Yellow Springs, Ohio] : Antioch University, 2008. http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi?acc_num=antioch1240840793.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Antioch University, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (September 26, 2009). Advisor: Al Guskin. "A dissertation submitted to the Ph. D. in Leadership and Change program of Antioch University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2008"--The title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-81).
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郭正林. "村民自治與黨的領導 : 中國農村黨政關係的類型硏究 = Village self-government and leadership of Chinese Communist Party : study on the types of the relation between the party and village government." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1999. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/194.
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王赬. "社區發展與社區黨組織 , 定位和功能分析 : 以靜安寺社區為案例." Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636915.
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Douglas, Dan. "Mao Zedong and Xi Jinping: A Trait Analysis." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1500049187715943.
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Wang, Lili. "Becoming Urban in the Chinese Way: The Politics of Planning and Urban Change in Nanjing, China." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1480505387185065.
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Dumm, Elena. "Show No Weakness: An Ideological Analysis of China Daily News Coverage of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617884910805174.
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Wolfe, Christian J. "Clinging to Power: Authoritarian Leaders and Coercive Effectiveness." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1629981480039829.
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Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.
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Vidal, Christine. "À l'épreuve du politique : les intellectuels non-communistes chinois et l'émergence du pouvoir maoïste dans la première moitié du XXe siècle." Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0011.
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Basée sur des matériaux encore peu exploités, cette recherche qui porte sur la (relativement) longue durée vise à retracer l'histoire des intellectuels non communistes chinois dans les premières décennies du XXe siècle et à comprendre comment ils ont vécu la période de transition. Il s'agit d'une étude globale qui combine histoire sociale et culturelle, analyse les courants d'idées et les positionnements politiques, retrace les itinéraires individuels et la trajectoire collective de ces intellectuels, en les replaçant dans l'histoire plus large avec laquelle ils ont partie liée. Les deux premières parties portent ainsi sur leur histoire politique, sociale et culturelle dans la première moitié du siècle (1895-1948) et sur les évolutions durant la transition (1949-1952). Les deux suivantes, qui analysent la statégie d'alliance adoptée par le Parti communiste chinois dans la deuxième moitié des années trente (1935-1948) et ses prolongements après l'avènement du régime (1949-1952), s'attachent à en souligner les implicationsBased on a material as yet little exploited, this study seeks to give an account of Chinese non-communist intellectuals history durinf the first decades of the twentieth century and aims to widen our understanding of the way these intellectuals lived during the first years of the new regime. It is thus a global study wich combines social and cultural history, analyses the ideas and the political positions, retraces the individual routes and the collective trajectory of these intellectuals by placing them in the wider history they are linked to. The first two parts deal with their political, social and cultural history during the first part of the twentieth century (1895-1948) and their evolutions during the transition period (1949-1952). The following two parts, wich analyse the united front strategy adopted by the Chinese Communist Party in the second half of the thirties (1935-1949) and its extension after its access to power (1949-1952), seek to underline its varied consequences
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Billeter, Térence. "L'empereur jaune : la réinvention nationaliste d'une tradition politique chinoise." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0034.
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Cette thèse étudie la propagande nationaliste du régime de Pékin depuis le lancement de la politique de réforme en 1979, et plus particulièrement depuis la répression du mouvement étudiant de 1989. A travers l'étude d'un symbole particulier - la figure de l'Empereur jaune - cette thèse montre comment le PCC tente de se légitimer à l'heure où son pouvoir est érodé par l'ouverture du pays, la mondialisation de l'économie et les bouleversements sociaux. Construisant un contre-modèle de modernité à opposer aux tenants des droits de l'homme et de la démocratie, le PCC élabore un discours de légitimation cohérent quoique flou destiné à rallier la nouvelle base sociale du pouvoir chinois: la bourgeoisie urbaine émergente. Mais au-delà d'une réinvention nationaliste de la tradition somme toute assez classique, cette thèse permet également d'avoir accès à certaines représentations fondamentales du politique en Chine. En remontant aux origines du symbole, cette thèse montre que la figure de l'Empereur jaune n'a pas été choisie par hasard par les idéologues du régime, mais bien au contraire avec la volonté de capitaliser sur une symbolique ancienne qu'il importe de connaître pour comprendre la nature du politique dans la Chine contemporaine.
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Ngo, Thi Minh-Hoang. "Les processus externes et internes de formation du système communiste chinois dans la société rurale de la province du Shanxi, des années 1930 aux années 1950." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0126.
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Cette thèse d'histoire sociale sur les processus ouverts et internes de formation du système communiste chinois dans la société rurale du Shanxi, des années 1930 aux années 1950 s'appuie essentiellement sur des archives inédites du Parti communiste chinois. Dans la première grande partie, nous retraçons l'histoire des sources et la constitution de la mémoire historique de la Révolution chinoise depuis les années 1980 : la Révolution non plus paysanne, mais d'Etat. La deuxième grande partie montre comment les fondements politiques et institutionnels du PCC ont été appliqués dans les grands domaines de mobilisation de la société rurale de 1937 à 1946. Sont ainsi posées les causes institutionnelles possibles de la transformation des luttes locales en un pouvoir institutionnel : nous en retraçons l'histoire dans la troisième grande partie. Nous décrirons également les flambées de croyances religieuses populaires avant de conclure sur la consolidation du système à l'échelle de la provinceThis thesis shows how the Chinese communist system was formed within the Shanxi province rural society from the 1930s to the 1950s. It relied mainly on unpublished CCP archives as well as on local newspapers and on veterans' memories. A new historical memory has been formed since the 1980s which focuses on the State-Revolution instead of the traditional Peasant Revolution. The second part deals with the political and institutional foundations of the system from 1937 to 1946. It shows how the CCP system was reproduced in the economic, political and cultural fields of the rural society's mobilization and describes the CCP normative system of evaluation among the crucial institutional factors that might explain the local processes of the formation of the CCP system in Tunliu country, South Shanxi. Indeed, the third part relates how local struggles were transformed into an institutional power as well as the widespread religious reactions in the rural society
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Cointet, Laurette. "Le spectre soviétique dans la politique des nationalités de la République Populaire de Chine : de la représentation des "autres" à la réalisation d'une identité chinoise (Zhonghua)." Lyon 3, 2008. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2008_out_cointet_l.pdf.
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Que la politique chinoise des nationalités soit influencée par la politique soviétique des nationalités n'est pas une découverte et en effet, différents faits historiques de la première moitié du vingtième siècle révèlent la nature de cet influence, directe, indirecte, voulue et développée ou subie. Cependant, avec le discours de la " spécificité chinoise " apparu au milieu des années 1980 et qui implique non seulement la politique générale mais aussi la politique des nationalités du PCC, comment le Parti Communiste Chinois peut-il gérer une telle influence? Peu après la désintégration de l'Union Soviétique, les recherches sur les nationalités en RPC se tournent vers une nouvelle question : comment la Chine, en tant qu' " Etat socialiste multiethnique ", peut-elle éviter le destin de l'Union Soviétique ? Les réflexions intellectuelles post-soviétiques en RPC concernant les nationalités nous donnent les éléments fondamentaux pour comprendre les tendances et les concepts développés depuis la chute de l'Union Soviétique jusqu'au début des années 2000 dans la politique des nationalités de RPCThe fact that the PRC nationality policy has been influenced by the Soviet policy is well known and indeed various historic facts reveal different aspects of the influence, a direct, indirect, deliberate and developed or undergone influence. However, the speech of the "Chinese particularism" that appeared in the middle of 1980s implies not only the general policy of the CCP but also the nationality policy. Therefore we can wonder how the CCP in its discourse manage with this influence. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a lot of scholars in the PRC have been researching on nationalities attempting answer to the question of how China, as a "multiethnic socialist State", can avoid the same future as the Soviet Union ? The post-Soviet intellectual reflections in the PRC give us several elements to understand tendencies and concepts developed in PRC nationality policy since the faIl of the USSR and this, till the beginning of 2000s
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Rhee, Yang-Ho. "La Participation des intellectuels au développement politico-économique en Chine : 1978-1985." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA010284.
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Depuis la troisième session pentière du comité central issu du XIe congrès du parti communiste chinois tenue en 1978, les rapports état intellectuels ont connu un changement profond. L'état a légitimé le rôle socio-politique des intellectuels, la liberté intellectuelle et leurs intérêts économiques. Par ailleurs, l'état a encouragé leur participation aux institutions politiques et économiques. Pourtant, les intellectuels réformateurs ont réclamé plus de libertés et plus de réformes politiques et économiques. Ainsi, l'état est confronté à la revendication des intellectuels pour la démocratisation du système politiqueSince the third plenary session of the eleventh central committee of the Chinese communist party held in 1978, the relations between the state and the intellectuals have changed. The state legitimized the intellectuals' role, the intellectual libery and their economic interests. Moreover, the state encouraged their participation in the political and economic institutions. Nevertheless, the reform-minded intellectuals asked for more liberty, political, and economic reform. The state is confronted with the claim of the intellectuals for the democratization of the political system
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Chandellier, Armelle. "Origine, création et transition socialiste du système artistique chinois : du premier au quatrième Wendaihui (1937 – 1980)." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019INAL0018.
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Ce présent travail de thèse propose d’explorer le système artistique chinois à travers une analyse de la dynamique complexe qui caractérise les relations entre les milieux artistiques et le Parti Communiste Chinois (PCC) de 1937 à 1980. En dégageant les trois aspects qui conditionnent cette relation : la structure organisationnelle, le cadre idéologique et les conjonctures politiques, l’objectif est de démontrer dans quelle mesure le système artistique est un haut lieu du politique.La convocation du premier Congrès National des Travailleurs Littéraires et Artistiques de Chine (Wendaihui 文代会) en juillet 1949, inaugure l’édification du système artistique chinois et incarne le point de départ d’une institutionnalisation d’un nouveau modèle de gestion des milieux artistiques fonctionnant en symbiose avec les organes du gouvernement et du PCC. Avant d’être une manifestation dédiée aux seuls milieux artistiques, le Wendaihui constitue un moment politique qui s’inscrit dans une stratégie globale de restructuration nationale dirigée par le PCC.Ainsi, grâce à une analyse des origines, de la création, de la dérive socialiste et de la restauration du Wendaihui, cette approche pluridisciplinaire permet de rompre avec l’idée que le système artistique chinois serait une organisation homogène, uniforme et intemporelle. Elle l’envisage, au contraire, comme une construction sociale historiquement située, résultant de l’interaction de multiples facteurs et prenant des formes diverses dans le temps et dans l’espaceThis research investigates the Chinese artistic system through an analysis of the complex dynamic that characterizes the relationship between the artistic circles and the Communist Party of China (CPC) from 1937 to 1980. By identifying the three aspects that condition this relationship: the organizational structure, the ideological framework and the political conjunctures, the aim of this thesis is to demonstrate to what extent the Chinese artistic system is a high place of politics.The convocation of the first National Congress of Literary and Arts Workers of China (Wendaihui 文代会) in July 1949, inaugurates the construction of the Chinese artistic system and embodies the starting point for the institutionalization of a new model of management of artistic circles that works in symbiosis with the organs of the government and the CPC.Before being an event strictly dedicated to artistic circles only, the Wendaihui is a political moment that is part of a comprehensive national restructuring strategy led by the CPC.Thus, thanks to an analysis of the origins, the creation, the socialist drift and the restoration of the Wendaihui, this multidisciplinary approach breaks with the idea that the Chinese artistic system is a homogeneous, uniform and timeless organization. This research is considering it, on the contrary, as a historically situated social construction, resulting from the interaction of multiple factors and taking various forms in time and space
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Kai, Yin. "Un écran idéologisé : le cinéma chinois de 1949 à 1966." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010596.
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Cette thèse révèle les fonctions propagandistes du cinéma chinois de 1949 à 1966. La Première partie se consacre à la recherche de l'origine de la politisation du cinéma chinois et la création de I'industrie cinématographique en Chine de 1931 à 1955. Cette partie nous livre une description du cinéma de gauche chinois, notamment à Shanghai sous l'influence du Parti communiste de 1931 à 1949, et ainsi que la création du système d'administration du cinéma chinois communiste, la construction des studios nationaux et la création des nouveaux genres cinématographiques après la prise du pouvoir du PCC en 1949. Cette partie montre aussi la réforme du système d'administration du cinéma, l'évolution des films de genres aux besoins de la propagande et le développement de la critique cinématographique. La Deuxième partie, suivant les différentes étapes de l'évolution du cinéma chinois de 1956 à 1962, est organisée autour des événements politiques qui ont influencé successivement la production. , à savoir, l'Ere des Cent Fleurs (1956), le Mouvement Anti-droitiste (1957) et le Grand Bond en Avant (1958), et présente la restauration de l'industrie cinématographique de 1959 à 1962, les influences d 'outre-mer du cinéma chinois, et la relation entre le cinéma chinois et le cinéma soviétique. La Troisième partie révèle l'impact décisif des événements politiques sur la création cinématographique pendant la période de 1962-1966, les débats et les critiques manipulés par les pensées d'extrême gauche. Cette partie présente aussi la création des nouveaux modèles du cinéma chinois, auxquels s'appuie la propagande de la force de l'extrême gauche dans la Révolution Culture (1966-1976).
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Graezer, Bideau Florence. "La danse du yangge en Chine contemporaine : enjeux politiques et pratiques sociales." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0075.
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Cette thèse étudie le rôle des politiques culturelles comme instrument du pouvoir dans la Chine du 20e siècle. En mettant en perspective les différentes catégories de la culture populaire dans leur contexte historique, politique, intellectuel et social, cette recherche montre comment la notion de culture est, et a toujours été, un enjeu de lutte pour les élites dirigeantes. A travers une analyse anthropologique, historique et comparative de diverses activités culturelles et sociales - danse du yanhhe, exercices du qigong ou festivités liées à certains pélerinages ou fêtes traditionnelles -, cette thèse met en lumière la volonté du Parti communiste chinois de construire une politique culturelle nationale. Les exemples tirés de plusieurs enquêtes de terrain (Pékin et Shaanxi) éclairent non seulement ce processus de fabrication d'une tradition culturelle et les enjeux qu'elle comporte mais aussi la place qu'occupe ces activités dans l'émergence d'une société civile et leur inscription dans le projet de construction d'une "civilisation spirituelle"This dissertation studies the role of cultural policy as a tool of power in 20th century China. By focusing on different categories of popular culture in their historical, political, intellectual and social context, this research shows how the notion of culture is, and has always been an important stake of the struggles taking place in the ruling elite. Through anthropological, historical and comparative analysis of several social and cultural activities -yangge dance, qigong exercises, festivities linked with some pilgrimages or traditional celebrations - this dissertation highlights the will of the chinese communist party to build a policy governing national cultural practices. Illustrations taken from fieldwork in Beijing and Shaanxi clarify not only the process of the making of cultural traditions and the issues it entails bu also the place these activities occupy in the emergence of a civil society and their role in the project of building a "spiritual civilization"
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Tran, Emilie. "Élites et pouvoir en Chine à l'orée du XXIème siècle : Shanghai et la modernité chinoise." Paris, EHESS, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EHES0088.
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La résilience et l'adaptabilité inattendues du Parti communiste chinois (PCC) ainsi que l'extraordinaire croissance économique suscitent un nouvel intérêt pour l'étude des institutions et des méthodes de gouvernance du PCC. Cette thèse, en étudiant le pouvoir politique et l'élaboration des politiques publiques à partir des modes d'action et des interactions entre les élites locales à Shanghai et le pouvoir, apporte une nouvelle perspective aux études sur le fonctionnement des élites politiques en Chine, lesquelles consistaient jusque-là en des travaux quantitatifs sur leurs parcours professionnels. Si certaines recherches s'accordent sur la modernisation des structures du PCC, cette thèse examine ce processus dans le détail et dans la pratique, principalement au travers d'enquêtes de terrain, dans quatre domaines (l'internationalisation de Shanghai; Shanghai Airlines; les conseillers en politiques publiques; l'Ecole du Parti) et contribue ainsi à saisir la nature du pouvoir politique en Chine et son devenirThe unexpected resilience and adaptability of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) along with the extraordinary economic growth raise the interest for understanding the CCP institutions and modes of governance. This thesis, by examining political power and the making of public policies from the standpoint of the actions and the interactions between local elites in Shanghai and the political structure, brings a new perspective in the studies of China's political elites, which so far have consisted of quantitative studies on cadres' career paths. If some research agree on the modernisation of the CCP structures, this thesis examines this process in detail and in practice, mainly through field studies, in four areas (Shanghai's internationalisation; Shanghai Airlines: the political advisors; the Party School) and thus contributes to understanding the nature and the future of China's political rule
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Marangé, Céline. "Trajectoire historique du communisme vietnamien : transfert et appropriation des modèles soviétique et chinois (1919-1991)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0023.
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Cette thèse porte sur la formation socio-historique d’un régime de parti-État socialiste dans un pays anciennement colonisé : le Vietnam. Pour saisir les spécificités du communisme vietnamien, nous étudions les vecteurs de diffusion de l’idéologie communiste, le poids de l’anticolonialisme et de la guerre, les formes d’influence exercées par les dirigeants soviétiques et chinois entre 1919 et 1991, ainsi que les processus d’appropriation et de résistance auxquels cette nouvelle forme de domination donna lieu. Notre enquête s’appuie sur des documents d’archives russes, chinois, américains et français et sur des sources imprimées en vietnamien. Il en ressort que les communistes vietnamiens s’inspirèrent continûment des modèles soviétiques et chinois, quel que fût l’état de leurs relations avec Moscou et Pékin. Les transferts observés résultent, pour l’essentiel, non de la contrainte – parfois déterminante –, mais d’un désir permanent d’imitation. Par son organisation et ses modes de gouvernement, le parti-Etat vietnamien se distingue peu des modèles soviétique et chinois. Sa ressemblance s’explique avant tout par la fidélité des communistes vietnamiens au modèle léniniste, ainsi que par la rigidité doctrinale et le caractère pratique de l’idéologie communiste. Les communistes vietnamiens affirmèrent une spécificité dans le domaine de la construction nationale. Si leurs politiques d’homogénéisation ethnique et de gestion du territoire rappellent les pratiques soviétiques et chinoises, la volonté de créer un État supranational et la refonte du discours historique marquent aussi la persistance de schèmes de domination et de formes de racisme hérités de la période colonialeThis thesis deals with the socio-historical formation of a socialist single-party state in a formerly colonized country: Vietnam. In order to grasp the specificity of Vietnamese communism, we study the agents of the communist ideology diffusion, the impact of anti-colonialism and war, the various forms of influence exercised by the Soviet and the Chinese communists between 1919 and 1991, as well as the processes of appropriation and resistance caused by this new form of domination. Our inquiry relies on various Russian, Chinese, American and French archival documents, and on a large array of printed sources in Vietnamese. It shows that, no matter the state of their relations with Moscow and Beijing, the Vietnamese communists continuously drew their inspiration from the Soviet and Chinese models. Though the observed transfers were born out of constraint at two founding moments, they resulted mostly from a permanent inclination to mimic. The Vietnamese party-state differs little from the Soviet and the Chinese models in its organization and its modes of governance. Its resemblance is mainly due to the Vietnamese communists’ fidelity to the Leninist model, as well as to the doctrinal rigidity and practical nature of the communist ideology. However, there is one domain in which the Vietnamese communists asserted specificity: the nation-building process. If their policies of ethnic homogenization and territorial administration are reminiscent of the Soviet and Chinese practices, their willingness to create a supra-national state and to recast the historical discourse also signals the persistence of some domination schemes and forms of racism, inherited from the colonial period
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Jourda, Emmanuel. "Les usages postrévolutionnaires d'un canon orthodoxe : le Front Uni et l'invention politique de l'après-révolution en Chine (1978-2008)." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0109.
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Cette thèse vise à définir conceptuellement la forme politique du régime de la République Populaire de Chine dans sa phase post-révolutionnaire, en hsitoricisant le processus qui permet au Parti communiste chinois de sortir du temps révolutionnaire maoïste et de se transformer en un Parti-État qui aspire à représenter la nation chinoise. Cette trajectoire est étudiée à travers une déconstruction du Front Uni ; à la fois concept politique qui accompagne le Parti communiste depuis sa création et la RPC depuis sa fondation, département éponyme directement rattaché au niveau central du parti, et action politique en direction de composantes spécifiques de la nation chinoise. Tant au sein des frontières étatiques de la Chine qu'envers la diaspora. L'évolution du Front Uni, telle qu'elle ressort des écrits officiels sur une période de trente ans, autorise une caractérisation des mutations politiques qu'ils tracent et datent avec précision. Ceci permet de dessiner les contours et enjeux des mues successives d'un parti communiste qui invente, au grès des évolutions économiques et sociales du pays, son hégémonie et son étatisation pour éviter sa propre désinstitutionnalisation. Cette ambition se réalise en réinventant le système communiste de l'intérieur afin d'y puiser de quoi échapper tant à la révolution prolétarienne et qu'à la révolution démocratique, autour d'un modèle qui se veut constitutif d'un « juste milieu », entre justice et stabilité politique, reconnaissance politique de la société mais accompagnée d'une institutionnalisation politique exclusivement réservée au Parti communisteThe purpose of this work is to define in conceptual terms the political organization of the people's Republic of China in the post revolution period. We'll therefore qualify in a historical perspective the process which saw the Chinese Communist Party emancipating from the Maoist revolutionary times and reshaping itself as a state-party. These changes will be discussed through an in-depth analysis of what is the United Front : a political concept moving with the Communist party and the PRC since their creation ; a department directly linked to the executive core of the party ; a political set of actions targeting specific parts of the chinese nation, inside its borders as well as overseas. The evolution of the United Front - as described in the official records over a 30-year period - offers a timely acute view of all the political changes the country has been through. This will allow us to look back into the successive waves of transformation that led the Communist party to adapt itself to the country's socio-economical changes, and to use hegemony and state control as the gate-keepers of its own institutional stability. This ambition was made possible by a constant internal reassessment of how the Communist party should reshape in order to escape both the proletarian and the democratic revolutions. Hence the search of a so-called "juste milieu", standing between justice and political stability, through taking the society in account without giving away the political power, wich remains the property of the Communist party
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Bénichou, Marcel. "Une destruction d'idees recues : le viet nam 1972-1982." Montpellier 3, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986MON3A056.
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Une vision manicheenne a domine tres largement durant toute la guerre du viet nam : d'un cote, un sud amolli, corrompu, illegitime parce que separatiste et lie a l'etranger, d'abord francais puis americain; de l'autre cote, un nord pur, dur, heroique, unitaire, national, ect. Simplistes et souvent caricaturales, ces images ne correspondaient pas au regime installe a saigon, infiniment plus complexe et contraste. Idylliques, elles ignoraient volontairement que le nord viet nam avait un regime totalitaire, que son communisme se reclamait d'une pratique et d'une inspiration stalinienne ; que les fronts nationaux crees sous son egide ne devaient etre que camouflage et moyen de domination pour le parti, "force unique qui dirige l'etat et la societe". Dans l'examen de ces questions, ce travail s'est efforce d'apporter : - une reflexion sur les composantes du nationalisme vietnamien ( la geopolitique dominee par la chine, la force du sentiment unitaire, la vigueur des regionalismes et les frequentes cassures de l'etat, les rapports entre communisme et nationalisme dans un contexte domine tour a tour par la france, le japon et les etats unis ) ; - un dossier sur la republique du viet nam de 1972 a 1975, des accords de paris a la chute de saigon ( le regime de nguyen van thieu et l' evolution de la situation politique, economique et militaire ) ; - une analyse du parti communiste vietnamien ( le langage, l'ideologie, les pratiques interieures, la politique exterieure. . . ) tel qu'il appa- rait au travers de la politique suivie par la republique socialiste du viet nam d'avril 1975 (prise de saigon) a mars 1982 ( ve congres et iii e plan quinquennal ); - quelques jalons sur le probleme d'une information qui s'est tenue aussi eloignee des realites. Comment, et avec quelles repercussions cette dissymetrie constante en faveur de hanoi et au detriment de saigon s'est-elle developpee ?A widespread manichean vision prevailed during the viet nam war : on the one hand, an emollient, corrupted, illegitimate south because it was secessionist and tied up to foreign countries, first france, then the united states ; on the other hand, a pure, hard, heroic, unitarian, national, ect. . . North. Simplistic and often caricatural, those pictures did not correspond to the infinitely more complex and contrasted saigon political system. Idyllic, they voluntarity ignored that north viet nam had a totalitarian regime, that its communism refered to stalinian inspiration and practice ; that the national fronts created under its leadership could only be camouflaging and a means of domination for theparty, " the unique power that runs the state and the society ". Considering those questions, we endeavoured to bring : - a reflexion on the components of vietnamese nationalism ( its geopolitics ruled by china, the strength of the unitarian feeling, the vigor of the various regionalisms and frequent breaks of the state, the relationships between communism and nationalism in an environment alternately dominated by france, japan, during a short but decisive time, and the u. S. A. ) ; - a record on the viet nam republic from 1972 to 1975, from the paris accords to the fall of saigon ( the nguyen van thieu regime and the evolution of the politi- cal, economic and military situation ) ; - an analysis of the vietnamese communist party ( the language, the ideology, the internal practices, the foreign policy. . . ) as it apperars through the policy followed by the socialist repubic of viet nam ) from april 1975 ( the taking of saigon ) to march 1982 ( vth congress and third quinquennal plan ) ; - some steps on the problem of an information which was standing so far from the realities. How, and with which repercussions did that constant dissymetry in favour of hanoi and to the detriment of saigon spread out ?
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Park, Sang-Soo. "La révolution chinoise et les sociétés secrètes : l'exemple des Shaan-Gan-Ning et du nord Jiangsu (années 1930-1940)." Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0071.
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Au-delà de l'historiographie habituelle qui pose en termes de continuité ou de discontinuité le problème des rapports entre les communistes (la révolution moderne) et les sociétés secrètes (les rébellions traditionnelles), cette étude contextualise la question des ces rapports dans une perspective micro-historique comparée qui porte sur deux régions différentes sur le plan de la structure rurale, des modalités d'existence des sociétés secrètes et du mode d'action des activistes communistes dans les années 1930-1940. Aux confins des Shaan-Gan-Ning, les Gelaohui (Sociétés des frères et des aînés) jouent un rôle important dès la première phase de l'implantation communiste dans la région avant la Longue marche. Par la suite, ils sont politisés par le centre du parti et intégrés au sein du système communiste territorialisé. Malgré de multiples frictions, le pouvoir communiste encadre leurs activités plutôt qu'il ne les interdit au moyen de mesures coercitives. En revanche, les Xiaodaohui (Sociétés des Petits Couteaux) du nord Jiangsu se dérobent aux tentatives de mobilisation déployées à leur égard dès la rupture du premier front uni. Forces d'autodéfense des intérêts locaux, les Petits Couteaux se montrent ensuite hostiles au pouvoir communiste, instauré peu à peu dans la région après l'éclatement de la guerre sino-japonaise. De leur côté, les communistes n'essayent guère de les politiser et s'appuient sur leurs forces armées. Ils finissent par les interdire et répriment leurs activités à mesure que leur pouvoir se consolide localement. Cette thèse illustre ainsi la diversité et les variations des relations entre le monde des sociétés secrètes et celui des communistes, ainsi que celles des politiques communistes, qui n'ont cessé d'évoluer et de s'adapter tout au long du processus révolutionnaire, dans une logique d'inclusion et d'exclusion des forces sociales au cours de la construction étatique par le PCCBeyond the conventional historiography which has viewed the relationships between the communist movement (modern revolution) and the secret societies (traditional rebellions) in terms of continuity or discontinuity, this study contextualizes the question of these relations in a compared micro-historic perspective centred on two regions showing sharp contrasts as regards social-rural patterns, the structures of the secret organizations and the activities of the Communists before the early 1940s. In the Shaan-Gan-Ning region, the Gelaohui (Brothers and Elders) play an important part from the first phase of Communist implantation before the Long March (mid 1930s). In the following years, they are politicized by the party center and integrated into the territorialized Communist system. In spite of multiple frictions, party power supervises their activities instead of forbidding them. On the other hand, the Xiaodaohui (Small Swords) in Northern Jiangsu do not respond to Communist mobilization attempts either before the collapse of the First United Front (1927) or later. They appear as local self-defense groups which confront the central Guomindang government during the 1930s, the Japanese occupation forces and the Communist armies during the 1940s. As a result, CCP guerrilla initiatives rely on military factors. As CCP power becomes stronger in the late 1940s, the Small Sword groups are suppressed in spite of many local rebellions. The dissertation thus illustrates the diversity and variations both in time and space of the relations between the secret societies and the Communists. In line with several recent works, it also emphasizes the fact that Communist policies did not stop developing and adjusting locally all along the revolutionary process, although a similar logic of inclusion and exclusion of various social forces was at play in what comes to light as a well engineered state building process
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Chen, Yuanbo. "La Fête du Printemps (1914-2016) : imaginaire national et invention de la tradition." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE3007.
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La Fête du Printemps (la fête du Nouvel An du calendrier agricole, soit le premier jour de la première lune) est une fête à la fois politique et populaire. Elle est également une fête aux nombreuses connotations. Elle comprend tout d’abord des pratiques et des symboles hérités du passé et encore célébrés aujourd’hui en Chine. Le pouvoir politique de chaque époque s’est évertué à façonner l’imaginaire de cette fête, à travers notamment l’invention et la réinvention de nouvelles « traditions ». En perpétuelle évolution, cette fête est marquée non seulement par des phénomènes d’accumulation et de sucession de pratiques et d’imaginaires, mais aussi par une double tâche, celle de la destruction de l’« ancien » et de la création du « nouveau ». Cette étude se propose de traiter des mutations politiques et sémiotiques de la Fête du Printemps au cours du long XXe siècle en Chine : le débat autour de la Fête du Printemps et du calendrier agricole à l’époque de la République de Chine (1912-1949), la propagande politique et idéologique de la Fête du Printemps du PCC à l’époque de Mao (1949-1978) et le processus de nationalisation de cette fête de l’époque de Deng Xiaoping 邓小平 (1904-1997) à celle de Xi Jinping习近平 (1953-)The Spring Festival (the Chinese New Year's Day of the agricultural calendar, the first day of the first moon) is a party both political and popular. It is also a festival with many connotations, filled first by the practices and symbols inherited from the past and applied in the Chinese mass of today and then imagined by the power of each era by inventing and reinventing new “traditions” typically political. It is finally an evolving party, marked not only by a sort of accumulation and succession, but also by a double task as the destruction of "old" and creation of "new". This study deals with political and semiotic transformation of the Spring Festival during the long twentieth century in China: the debate around the Spring Festival and the agricultural calendar at the time of the Republic of China (1912-1949), the political and ideological propaganda of the CCP's Spring Festival at the time of Mao (1949-1978) and a process of nationalization of this feast of the time of Deng Xiaoping邓小平 (1904-1997) to that of Xi Jinping习近平 (1953-)
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Lee, Ing-Wen, and 李應文. "The Study of the Democratic Reform of China Communist Party after Sixteenth National Party Congress." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/03964545049281805997.
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碩士國立東華大學
公共行政研究所
93
In the past, democracy of the China Communist Party was unceasing during several years in the discussion, but until 16th National Party Congress was proposed to discuss again, China Communist Party's democracy within the party reform will be based on wants to be able to the steady palm to grip the political power in the future when ruling time, but there is not anyone to be able to threaten and challenge. But this article is to discuss the situation of the China Communist Party after 16th National Party Congress, The article divides into five chapters. First chapter is the introduction, Contains the research motivation, the goal and the method and so on; Second chapter is China and the China Communist Party politics circumstance and each theory literature review; Third chapter is with incrementalism to discuss development of democracy of China and China Communist Party; Fourth chapter discusses reform of democracy of the party of the China Communist Party; Last chapter is a conclusion, including of aspect of China Communist Party and regarding Taiwan. There was a long time about China communist Party to develop the democracy of party, but many research showed that China Communist Party just reform the institute, in the code of political level wasn’t reforming, after 16th National Party Congress, the point of this article is to analyze the reform of democracy of China Communist Party, this mean that from 16th National Party Congress to study the reform of democracy of China Communist Party, and including incrementalism to discuss.
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Chen, Yen-Yu, and 陳彥宇. "Functional analysis of Democratic Party under Multi-Party Cooperation and Political Consultation and Leadership of the Communist Party of China." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/55554829823161490499.
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碩士中國文化大學
中國大陸研究所
95
Two major objectives of this study are: First, to discuss the existence of Democratic Party under Multi-Party Cooperation and Political Consultation and Leadership of the Communist Party of China, and how it provides legitimate ability for the Communism Government to maintain political power. The basis of political party system legitimacy is the Ideology construction ability. Such ability refers to two issues; one, the probability of the party system to provide an integrated or leading Ideology; two, if the party system is a leading Ideology, then the probability of it being enhanced with modernization. Also, the probability of its toleration be further extended. If the party system obtains the above said conditions, then the party system holds strong legitimacy, which means strong strength to maintain political stability. The reason is because it can efficiently provide a legitimacy explanation to the political structure. Second, to discuss how does Democratic Party, which is under the Multi-Party Cooperation and Political Consultation and Leadership of the Communist Party of China, resolve Participation Crisis? How does Communism Government in China react to Democratic Political Participation Request by perfecting the Political Institution, in order to achieve the objective of political stability? On the other hand, to evaluate the operational function, political condition, and future impact of Democratic party’s political participation under systematizing Communism China. With Democratic theory, development, and operation, this study discusses the impact of Democratic Party on Communism China, as well as the development and operation function of the Democratic Party. This thesis also discusses the method the communism China uses to refine Multi-Party Cooperation. Furthermore, the historical footprint is revealed to show the relationship of both parties, which stabilizes the Political System in China. Moreover, this paper shows that the Democratic Party functions to resolve legitimacy crisis under Multi-party Cooperation System, as well as to resolve the participation crisis. Such ability further strengthens the political stability in China.
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CHEN, SIH-YU, and 陳思宇. "Discourse of Hsu Fu-kuan on Communist Party of China（1943-1982）." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/c67t3w.
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碩士東吳大學
歷史學系
107
The Communist Party of China has a great influence on the development of modern Chinese history. Hsu Fu-kuan is an important representative scholar of contemporary Neo-Confucianism. He wrote a large number of articles on the Chinese Communist Party. This thesis uses these articles as the main historical sources, exploring Hsu Fu-kuan's core ideas by observing his opinions and comments on the Chinese Communist Party. His opinions and comments can be revealed from the literature cited in this thesis. Hsu Fu-kuan's political view-point was quite different from that of the Chinese Communist Party, but he still hoped that the country would become better under its governance. His expectations and criticisms on the Party, without any doubt, were also for the future of the country. His humanistic care and Confucian people-oriented ideas can be fully revealed through his comments on the Party.
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Lu, Jing-Yi, and 呂靜宜. "The Verification Of China Communist Party''s Inner Democratic Process.(1978-2007)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/fgasye.
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碩士國立中山大學
大陸研究所
96
The Democratic centralism, Chinese communist traced up the soviet regime, is not only the main principle of communist party organizing in china but written on the Chinese constitution for directing the public behavior. Since china communist becoming the national ruler, comrades had devoted their efforts to make sure of the c Chinese communist party could be the only one political party ruler for eternity. The highest political organization is the people representative convention what adapts the way of one that combines the congress and executive department. No matter what the communist party’ s political power or government’ s executive power all have to obey the principle of the democratic centralism converging the political power from basic comrades and local parity organizations to top leadership. So the democratic centralism is not like western democratic, the minor obeys the mass, but the political powers are together upon the leadership. Even though the democratic centralism is helpful to maintain the party’s assertion for the china communist party, the only one political ruler party. Because of political power of leadership has not been restricted resulting in what the regime legitimately has not been convicted. Mao was dead after the china culture revolution had ceased has left the china disarrangement and disable Chinese communist party. All things seemed went to bright side after the new successor, Den, held the leadership and drove whole Chinese economy and political more openness. Since 1978, China goes evolution and keeps the openness policy with two ways, economy and political. The time of planning economy was committed to replace the function of socialization, national distribution, curbing the production resources, all factors depended the Chinese communist party regime no matter what is labors in the city or the farmers in the country. Since openness policy, the marketing economy had replaced the panning economy becoming the main policy and the regime ceased to play the role in distribution of the national resources. People have to make life not depend the regime but maintain the right of political and fight for the political participation. Chinese communist party is afraid of losing her regime, therefore not dare to react the provoking of civilian political demand and consciousness. The dilemma situation turns the discrimination of content and process time table in political and economy comes up. People discontent force the Jiang secretary general to announce“ the inner party democracy is the spirit of communist party, demonstrating the public democracy “ for response the requiring of people. Because of the regime losing the ability of introspecting and reacting the political power centralization make a tough problem Chinese communist have to face and try to solute. Through the remedy way of conciliation the relationship between nation and society intent to maintain the one political party authority and relieve regime’s political crisis. Even though, the regime does suffer the turbulence of fighting between the conservative school and evolution school and could not conglomerate whole schools advance forward peaceful. So the regime uses the tiny political evolution in executive department as a buffer of comprising democracy evolution and defensive one party authority. This dissertation try to find out public democracy by the performance of Chinese communist inner democracy through the party’s leader system, decisive, supervising, election, talent selection and political power inherit. The study find out Chinese communist party inner democracy spot on the perfect of executive system for up grade the executive ability and maintain the legitimately. As we knew there are no any relation between the party inner democracy and public democracy.
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HSIAO, FU-CHI, and 蕭富齊. "The Study Regarding the Transformation of The China''s Communist Party Socialism." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/11372100024470421248.
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Sheng-yi, Lee, and 李聖義. "THE RESEARCH OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CHINA COMMUNIST PARTY AND SHONG CHIN-LING（1927-1949）." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/69612429094054394051.
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碩士中國文化大學
中山學術研究所
87
The name ” Shong Chin-ling “ is more disputatious in her life .She is Sun Yat-sen’s widow , and is also the Mother of Republic of China . But , late in her life , she has been the National honorary president of ROP . The transition of being a member of Kuomintang to supporting the China Communist Party is the main research motive of the author . In this treatise , the main goal in the research ensues from the research motive . The major content in this miscellany progresses along time , and combines with the events occurring in the period we referred before . Secondly , we approach the activities﹑events manipulated by Shong Chin-ling in combination with her opinion﹑ wordiness﹑claim .Accordingly , we study the three issues hereinafter are relative to Shong Chin-ling during 1927-1949 . 1. Why she chose to support the China Communist Party from the contest between Kuomintang and the China Communist Party after 1925 ? 2. The question of what role she played in the change of relationship between Kuomintang and the China Communist Party from 1927 to 1949 ? 3. The question of how her influence exerted on the contest between Kuomintang and the China Communist Party from 1927 to 1949 ?
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徐時喆. "The innovation of supervisory system in Communist Party of China - Hu Jintao period." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/88696618782878426477.
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Chang, Peng-Tsu, and 張鵬初. "The Research of The Communist Party of China on Strategical of“ Peaceful Rising”." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/76856197114352480014.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
93
After the Cold War ends, the coming of global economy has led to the interaction among international societies providing an environment for the rising of China. For countries in the west, they view China as a threat and drew a lot of concern. After China propose the words -“Peaceful Rising”, and then change them into “Peaceful Development”. It’s changing is the main motivation of this study. This thesis use the way of country strategy to deduce the strategy thought of “Peaceful Rising” and it’s limitation. It also tries to understand the trend of country strategy when China deals with an environment with corporation among countries. “Comprehensive Security” is a concept during the post-cold war. China’s new security concept needs an environment with peace and stable to develop a strategy based on economy. Through region politics and economic integration, China introduces a strategic concept of “Peaceful Rising”- strategically guided by get along peacefully, strategically based on developing comprehensive national power, strategically supported by strengthening partner relation, strategically centered by molding nation image to support the goal of nation strategy. Its purpose is to seek inner stabilization in politics, to develop multi-relation in diplomacy, to continue reform in economics, to orientate technology in military and enthusiastically participate national Military Corporation to build up its region power. Despite propagandizing its peaceful way without holding a threaten position, China has been regarded as competitive opponent by U.S.A and countries around China. In the international system, China is a socialism entity, but this does not mean it can tolerate mutually due to economic reform. Especially, the politics issue between two sides is the main focus of China’s “Peaceful Rising”. Whether China can enter world power by way of “Peaceful Rising”, its politics stability, economic growth, military upgrade, peacefully resolve Taiwan issue, these are the crucial factors of “Peaceful Rising”.
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Cheng-Li-Lin and 林政澧. "Xi Jinping of 「China Dream」and Chinese Communist party of Country Publicity Strategy." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/82772568918465151125.
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碩士淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
103
Propaganda of the right to speak, is an important tool under the Communist Party and government institutions, leaders consolidate leadership, advocacy thought "China Dream" theory of fifth-generation leader Xi Jinping put forward, the most important reason of course is to be able to construct a part of his ideology, in order to establish a position of authority within the party theory to construct the foundation for their ideology. So, if we can successfully construct "China Dream" in theory, will help to establish the rule of authority Xi Jinping, allowing access to the CCP''s propaganda and ideological identity and trust of the people.
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Shan, Wei-Shuenn, and 許惟順. "Military Strategy of the CCP(Chinese Communist Party)Navy in the South China Sea." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/65032005091694148132.
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碩士淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
100
The South China Sea is known to hold abundant crude petroleum resources. This has led to many sovereign and political controversies in the region, and prompted countries bordering the South China Sea to emphasize their ability to project regional power while at the same time allying with the US through joint maneuvers as well as economic co-operation to ensure their interests. In recent years the PRC has achieved considerable technological advancement on the strength of their booming economic growth in the past decades, and this has brought their weapons development to another level. As a result, their role in the South China Sea has changed to a certain extent. With Chinese nationalism on the rise, consolidating national interests has become their first priority, and their sea power strategy has changed. The PRC’s real intention now is to use the South China Sea as an opportunity to aggressively expand its sea power by developing new lines of surface and subsurface naval vessels as well as aircraft carriers. There is no doubt that the PRC intends to build up a formidable military power that will enable it to hold opposing forces at bay and enjoy absolute superiority in the region. This research relies primarily upon the “documentary analysis method,” referencing professional publications to discuss the direction and purpose of PRC military strategy, how the CCP Navy is developing and changing, and changes in the country''s South China Sea military strategy as well as the impact thereof. This research will also include an “Expert In-depth Interview” to further reinforce the points made through documentary analysis. In addition, with the help of “Scenario Analysis” we can trace evidence of a correlation between changes in the CCP naval development strategy and its South China Sea military strategy. This study will go on to examine linkages between the PRC’s naval strategy and its disputes with South China Sea nations, an on that basis will explore the future direction of the PRC’s military strategy vis-à-vis the South China Sea. Through this research, we have come to a realization that sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea are handled in one of two ways. One approach relies on diplomacy, while the other relies on military force, and the impact of the approach employed determines whether problems will be mitigated or exacerbated. A military approach is more likely to intensify problems, while a diplomatic approach is more likely to mitigate them.The interplay between escalation and defusing of tensions has given rise to a model for movement toward conflict. This model enables us to understand the reasons for conflict, the processes thereof, and whether the situation will move in the direction of war or peace. This model can facilitate the development of a more reasonable basis for deciding whether to use military or diplomatic means to handle regional conflicts and controversies. In the expert’s interview, we learn that future PRC policies on South China Sea are likely to stress several points: aircraft carriers as the starting point for strengthening command and control capabilities; a dual focus on development of both surface and subsurface vessels; preventing seizure of islands by other nations, and strengthening the nation''s capacity to project military power; and use of non-bellicose military action to bolster the nation''s strategic undertakings. The CCP (PLA) navy regards enhancement of its sea power as the foundation for achievement of the following goals: upgrading of its military capabilities; improvement of its ability to hold opposing forces at bay; consolidation of its national sovereignty; maintenance of the PRC''s access to petroleum; and assurance that petroleum shipping lanes are kept open. South China Sea controversies are now becoming a global issue. It would thus be beneficial for our country to issue a public statement on the South China Sea issue. We have several preliminary suggestions for current South China Sea policy: 1. The government should move toward establishing a national-level strategic plan for the South China Sea. 2. We should develop basic infrastructures in the Pratas Islands and on Taiping Island. 3. We should boost our ability to defend these two islands. It is hoped that the above will serve as useful reference for the ROC authorities, and that they will promote our country’s development in the South China Sea.
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CHANG, Sheng-Yuan, and 張聖源. "Assessment of the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China from China''s political succession." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72497100546068334852.
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碩士銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
98
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) will proceed for another wave of political succession at the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. The results from academic community commonly, however, believed that at present, the political succession has been institutionalized. If it is so, the factors which interfere with the transition of the power which are not institutional cannot be excluded. Therefore, this study attempts to elicit other possible standards for screening the future leader. The study pointed out that in the integrative development strategy of CCP, the capability of the successor was not directly assessed. From the structural dilemma that CCP faced, provided the researchers to see the competition among elites in the party, and the succession will be transformed from ideology to the ability for emergency handling. The study concluded that, the cadre institution development is advantageous to the Chinese Communist Party political stability. The elite candidate who possesses this capability will be granted a better chance to stand out in the competition of power succession. However, factional fighting and the Chinese Communists have not ruled out the traditional factors, will affect the future Department of the CCP Political Succession important variables.
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Chu, Wen-tsung, and 朱文宗. "The Foreign Aid Policy of the Communist Party of China in Post-Cold War Era." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44772588876231634892.
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碩士國立中山大學
大陸研究所
93
In international relations, “Foreign Aid” is a perfect tool to perform the diplomatic policy of a country. In the aspect of theory discussion, the development of foreign aid theory exists the arguments about idealism and realism. The idealist estimates the foreign aid policy according to humanism and moral standards, but the realist emphasizes the key point to provide foreign aid or not according to the benefit of nation. Since 1970, in order to get the identification, support, and the authority of the third world nations, and to compress the international society existence of Taiwan, the Communist Party of China uses plenty of economic aids as the tool to pursue their diplomatic objectives. In the post cold war era, the diplomacy competition for the third world nations between Taiwan and the Communist Party of China is more violent than ever. This situation can be known by the facts that the Communist Party of China had tried to join the United Nations vigorously before 1971 and that Taiwan is also more vigorous to return to the United Nations and to join the World Health Organization. No matter to return or to join the United Nations, Taiwan and the Communist Party of China both need more affirmative votes of the third world nations in the United Nations General Assembly to achieve their objectives. So, in the diplomacy competition of both sides of strait, Taiwan and the Communist Party of China need more support of the third world nations. Relatively, both sides of strait in order to get the identification of the third world nations both use foreign aid to draw an outsider to one’s side and to establish diplomatic relations. That Taiwan and the Communist Party of China both use the influences of nations with foreign relation to generate the mutually beneficial and subtle interactive relations is worth to be observed and discussed.
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Suh, Sang-Mun, and 徐相文. "The Soviet Russia's China Policy and the early development of Chinese Communist Party, 1917-1923." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/67329034683745033331.
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Lin, Yi-Ting, and 林奕廷. "As the view of Kuomintang-Communist Party of China Forum from Cross-Strait relations development." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/38265819854687994055.
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碩士淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班
103
Abstract: On May 20, 2008, after Ying-Jeou Ma took the office, he immediately declared the policy of not to unify, dependent, and not to use the military force. The policy maintained the Taiwan Strait present situation, and took the Taiwan people''s benefit as the premise. In the foundation of 1992 Consensus, proposed the Cross-Strait should maintain peace and the cooperation relations, the Cross-Strait economic and trade should follow with pragmatic, open to public, and go with steady route. Also, Working hard to regain the Taiwan’s economic vitality diligently. On the other hand, the Cross-Strait relations moved towards gently, no matter the Cross-Strait economy, the culture, and the society exchange going deepened. However, Taiwan’s security and sovereignty questions are both facing the potential crisis. Since long time ago, the Communist Party of China still unescapable for two-pronged strategy to Taiwan. As under one China principle, all of the Taiwan policies could not be separated from the political consideration. However on June 11 to 14, 2008. The 1st time Chen-Chiang summit were running smoothly in Beijing, the Cross-Strait formed a set of institutional arrangements of the consultative process gradually. After Kuomintang got the power back, the Cross-Strait started the entire aspect contacts and exchanges, which carried on the communication consultation immediately, established a system of consultation between the Cross-Strait and the two sessions. The conduct of Kuomintang-Communist Party of China Forum can be called achievement is definitely never neglected, also passing through the Cross-Strait and the two sessions the institutional consultations, carried on each agreement the signature, not only this is the Cross-Strait economics and trade exchange institution milestone, demonstrated the Cross-Strait economy relations advances to the normalization, the liberalization, the Cross-Strait exchange and the interaction entered to the relative mature period. Speaking of Study on the Cross-Strait relations, it needs to explore the question from the different angle, the method and looking for the essence and the truth. It is extremely easy to fall into the confuse thought of Chinese Communist Party if you just purely checking by the official China or internal document material, it is unable to maintain the objective standpoint; Therefore, we must penetrate the different standpoint, the angle of observation and the analysis, it will increase the credibility of the research. As the result, this article mainly use (Document Analysis), (Inductive Method) and (Deductive Method) three ways to conduct the research. Besides, making the use of (Historical Research Approach) to take way of the research. The goal is to investigate the historical facts in the past. Hopefully discovering some events the causal relations and the development rules and the regulation, it will be able to understand nowadays and the forecast the future. At present the Cross-Strait Economic, Trade and Culture Forum has conducted 10 sessions until now, among in which 8th session, it took the economics and trade cooperation, the cultural exchange except the extension, but also appeared retrospect and prospect of peace development regarding the Cross-Strait, experimental proposed whether between all quarters concern the Cross-Strait could promote political or the military domain dialogue idea, viewing clearly the Cross-Strait relations exchange interaction soon and suffering severely, the political subject reappeared has become the inevitable tendency. Under such background, it led me to have main function from the Cross-Strait Economic, Trade and Culture Forum in the Cross-Strait relations development, and comparing the Cross-Strait Economic, Trade and Culture Forum when the Democratic Progressive Party in charge of the power period and the Kuomintang in charge of the power, it brings difference of any influence in Cross-Strait relations. Finally, wishing whether the understanding the Communist Party of China does want to use Cross-Strait Economic, Trade and Culture Forum to achieve what kind of anticipated achievement, as well as study Cross-Strait Economic, Trade and Culture Forum and to investigate the future trend of development