Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)"

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Mitchell, R. Judson, and Randall S. Arrington. "Gorbachev, ideology, and the fate of Soviet communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00016-7.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union has spurred much scholarly debate about the reasons for the rapid disintegration of this apparently entrenched system. In this article, it is argued that the basic source of ultimate weakness was the obverse of the system’s strengths, especially its form of organization and its relation to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Democratic centralism provided cohesion for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) but also gave inordinate control over ideology to the party leader. Mikhail Gorbachev carried out an ideological revision that undercut the legitimacy of party elites and his restructuring of the system left the party with no clear functional role in the society. The successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), has made a surprising comeback for communism, utilizing the Leninist model of party organization, which has proved to be highly effective in the Russian political culture. Furthermore, the CPRF, under party leaders like Gennadi Zyuganov, has avoided Gorbachev’s ideological deviations while attempting to broaden the party’s base through the cultivation of Russian nationalism.
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Vilkov, Vyacheslav. "DIALECTICAL AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM IN THE STRUCTURE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PHILOSOPHICAL TEACHING AND POLITICO-IDEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 4 (2021): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2021/4-12/12.

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The article presents the results of the study of the specifics of the use by V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin of the concepts of «dialectical» and «historical» materialism; Stalin's understanding and interpretation of the essence and functions of these two main types of axiomatics of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which were proposed in his work «Dialectical and Historical Materialism», that was included in «History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course» (its first edition was published in 1938) and up to the 11th collection of his works, lectures, articles, speeches, etc. under the title «Concerning Questions of Leninism» (first published in 1939), are analysed in detail. The proposed analysis reveals the Stalinist and post-Stalinist understanding of the essence, structure and functions of dialectical and historical materialism; its theoretical and methodological foundations and status in the structure of Marxist-Leninist philosophy; highlights the Stalinist approach to understanding the relationship of Marxist philosophy with the ideological doctrine of the Communist Party of the USSR and the Communist worldview. The article defines the significant changes in Soviet Marxism from the end of 1953 until the end of the 1980s. It refers to the conceptual interpretation of dialectical and historical materialism, recognised in Soviet times as the basis and two main components of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. In addition, the leading tendencies that were formed among Soviet scientists of the 1960s and 1980s, as new approaches to understanding the nature of the interrelationships of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, primarily "diamat" and "istmat", with the Communist Party ideology and those branches of social studies (mainly «scientific communism»), which formed a single system of philosophical and socio- political knowledge, a complex of sciences and academic disciplines commonly known as «Marxism- Leninism», are highlighted in the article. The main tendencies of the post-Stalinist era in the interpretation of the ideological, theoretical and methodological role of dialectical and historical materialism, their status in the structure of Soviet philosophy and social-political science, as well as the specifics of correcting their ideological and worldview intent during the second half of the twentieth century are characterised. Within the framework of this analysis, the paradigmatic narratives, declared by Ukrainian researchers of the post-Soviet era to assess the role of V.I. Lenin and, especially, I.V. Stalin («Dialectical and Historical Materialism») in the emergence of fundamental problems and negative processes during the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the USSR for the entire post-Stalin period of history, are identified and summarised. The main research methods are systemic, comparative, discursive, content analysis, prescripts of scientism and the principle of historicism. The study may be particularly relevant for a scientifically balanced, ideologically unbiased, adequate comprehension of the history and logic of the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the Soviet Union and Ukraine since independence.
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Thapaliya, Ram Sharan. "The Role of Nepalese Political Parties in Democracy (1990-2018)." Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v2i2.29286.

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This research paper analyzes the role of political parties in the democratic period of 1990-2018. This period was dominantly ruled by Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party (NCP)-United Marxist Leninist (UML). This paper explores how the major political parties revisited their political policies and diversified their scope after the second people’s movement (SPM) as a way to address the pressure exerted by the inclusion agenda forwarded by the then Nepal Communist Party-Maoist. After the king assumed direct executive power through a political coup, the coalition of the parliamentarian parties knows as Seven Party Alliance and the rebelling Maoist party reached a twelve-point understanding which consequently led to declare Nepal a democratic republic with a parliamentary system of governance. But the intraparty feuds and the ideological divides between the democratic and the communist parties remain.
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Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.

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In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
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Savich, A. A. "History of Western Belarus in 1921–1939 in domestic soviet historiography of the 1950s–1980s." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 65, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2020-65-1-44-51.

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The study is aimed at understanding the process of formation and development of the Soviet national historiography in 1950s–1980s of the socio­cultural history of Western Belarus in 1921–1939, identifying its thematic, ideological and political orientation. Based on a wide range of sources, a conclusion was made about the conditionality of domestic journalism and scientific historical thought on the socio-cultural issues of Western Belarus in 1921–1939. the assimilation policy of Poland and the desire of the Belarusian people for social liberation and national consolidation. With the exception of the problems of the communist and democratic press and the state of public education, there was no systematic substantive development of the topic during the Soviet period, which was explained by the secondary importance of cultural themes in the system of Marxist-Leninist methodology. The events of social and cultural life were used to confirm the difficult situation of the Belarusian people and as an illustration of the revolutionary struggle for “social and national liberation”, the approaches to its study were determined by the place and role of the Communist Party in the social and political situation, the Polish was clearly negative and alien to Belarusians. Socio-cultural influence on Western Belarus, ignoring the socio-cultural life of members of other national minorities and under control Communist Party groups. Socio-cultural issues developed in accordance with the Marxist-Leninist social-class canons, aimed at leveling national features and fostering internationalist priorities, resulting in the impoverishment of the sociocultural history of Western Belarus, the rejection of significant achievements of the Belarusian people in material and spiritual culture, in the field of education and science literature and art.
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Matthiesen, Toby. "The Cold War and the Communist Party of Saudi Arabia, 1975–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00950.

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The Communist Party of Saudi Arabia was a pro-Soviet Marxist-Leninist party that existed from 1975 until the early 1990s. Its roots lay in the labor movement of the 1950s in the oil-producing Eastern Province. The history of this province is a hitherto almost unknown aspect of modern Saudi history, Arab Marxism, and the broader Cold War. The Saudi Communist Party helped to launch an uprising in 1979 in the Eastern Province and was particularly active in propagating its ideas throughout the 1980s as the Soviet Union and Saudi Arabia fought a proxy war in Afghanistan. Despite opposing the monarchy's use of Islam as a tool of legitimacy and a propaganda instrument against Communism in the Cold War, the party called for a common front with Islamic groups opposed to the monarchy at home. After the dissolution of the party in 1991, former party members became key actors in the reformist petitions of 1990–1991, 2003, and 2011. This article is based on fieldwork in Saudi Arabia, interviews with veteran leftists from the region, and hitherto unexamined primary sources in Arabic, German, and English, including party publications and archival sources.
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Le Blanc, Paul. "Spider and Fly: The Leninist Philosophy of Georg Lukács." Historical Materialism 21, no. 2 (2013): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341298.

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Abstract From 1919 to 1929, the great Hungarian Marxist philosopher Georg Lukács was one of the leaders of the Hungarian Communist Party, immersed not simply in theorising but also in significant practical-political work. Along with labour leader Jenö Landler, he led a faction opposing an ultra-left sectarian orientation represented by Béla Kun (at that time also associated with Comintern chairman Zinoviev, later aligning himself with Stalin). If seen in connection with this factional struggle, key works of Lukács in this period – History and Class Consciousness (1923), Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought (1924), Tailism and the Dialectic (1926) and ‘The Blum Theses’ (1929) – can be seen as forming a consistent, coherent, sophisticated variant of Leninism. Influential readings of these works interpret them as being ultra-leftist or proto-Stalinist (or, in the case of ‘The Blum Theses’, an anticipation of the Popular Front perspectives adopted by the Communist International in 1935). Such readings distort the reality. Lukács’s orientation and outlook of 1923–9 are, rather, more consistent with the orientation advanced by Lenin and Trotsky in the Third and Fourth Congresses of the Communist International. After his decisive political defeat, Lukács concluded that it was necessary to renounce his distinctive political orientation, and completely abandon the terrain of practical revolutionary politics, if he hoped to remain inside the Communist movement. This he did, adapting to Stalinism and shifting his efforts to literary criticism and philosophy. But the theorisations connected to his revolutionary politics of the 1920s continue to have relevance for revolutionary activists of the twenty-first century.
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Burns, John P. "The People's Republic of China at 50: National Political Reform." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 580–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003349.

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After 50 years of revolutionary transformation and uneven consolidation, and a generation of economic re-structuring, the political institutions of the People's Republic of China remain essentially Leninist. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to enjoy monopoly power, and independent media, autonomous trade unions and other manifestations of civil society are almost wholly absent. Yet the environment within which the Party now operates has changed fundamentally. Marxist-Leninist parties in power around the world have collapsed and to stay in power the CCP has abandoned central planning for market economics. Living standards and literacy rates have improved dramatically and ordinary people now have more control over their own lives. Some analysts have suggested that as a result of these changes, the regime is facing imminent institutional collapse. Others have suggested that the regime cannot but democratize. This article argues that the regime is more resilient than either of these interpretations allows. In spite of the formal trappings of Leninism and its neo-authoritarian political reform programme, the CCP has adapted to the new situation. The reforms, which date from the early 1980s, have considerably strengthened the country's political institutions. Although there is disagreement on the content and pace of reform, China's elite with few exceptions appears to agree that further political reform is necessary. Yet the Party is caught in a dilemma: if it moves too slowly, it could fail because it cannot meet the demands of the people; if it moves too quickly, it could fail because it further undermines its already weakened position.
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Silverberg, Laura. "Between Dissonance and Dissidence: Socialist Modernism in the German Democratic Republic." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 44–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.44.

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Abstract Both communist party officials and western observers have typically interpreted the composition of modernist music in the Eastern Bloc as an act of dissidence. Yet in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the most consequential arguments in favor of modernism came from socialists and party members. Their advocacy of modernism challenged official socialist realist doctrine, but they shared with party bureaucrats the conviction that music ought to contribute to the development of socialist society. Such efforts to reform musical life from a Marxist-Leninist standpoint were typical of the first generation of East Germany's intelligentsia, who saw socialist rule as the only guarantee against the reemergence of German fascism. Two of East Germany's most prominent composers, Hanns Eisler and Paul Dessau, routinely used the twelve-tone method in works carrying an explicitly socialist text. During preparations for the 1964 Music Congress, aesthetician Güünter Mayer drew from Eisler's Lenin Requiem and Dessau's Appell der Arbeiterklasse to argue that modernist techniques were highly appropriate for giving expression to contemporary social conditions. The efforts of these socialists to reconcile modernist techniques with their understanding of socialism undermine basic divisions between communism and capitalism, complicity and dissent, and socialist realism and western modernism.
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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.

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AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formidable Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois. Arriving on the eve of the Great Rand Mine Strike of 1922, Yergan's South African years were punctuated by political concerns. Entering the country as an Evangelical Pan-Africanist influenced by the social gospel thrust of late nineteenth and early twentieth century American Protestantism that reached the YMCA and other faith-friendly but nondenominational organizations, Yergan became favorably disposed to Marxist and Marxist-Leninist doctrine in the course of his South African posting. Against the backdrop of the labor agitation of the post World War One era and the expansion and transformation of the South African Communist Party that occurred during the mid to late nineteen twenties, Yergan's response to what he termed "the appeal of Communism" made him an avatar of a liberation theology fusing Marxist revolution and Christianity. This paper details some of the trajectory of that momentous and profound personal evolution.
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Books on the topic "Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)"

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Gendron, Gilbert. Pol Pot's own: The joy of being a former comrade of the fallen Cambodian dictator in today's Canada. Toronto: Gilbert Gendron, 1998.

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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2005.

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Mishra, Vinod. Selected works. New Delhi: CPI (ML) Publication, 1999.

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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Congress. Documents of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) adopted by the fourth All-India Party Congress, 1-5 January 1988. Delhi: Praveen K. Chaudhry, 1988.

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Veṅkaṭēśvararāvu, Dēvulapalli. Kāmrēḍ Tarimela Nāgireḍḍi guriñci: Kāmrēḍ Dēvulapalli Veṅkaṭeśvararāvu vividha sandarbhālalō raciñcina konni vyāsāla saṅkalanaṃ. Haidarābādu: Proleṭēriyanlain Pracuraṇalu, 1993.

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Nirbācita racanā saṃgraha. Kalikātā: Si. Pi. Āi. (Ema-Ela) Prakāśanā, 1999.

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Rāmasubbayya, Pratāpa. Suḍiguṇḍaṃlō Bhāratadēśaṃ: Mārksisṭu-Leninisṭu viślēṣaṇa. Haidarābādu: Mārksisṭu Adhyayana Vēdika, 1986.

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Party building in Nepal: Organization, leadership and people : a comparative study of the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist). Kathmandu: Mandala Book Point, 2002.

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Samākhya, Aruṇōdaya Sāhitī Sāṃskr̥tika. Prajā kaḷāraṅga mahā śikharaṃ kāmrēḍ Kānūri Veṅkaṭēśvararāvu: Anubhavālu-jñāpakālu-viślēṣaṇalu = Praja kalaranga maha sikharam Kanuri Venkateswara Rao. Hyderabad: Aruṇōdaya Sāṃskr̥tika Samākhya, 2015.

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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Bhārata viplavōdyama gontuka: Kāmrēḍ Kānusanyāl = Bhaaratha viplavodyama gonthuka : com. Kanusanyal. [Vijayavāḍa]: Si. Pi. Ai. (Eṃ.-El.) Pracuraṇalu, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)"

1

Ray, Rabindra. "The Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)." In The Naxalites and their Ideology, 109–59. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077381.003.0005.

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Baisotti, Pablo Alberto. "The “Two Ways” of Citizenship Education in China." In Handbook of Research on Education for Participative Citizenship and Global Prosperity, 152–71. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7110-0.ch007.

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This chapter aims to analyze the “Chinese way” of citizenship education as a meeting place between the historical lessons of Confucianism, Marxist-Leninist socialist ideology, and newer concepts of global citizenship. Furthermore, this project seeks to understand how the model of education for “global” citizenship fits within the established system of ideological and moral education. To this end, research was carried out at three different levels. Firstly, a review of the most recent and “global” literature on education for citizenship was conducted. Secondly, public government documents were studied and compared, in particular, those from the Ministry of Education and the Association for Higher Education, which is supervised by the Chinese communist party and its General Secretary, President Xi Jinping. Thirdly, surveys were conducted to gauge the degree of involvement of students in their own citizenship education at high school and university level. Finally, a field study was conducted at Sun Yat-Sen University in Guangdong province (Zhuhai campus).
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