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1
Mitchell, R. Judson, and Randall S. Arrington. "Gorbachev, ideology, and the fate of Soviet communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00016-7.
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The collapse of the Soviet Union has spurred much scholarly debate about the reasons for the rapid disintegration of this apparently entrenched system. In this article, it is argued that the basic source of ultimate weakness was the obverse of the system’s strengths, especially its form of organization and its relation to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Democratic centralism provided cohesion for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) but also gave inordinate control over ideology to the party leader. Mikhail Gorbachev carried out an ideological revision that undercut the legitimacy of party elites and his restructuring of the system left the party with no clear functional role in the society. The successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), has made a surprising comeback for communism, utilizing the Leninist model of party organization, which has proved to be highly effective in the Russian political culture. Furthermore, the CPRF, under party leaders like Gennadi Zyuganov, has avoided Gorbachev’s ideological deviations while attempting to broaden the party’s base through the cultivation of Russian nationalism.
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Vilkov, Vyacheslav. "DIALECTICAL AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM IN THE STRUCTURE OF MARXISM-LENINISM PHILOSOPHICAL TEACHING AND POLITICO-IDEOLOGICAL DOCTRINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 4 (2021): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2021/4-12/12.
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The article presents the results of the study of the specifics of the use by V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin of the concepts of «dialectical» and «historical» materialism; Stalin's understanding and interpretation of the essence and functions of these two main types of axiomatics of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, which were proposed in his work «Dialectical and Historical Materialism», that was included in «History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks): Short Course» (its first edition was published in 1938) and up to the 11th collection of his works, lectures, articles, speeches, etc. under the title «Concerning Questions of Leninism» (first published in 1939), are analysed in detail. The proposed analysis reveals the Stalinist and post-Stalinist understanding of the essence, structure and functions of dialectical and historical materialism; its theoretical and methodological foundations and status in the structure of Marxist-Leninist philosophy; highlights the Stalinist approach to understanding the relationship of Marxist philosophy with the ideological doctrine of the Communist Party of the USSR and the Communist worldview. The article defines the significant changes in Soviet Marxism from the end of 1953 until the end of the 1980s. It refers to the conceptual interpretation of dialectical and historical materialism, recognised in Soviet times as the basis and two main components of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. In addition, the leading tendencies that were formed among Soviet scientists of the 1960s and 1980s, as new approaches to understanding the nature of the interrelationships of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, primarily "diamat" and "istmat", with the Communist Party ideology and those branches of social studies (mainly «scientific communism»), which formed a single system of philosophical and socio- political knowledge, a complex of sciences and academic disciplines commonly known as «Marxism- Leninism», are highlighted in the article. The main tendencies of the post-Stalinist era in the interpretation of the ideological, theoretical and methodological role of dialectical and historical materialism, their status in the structure of Soviet philosophy and social-political science, as well as the specifics of correcting their ideological and worldview intent during the second half of the twentieth century are characterised. Within the framework of this analysis, the paradigmatic narratives, declared by Ukrainian researchers of the post-Soviet era to assess the role of V.I. Lenin and, especially, I.V. Stalin («Dialectical and Historical Materialism») in the emergence of fundamental problems and negative processes during the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the USSR for the entire post-Stalin period of history, are identified and summarised. The main research methods are systemic, comparative, discursive, content analysis, prescripts of scientism and the principle of historicism. The study may be particularly relevant for a scientifically balanced, ideologically unbiased, adequate comprehension of the history and logic of the development of philosophical and socio-political thought in the Soviet Union and Ukraine since independence.
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Thapaliya, Ram Sharan. "The Role of Nepalese Political Parties in Democracy (1990-2018)." Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v2i2.29286.
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This research paper analyzes the role of political parties in the democratic period of 1990-2018. This period was dominantly ruled by Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party (NCP)-United Marxist Leninist (UML). This paper explores how the major political parties revisited their political policies and diversified their scope after the second people’s movement (SPM) as a way to address the pressure exerted by the inclusion agenda forwarded by the then Nepal Communist Party-Maoist. After the king assumed direct executive power through a political coup, the coalition of the parliamentarian parties knows as Seven Party Alliance and the rebelling Maoist party reached a twelve-point understanding which consequently led to declare Nepal a democratic republic with a parliamentary system of governance. But the intraparty feuds and the ideological divides between the democratic and the communist parties remain.
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Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.
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In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
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Savich, A. A. "History of Western Belarus in 1921–1939 in domestic soviet historiography of the 1950s–1980s." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 65, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2020-65-1-44-51.
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The study is aimed at understanding the process of formation and development of the Soviet national historiography in 1950s–1980s of the sociocultural history of Western Belarus in 1921–1939, identifying its thematic, ideological and political orientation. Based on a wide range of sources, a conclusion was made about the conditionality of domestic journalism and scientific historical thought on the socio-cultural issues of Western Belarus in 1921–1939. the assimilation policy of Poland and the desire of the Belarusian people for social liberation and national consolidation. With the exception of the problems of the communist and democratic press and the state of public education, there was no systematic substantive development of the topic during the Soviet period, which was explained by the secondary importance of cultural themes in the system of Marxist-Leninist methodology. The events of social and cultural life were used to confirm the difficult situation of the Belarusian people and as an illustration of the revolutionary struggle for “social and national liberation”, the approaches to its study were determined by the place and role of the Communist Party in the social and political situation, the Polish was clearly negative and alien to Belarusians. Socio-cultural influence on Western Belarus, ignoring the socio-cultural life of members of other national minorities and under control Communist Party groups. Socio-cultural issues developed in accordance with the Marxist-Leninist social-class canons, aimed at leveling national features and fostering internationalist priorities, resulting in the impoverishment of the sociocultural history of Western Belarus, the rejection of significant achievements of the Belarusian people in material and spiritual culture, in the field of education and science literature and art.
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Matthiesen, Toby. "The Cold War and the Communist Party of Saudi Arabia, 1975–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00950.
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The Communist Party of Saudi Arabia was a pro-Soviet Marxist-Leninist party that existed from 1975 until the early 1990s. Its roots lay in the labor movement of the 1950s in the oil-producing Eastern Province. The history of this province is a hitherto almost unknown aspect of modern Saudi history, Arab Marxism, and the broader Cold War. The Saudi Communist Party helped to launch an uprising in 1979 in the Eastern Province and was particularly active in propagating its ideas throughout the 1980s as the Soviet Union and Saudi Arabia fought a proxy war in Afghanistan. Despite opposing the monarchy's use of Islam as a tool of legitimacy and a propaganda instrument against Communism in the Cold War, the party called for a common front with Islamic groups opposed to the monarchy at home. After the dissolution of the party in 1991, former party members became key actors in the reformist petitions of 1990–1991, 2003, and 2011. This article is based on fieldwork in Saudi Arabia, interviews with veteran leftists from the region, and hitherto unexamined primary sources in Arabic, German, and English, including party publications and archival sources.
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Le Blanc, Paul. "Spider and Fly: The Leninist Philosophy of Georg Lukács." Historical Materialism 21, no. 2 (2013): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341298.
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Abstract From 1919 to 1929, the great Hungarian Marxist philosopher Georg Lukács was one of the leaders of the Hungarian Communist Party, immersed not simply in theorising but also in significant practical-political work. Along with labour leader Jenö Landler, he led a faction opposing an ultra-left sectarian orientation represented by Béla Kun (at that time also associated with Comintern chairman Zinoviev, later aligning himself with Stalin). If seen in connection with this factional struggle, key works of Lukács in this period – History and Class Consciousness (1923), Lenin: A Study in the Unity of His Thought (1924), Tailism and the Dialectic (1926) and ‘The Blum Theses’ (1929) – can be seen as forming a consistent, coherent, sophisticated variant of Leninism. Influential readings of these works interpret them as being ultra-leftist or proto-Stalinist (or, in the case of ‘The Blum Theses’, an anticipation of the Popular Front perspectives adopted by the Communist International in 1935). Such readings distort the reality. Lukács’s orientation and outlook of 1923–9 are, rather, more consistent with the orientation advanced by Lenin and Trotsky in the Third and Fourth Congresses of the Communist International. After his decisive political defeat, Lukács concluded that it was necessary to renounce his distinctive political orientation, and completely abandon the terrain of practical revolutionary politics, if he hoped to remain inside the Communist movement. This he did, adapting to Stalinism and shifting his efforts to literary criticism and philosophy. But the theorisations connected to his revolutionary politics of the 1920s continue to have relevance for revolutionary activists of the twenty-first century.
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Burns, John P. "The People's Republic of China at 50: National Political Reform." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 580–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003349.
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After 50 years of revolutionary transformation and uneven consolidation, and a generation of economic re-structuring, the political institutions of the People's Republic of China remain essentially Leninist. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to enjoy monopoly power, and independent media, autonomous trade unions and other manifestations of civil society are almost wholly absent. Yet the environment within which the Party now operates has changed fundamentally. Marxist-Leninist parties in power around the world have collapsed and to stay in power the CCP has abandoned central planning for market economics. Living standards and literacy rates have improved dramatically and ordinary people now have more control over their own lives. Some analysts have suggested that as a result of these changes, the regime is facing imminent institutional collapse. Others have suggested that the regime cannot but democratize. This article argues that the regime is more resilient than either of these interpretations allows. In spite of the formal trappings of Leninism and its neo-authoritarian political reform programme, the CCP has adapted to the new situation. The reforms, which date from the early 1980s, have considerably strengthened the country's political institutions. Although there is disagreement on the content and pace of reform, China's elite with few exceptions appears to agree that further political reform is necessary. Yet the Party is caught in a dilemma: if it moves too slowly, it could fail because it cannot meet the demands of the people; if it moves too quickly, it could fail because it further undermines its already weakened position.
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Silverberg, Laura. "Between Dissonance and Dissidence: Socialist Modernism in the German Democratic Republic." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 44–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.44.
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Abstract Both communist party officials and western observers have typically interpreted the composition of modernist music in the Eastern Bloc as an act of dissidence. Yet in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the most consequential arguments in favor of modernism came from socialists and party members. Their advocacy of modernism challenged official socialist realist doctrine, but they shared with party bureaucrats the conviction that music ought to contribute to the development of socialist society. Such efforts to reform musical life from a Marxist-Leninist standpoint were typical of the first generation of East Germany's intelligentsia, who saw socialist rule as the only guarantee against the reemergence of German fascism. Two of East Germany's most prominent composers, Hanns Eisler and Paul Dessau, routinely used the twelve-tone method in works carrying an explicitly socialist text. During preparations for the 1964 Music Congress, aesthetician Güünter Mayer drew from Eisler's Lenin Requiem and Dessau's Appell der Arbeiterklasse to argue that modernist techniques were highly appropriate for giving expression to contemporary social conditions. The efforts of these socialists to reconcile modernist techniques with their understanding of socialism undermine basic divisions between communism and capitalism, complicity and dissent, and socialist realism and western modernism.
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Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.
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AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formidable Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois. Arriving on the eve of the Great Rand Mine Strike of 1922, Yergan's South African years were punctuated by political concerns. Entering the country as an Evangelical Pan-Africanist influenced by the social gospel thrust of late nineteenth and early twentieth century American Protestantism that reached the YMCA and other faith-friendly but nondenominational organizations, Yergan became favorably disposed to Marxist and Marxist-Leninist doctrine in the course of his South African posting. Against the backdrop of the labor agitation of the post World War One era and the expansion and transformation of the South African Communist Party that occurred during the mid to late nineteen twenties, Yergan's response to what he termed "the appeal of Communism" made him an avatar of a liberation theology fusing Marxist revolution and Christianity. This paper details some of the trajectory of that momentous and profound personal evolution.
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Pun, Sant Bahadur. "The 1996 Mahakali Treaty: Whither the “Rashtriya Sankalpas/National Strictures” of Nepalese Parliament?" Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 11 (July 6, 2012): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155.
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Despite the ratification by the Joint Session of Nepal’s two Houses of Parliament with an overwhelming majority on September 20, 1996 and despite the exchange of instruments of ratification by the two countries on June 5, 1997, the Pancheshwar Detailed Project Report (DPR) has yet to see the light of day even after the lapse of 16 years. It was believed that Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s government with the concurrence of the main opposition party, Communist Party of Nepal- United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), had ratified the Mahakali Treaty with four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’. It was also believed that an all party Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee headed by the Speaker of the Lower House was constituted to guide the Nepalese side in the preparation of the detailed project report of Pancheshwar. That Monitoring Joint Committee in a span of four years held 28 meetings. Now the very legality of those four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’ is being questioned. In 2009 the Secretary level Nepal-India Joint Committee on Water Resources constituted the Pancheshwar Development Authority (PDA) that was given the crucial mandate to ‘finalize’ the vital much-awaited Pancheshwar DPR. As institutions have no memory and public memory is extremely short, this article attempts to recapitulate the commitments made at treaty ratification time by the Deuba government in concurrence with the then largest party, CPN-UML. The article argues against the mandate given to the bureaucrat-led PDA to finalize the Pancheshwar DPR and strongly recommends formation of an all party mechanism akin to the previous Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee to guide the government during this critical Interim period.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155 Hydro Nepal Vol.11 2011 pp.12-17
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Danilov, Victor. "Final Chords of M.N. Pokrovsky’s “Brainchild”: Society of Marxist Historians in the Early 1930s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.11.
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Introduction. The Society of Marxist Historians established in 1925 went down in the history of Soviet historiography as a militant organization that did much to combat “old school” historians, assert the monopoly position of the Marxist-Leninist methodology, and draw a party line in historical science. Methods and materials. The research is based on traditional methods of historiographical analysis. It uses materials from historical journals of the 1920s and 1930s and archival documents. Analysis. The first all-Union conference of Marxist Historians (December 28, 1928 – January 4, 1929) became the apogee in the history of the Society. In the future, despite the growth in numbers and the creation of local structures, in the conditions of the “great turning point” it loses the features of an amateur organization and a number of functions of the scientific nature. The priority is to “actively participate in the socialist construction” by deploying mass propaganda of historical knowledge and fighting “distortions of Marxism-Leninism”, including in the ranks of the organization itself. The last debate and “study” of Stalin’s famous letter to “Proletarian revolution” journal had a negative impact on the internal state of the Society and strengthened the distrust of the results of his work from the government. In 1931–1932, the Society management unsuccessfully tried to make its work more popular, hold a plenum and re-registered a new charter. Results. However, at that time, the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) embarked on the path of reformatting the structure of societies and unions in the country and eliminating those of them that had exhausted their mobilization potential and did not meet the new ideological course. In addition to this circumstance, the rapid curtailment of the Society of Marxist historians by the end of 1932 was influenced by the position of the leadership of the Communist Academy and the death of M.N. Pokrovsky, the undisputed leader of Soviet historians.
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Heller, Henry. "Imperialist Canada, Todd Gordon, Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing, 2011." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 222–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341239.
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Abstract In the immediate postwar period, liberal internationalism was the hallmark of Canadian foreign policy. In part this position was intended to protect Canadian sovereignty from the too-close embrace of US Cold-War imperialism. But this multilateral and peacekeeping approach was partly a veneer meant to disguise the fact that Canada was of necessity a close American ally in the fight against communism. This strategy was abandoned by the Canadian state in the late 1990s in favour of a more militaristic and aggressive approach. The dependency-school of Canadian Marxist political economy that flourished from the 1970s argued that Canadian conformity with American foreign policy resulted from the fact that American economic dominance over Canada and lack of a strong national bourgeoisie made it a willing instrument of American foreign policy. Reflecting a challenge by a new school of Marxist political economy, Todd Gordon argues convincingly that Canada is an imperialist entity with its historic roots lying in the dispossession of the indigenous peoples. It is based on its strong national bourgeoisie which is flourishing under neoliberalism. But whether imperialist Canada is independent of the United States is more contestable.
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Huong, Ngo Thi Minh, Giao Cong Vu, and Tam Minh Nguyen. "Asian Values and Human Rights: A Vietnamese Perspective." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v2i1.7541.
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This paper examines the impact of the ideology of ‘Asian Values' on the legal norms and practices that frame the recognition and protection of human rights in Vietnam. Specifically, the paper focusses on the extent to which Asian Values has been deployed to discourage the adoption of international human rights norms and practices in the context of Vietnam’s rapid economic development since the mid- 1980s. The paper first sketches the adoption of Asian Values in Vietnam’s politics and society. Cultural and political factors that have shaped the conception of human rights are reviewed. Human rights language and norms, as manifest in political ideologies, policies and laws are then analysed, with particular reference to the different versions of Vietnam’s Constitution. It is shown that both the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and the State of Vietnam have clearly articulated Asian Values in formulating their conceptions of human rights. This outcome is argued to result from the fact that Vietnamese political leaders, alike with Lee Kwan Yew in Singapore, the progenitor of Asian Rights, have been strongly influenced by Confucian ideals of governance. Confucianism is not, however, the only basis for political ideas in Vietnam. Although Vietnam is a market economy it remains a one- party state controlled by the CPV. The Marxist-Leninist principles on which the current State of Vietnam was based at its inception in 1975 remain intact. This ideology was however layered onto generations of collectivist principles embodied in the dominant agrarian society. The influence of Asian Values, on the recognition of and support for human rights in Vietnam has, however, been largely negative rather than positive, especially in relation to recognising civil and political rights as codified in universal human rights instruments. Thus, the protection and promotion of human rights in Vietnam, going forward, essentially mandates eliminating the influence of Asian Values in the ideology of political leaders and in the wider society.
Key words: Human rights, Asian Values, democracy, constitution, Communist Party, Vietnam
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Ippolitov, Georgiy Mikhailovich. "Is a class approach to learn history out of date? Or... (invitation to a discussion)." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 318–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201982233.
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In the following paper the author disclosures some aspects of a complex problem. It is a class approach to the assessment of events and phenomena as one of the approaches to learn history. The style is lapidary, with conciseness elements. The author considers fundamental postulates of the Marxist-Leninist concept of a class approach to the assessment of events and phenomena as one of the approaches to learn history. The emphasis is placed here on Lenins understanding of the methodological phenomenon stated above and its development by ideologists of the Communist Party governing the Soviet state. Development of the studied concept in the Soviet historical science is traced. At the same time it is emphasized that eclecticism elements were allowed when scientists confused the concepts principles of a historical research and approaches to learn history. The author considers how the problem of a class approach to assessment of events and phenomena is treated in a Post-Soviet and modern historiography. The author says that this approach hasnt become outdated in historical science as many representatives of so-called liberal historical school consider (dont confuse with V.O. Klyuchevsky) and continues to function. However, it changed manifestation forms and receded a little into the background.
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Stotland, Daniel. "Pragmatists and Believers: Dynamics of Ideology and Compromise within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 1941-1942." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 40, no. 1 (2013): 38–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04001002.
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The significance of World War II within the Russian historiography is unequivocal– but the impact of that great cataclysm on the Soviet state and Soviet society is frequently understated or overstated. The early 1940s brought massive losses to the upper echelons of the Communist Party, resulting in a rapid mobilization of the state, but these upheavals took place in a society that was already hamstrung by both the traditional scarcity of qualified professionals and the strain that Marxist-Leninist purism placed on an already strained education system. Long before the October Revolution, Russia was plagued with the enduring problem of scarcity of the qualified managerial cadres; after the Revolution, this problem was exacerbated by factional disputes between ideologues, who were primarily concerned with the ideological purity of the Soviet state, and pragmatists, who favoring a greater focus on vocational education. Caught between these two factions was the proto-middle class from which the professional stratum of Russian society was to be recruited. During the opening years of World War II, the demand for educated professionals rose, forcing compromises in their ideological purity. In the long term, the result was a gradual, piecemeal shift toward pragmatic compromise. In the short term, however, faced with a dilemma between under-staffed and under-indoctrinated, caught in a decision-making paradigm locked in by Marxism-Leninism, the Soviet matrix opted for personalized networks and regional cliques over the professional apparatus in its quest for short-term efficiency. Drawing on archival materials such as memoir literature, epistolary documentation and state reports from Moscow and provincial (particularly those of the Tver’ Oblast’) collections, this article examines the tensions that underpinned the conditions of the proto-middle class from throughout the 1940s, tracing the ideological constraints that structured the political landscape, the repeating cycles of essentially identical attempts at reform, and the ways in which the strain of the ideological/pragmatic conflict on Russian professionals was, and was not, resolved in the wake of World War II.
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Vorozhbitova, Aleksandra A., Serhiy I. Potapenko, Natalya Yu Khachaturova, and Yuliya N. Khoruzhaya. "Linguistic rhetoric of Soviet discourse: official vs personal register (J. Stalin – A. Dovzhenko)." Revista Amazonia Investiga 9, no. 29 (May 18, 2020): 224–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2020.29.05.25.
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Within the conception of the Sochi Linguistic & Rhetorical School the paper discusses the diglossia of the Soviet discourse employed in the former USSR, distinguishes official and personal registers as well as shows their difference drawing on Joseph Stalin’s speech of 31 January 1944 to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks concerning Alexander Dovzhenko’s screenplay “Ukraine in Flames” and in the writer’s diaries. The comparison reveals a few specific linguistic rhetorical features of cognitive communicative type ontologically characteristic of the Soviet linguistic personality’s communicative cognitive activity in a totalitarian state. The cognitive features of Stalin’s individual discourse representing the official register and his system of argumentation rest on the significative component of linguistic units, arguments from literature to illustrate the postulates and dogmas of Marxist-Leninist doctrine forming the foundation of the Soviet discourse. It is also found that the official register represented by Stalin’s speech is characterized by the following features: 1) repetition; 2) sarcastic remarks; 3) dramatic mutually exclusive contrast of mental spaces (“our own, true in the last resort” and destructed, represented by the opponent’s discourse); 4) rigidly adversarial characteristic of the alternative linguistic rhetorical worldview; 5) appeal to the Soviet collective linguistic personality’s opinion; 6) ideological translation from one subdiscourse into the other, from personal register into the official one; 7) biased retelling of the discourse regarded as anti-Soviet; 8) appeal to the facts lacking in the discourse under criticism; 9) “ideological editing” taking on the form of peremptory lecturing with consequences threatening the liberty of the person under criticism. The personal register of the Soviet Ukrainian writer Dovzhenko is characterized by a broad interpretation of reality devoid of the “Marxist-Leninist blinds” and a more objective interpretation of the world due to a bigger ratio of denotative references (“evidential arguments” like “I say” and “I heard” etc) and communicative cognitive activity relative to two axiological hierarchies: national and Christian, i.e. the dominance of human values over class morality. It is proved that Dovzhenko’s screenplay was criticized within Stalin’s official register for its deviation from the cognitive schemas and the model of the Soviet discourse, for the focus on Ukraine and its citizens rather than on class struggle.
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Sokolov, E. G. "Sublime Theology of the Decline of the Soviet Empire. Akat K. Belykh." Discourse 6, no. 6 (January 15, 2021): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-6-20-36.
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Introduction. Socio-political disciplines are an important component of the Humanities of the Soviet period of Russian history. Scientific communism, introduced as a compulsory subject in all Higher education institutions of the USSR in the last 30 years of the state's existence, was considered as the final expression of all the theoretical propositions of Marxism-Leninism. The article attempts to consider Scientific communism as a speculative speculative construction that, on the one hand, reproduces the terminological, logical, semantic and operational regulations of classical philosophical systems, and on the other hand, is a privileged mechanism of discursive production. As a typical example of how and through what tools the doctrine is legitimized, the texts of the work of A. K. Belykh, who for almost 30 years headed the Department of the theory of scientific communism at the faculty of philosophy of LSU (now SPBU).Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on a philosophical analysis of texts representative of the epoch (D. de Tracy, grammar of Port Royal, Soviet Russian philosophers who worked in the Marxist-Leninist tradition, monographs by A. K. Belykh), included in the approved canonical corpus of Marxism-Leninism.Results and discussion. Scientific communism, now virtually removed from historical memory, was an interesting example of how social thought evolved during the Soviet period of Russian history. The corpus of socio-political disciplines, which included Marxist-Leninist philosophy (dialectical materialism and historical materialism), political economy, history of the Communist party of the Soviet Union, and scientific communism, was a single complex of speculative doctrine. All these disciplines, positioned as scientific knowledge, can be fully evaluated only in the context of the main trends in the development of social and philosophical knowledge of the New time, set by the Enlightenment era. Symbolic points of reference here can be considered projects of ”universal grammar” (Port Royal) and ”ideology” (Destute de Tracy).Conclusion. Scientific communism is not an accidental, but characteristic of Russian thought, intellectual construct. Collective, i. e. a large number of people are involved in its implementation, which means it can be considered as a well-formed direction of social thought. Among the historical analogs that use the same strategic and tactical Arsenal of means of expression and discursive fixation, it can be compared and likened to the wellknown speculative constructs of a theological nature: high scholasticism.
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Pető, Andrea, and Ildikó Barna. "‘Unfettered Freedom’ Revisited: Hungarian Historical Journals between 1989 and 2018." Contemporary European History 30, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 427–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000229.
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In his 1992 article, ‘Today, Freedom is Unfettered in Hungary,’ Columbia University history professor István Deák argued that after 1989 Hungarian historical research enjoyed ‘unfettered freedom. Deák gleefully listed the growing English literature on Hungarian history and hailed the ‘step-by step dismantling of the Marxist-Leninist edifice in historiography’ that he associated with the Institute of History at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) under the leadership of György Ránki (1930–88). In this article he argued that the dismantling of communist historiography had started well before 1989. Besides celebrating the establishment of the popular science-oriented historical journal, History (História) (founded in 1979) and new institutions such as the Európa Intézet – Europa Institute (founded in 1990) or the Central European University (CEU) (founded in 1991) as turning points in Hungarian historical research, Deák listed the emergence of the question of minorities and Transylvania; anti-Semitism and the Holocaust; as well as the 1956 revolution. It is very true that these topics were addressed by prominent members of the Hungarian democratic opposition who were publishing in samizdat publications: among them János M. Rainer, the director of the 1956 Institute after 1989, who wrote about 1956. This list of research topics implies that other topics than these listed before had been free to research and were not at all political. This logic interiorised and duplicated the logic of communist science policy and refused to acknowledge other ideological interventions, including his own, while also insisting on the ‘objectivity’ of science. Lastly, Deák concluded that ‘there exists a small possibility that the past may be rewritten again, in an ultra-conservative and xenophobic vein. This is, however, only a speculation.’ Twenty years later Ignác Romsics, the doyen of Hungarian historiography, re-stated Deák's claim, arguing that there are no more ideological barriers for historical research. However, in his 2011 article Romsics strictly separated professional historical research as such from ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented interpretations of the past, which leave aside professional criteria and feed susceptible readers – and there are always many – with fraudulent and self-deceiving myths’. He thereby hinted at a new threat to the historical profession posed by new and ideologically driven forces. The question of where these ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented’ historians are coming from has not been asked as it would pose a painful question about personal and institutional continuity. Those historians who have become the poster boys of the illiberal memory politics had not only been members of the communist party, they also received all necessary professional titles and degrees within the professional community of historians.
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Baghirova, Irada. "Academic Historiography in Azerbaijan at the Crossroads of Time (1989-1991)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (January 5, 2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.1.
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The scientific development in the USSR has come a long way. Despite all the obstacles posed during its formation and development, it has reached a reasonably high level by the mid-1980s. This achievement was mainly in the natural and technical sciences. The progress was determined by the USSR’s desire to keep the palm in space exploration, nuclear physics, petrochemistry, and other sciences of strategic importance for the country’s development. In these areas, contacts were established with world scientific centers and exchange of scientific achievements took place. As a result, Soviet scientists became winners of prestigious international awards, including the Nobel Prizes. As for the humanities and especially the social sciences, the dominance of Marxist-Leninist ideology and the corresponding interpretation of historical events significantly affected the development of Soviet sciences and reaching the world level quality. Until the mid-1990s, political history as an area of science of history, practically, did not exist. The “History of the CPSU” and the “History of the Communist Party of Azerbaijan” virtually monopolized the multifaceted nature of political themes, reducing it to the apologetics of the party history. Everything changed with the beginning of ‘Perestroika’ and ‘Glasnost’ (the officially announced publicity policy). As a result, the previously unknown pages of the past of the country and national republics became public. Almost every day, there were sensational publications of various authors published by popular magazines and newspapers, which also printed previously classified documents from historical archives. Traditional historical researchers and academicians were in shock. It was not easy for historians to abandon the 70-year-old account of history tied to ideological dogmas; the crisis associated with the loss of orientation was overcome with great difficulty and mainly by young historians. In the late 1980s, foreign historians, who studied the history of Azerbaijan, began visiting the country. Until that time, their existence was known only to a narrow circle of historians, who worked with foreign literature in specialized repositories of local and central libraries. For the first time, Azerbaijani historians left the USSR in 1990, when a conference was held at the University of London on the history of the South Caucasus. The event was attended by historians from Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, as well as the so-called Sovietologists - scientists from Great Britain, the USA, and France. It is symbolic that in the same year in Moscow the last all-Union conference on political history was held. The event was attended by scientists from the Soviet republics, which declared independence the following year.
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Ostapenko, Anna. "FROM THE PLEYADA OF ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR I. LVIV’S STUDENTS." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Pedagogy, no. 1 (7) (2018): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-3699.2018.7.13.
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The article briefly analyzed the biography of the students of I.P.Lviv, the associate professor of the Chernihiv Pedagogical Institute. The purpose of our article was to show the biography of the students of the lecturer I.P.Lvov, who was known all the world. Our graduates were born and grew up in the Chernihiv region. We briefly wrote about the graduates of I.P.Lvov, and there are P. Tychyna, H. Verevka, F. Los and V. Dyadychenko. All of them grew up and lived in difficult times, when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union. I. P. Lvov’s students made an outstanding contribution to science, culture of pedagogy in Ukraine. P. Tychyna was a famous Ukrainian poet, interpreter, public activist, academician, and statesman of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. He was born in a big family. His father was a village deacon and a teacher in the local grammar school. In 1900, he became a member of an archiary chorus in the Troitsky monastery near Chernihiv. Simultaneously P. Tychyna studied in the Chernihiv theological school. In 1907−1913 P. Tychyna continued his education in the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1913−1917, he was studying at the Economics department of the Kiev Commercial Institute. At the same time, he worked on the editorial boards of the Kiev newspaper Rada and the magazine Svitlo. In the summer, he worked for the Chernihiv statistical bureau. In 1923, he moved to Kharkiv, entering the vibrant world of early post-Revolution Ukrainian literary organizations. Later he started to study Georgian, and Turkic language, and became the activist of the Association of Eastern Studies in Kyiv. P. Tychnya printed many works, but we viewed only Major works Clarinets of the Sun, The Plow, Instead of Sonnets or Octaves, The Wind from Ukraine, Chernihiv and We Are Going into Battle, Funeral of a Friend, To Grow and Act. H. Veryovka was a Ukrainian composer, choir director, and teacher. He is best known for founding a folk choir, and he was director it for many years, gaining international recognition and winning multiple awards. Veryovka was also a professor of conducting at the Kyiv Conservatory, where he worked alongside faculty including B. Yavorsky, M. Leontovych. H. Veryovka was born in town of Berezna. In 1916, he graduated from the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1918−21 H. Veryovka studied at the Lysenko music school studying a musical composition by B. Yavorsky. In 1933, he received an external degree from the institute. Since 1923 Veryovka continued to work at the Lysenko institute and later Kiev Conservatory. In 1943 in Kharkiv, H. Veryovka organized his well-known choir and until his death was its art director and a main conductor. In 1948-52 he headed the National society of composers of Ukraine. F. Los was born in the village of Pivnivchyna. He studied at the Chernihiv Institute of Social Education. He taught at the secondary school of Volochysk then at the Gorodiansky Pedagogical College of the Chernihiv Region. In 1935, he was a post-graduate student to the Institute of History of the All-Ukrainian Association of Marxist-Leninist Institutes. He researched on the rural community of the early twentieth century. F. Los worked in institutes at such departments: the head of the Department of History of the USSR and Ukraine of the Kiev Pedagogical Institute, the lecturer of the Higher Party School by the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik), Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, and the professor of the History Department. He published over 200 scientific papers, such as: 15 textbooks on the history of Ukraine co-authored about 20 collective monographs, collections of articles, collections of materials and documents. He buried in Kiev. V. Dyadychenko was a researcher, lecturer and methodologist. He was born in Chernihiv in a family of statistician. He graduated from the Chernihiv Institute of Public Education. Having received a diploma of higher education, he taught at the Mykolaiv Pedagogical Institute. Later V. Dyadychenko moved to Kiev and worked at the Institute of History of Ukraine Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR. In the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv V. Dyadychenko worked at such chairs: the Department of History of the USSR, the history of the Middle Ages and the ancient history, archeology and museology. Professor V. Dyadychenko collaborate in the writing of school-books on the history of Ukraine for students in grade 7-8. V. Dyadychenko was social and political active worker. In 1973, he died.
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Hannant, Larry. "Red Yarns: Poetry by a Former Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) Activist." Left History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate 24, no. 1 (August 22, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1913-9632.39609.
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Kera, Gentiana. "Rethinking the Place of the Second World War in the Contemporary History of Albania." Südosteuropa 65, no. 2 (January 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0022.
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AbstractThe Second World War in Albania was a central topic of socialist historiography because of the importance laid upon the National Liberation War for the legitimation of the establishment of communist rule in 1944. History writing was a very centralized process, controlled by party institutions responsible for safeguarding the implementation of Marxist‒Leninist principles and party lines. Since the 1990s, the history of the Second World War has been revised in the framework of a general revision of Albanian national history. History writing developed as an open process and now included historians from countries other than Albania, as opposed to the previous state socialist isolation. The extent to which the war history had been distorted and manipulated during socialism has influenced the subsequent process of rewriting that first focused on adjusting the existing narratives. Thus, despite an increasing variety of research topics, the historiography on wartime Albania has remained dominated by political and military history, and by the national master narrative.
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Ward, Peter. "Purging ‘Factionalist’ Opposition to Kim Il Sung – The First Party Conference of the Korean Worker’s Party in 1958." European Journal of Korean Studies, April 1, 2019, 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33526/ejks.20191802.105.
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In March 1958, delegates from across North Korea met in the National Art Theatre in Pyongyang for the First Conference of the Korean Worker’s Party. To date, it has an event largely overlooked by South Korean and Western historians of North Korea because of a lack of source material. The newly unearthed official minutes, however, reveal a highly staged event in which the opponents of high-level party opponents of Kim Il Sung (Kim Ilsŏng 김일성) are subjected to what amounts to a show trial, before they lose their party membership. The official minutes are notable for containing one of the only official North Korean descriptions of the alleged plot by certain military members of the Yanan Faction to overthrow the Kim Il Sung government in a military coup. The purpose of the Party Conference within Marxist-Leninist parties is discussed, the background to the Conference and developments in the communist world are also described. The delegate roster is then briefly analysed, interesting and significant statistics are explained with broader reference to North Korean history—the context and what it can tell us about the structure of power in the Korean Workers Party back then. Following this, the show trial by conference is detailed. The trial by conference is split into two parts, the first dealing with their economic crimes and the second with their political crimes. This article discusses both sets of allegations in light of the actual economic pathologies of Soviet-type economies and the political nature of the Kim Il-sungist system.
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Vihalem, Margus. "Poliitiline esteetika ja selle empiirilised rakendused: nõukogude ühismajand kui spetsiifiline tajumaailm / Soviet Aesthetics and its Empirical Applications: the Collective Farm as a Specific Sensorium." Methis. Studia humaniora Estonica 16, no. 20 (November 30, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/methis.v16i20.13891.
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Artikkel keskendub nõukogudeaegse, eriti stalinistliku perioodi ühismajandi mudeli põhjalloodud spetsiifilise ruumi- ja ajakogemuse kirjeldusele ja analüüsile. Püüdes esile tuua mõningaid iseloomulikumaid jooni selles tajukogemuses, vaatleb artikkel ühismajandit ühelt poolt radikaalseid muutusi produtseeriva sotskolonialistliku tööriistana, teisalt aga uut inimtüüpi tootva seadena. Käesolev uurimus mõtestab vaadeldava nähtuse spetsiifikat eelkõige esteetiliste uuringute raames, keskendudes tajukogemuse poliitiliselt suunatud teisenemisele. Uurimus on osaliselt inspireeritud ka autori isiklikust lapsepõlvekogemusest hilise ühismajandi tingimustes, selle eesmärgiks oli jõuda mainitud sensooriumi tähenduslike elementide sidusama analüüsini, võttes aluseks tekstid, mis ühel või teisel viisil peegeldavad uuritava sensooriumi tingimusi. The article explores the specific sensorium of collective farms, especially kolkhozes, as they were created during the Soviet era in the countryside of occupied Estonia. It aims at examining the collective farm primarily not as an economic system, but as an aesthetic phenomenon and as a universal utopian model that served to translate the Marxist-Leninist ideology and its multiple implications into reality. It has to be emphasized that aesthetics is not defined here in the traditional meaning of referring to a set of aesthetic values, nor is it considered as referring to the arts, but is interpreted as referring etymologically to the experience of time and space, both individually and collectively.During the World War II, as a result of the withdrawal of the Nazi army, Estonia was reoccupied by the Soviet army. Although some sovkhozes or state-owned farms were created already shortly after the beginning of the first period of occupation and annexation of Estonia by Soviet Russia in 1940, it was only in the late 1940s that it was decided by the party authorities to proceed to a rapid and massive forced collectivization that followed more or less the model already widely in use in the whole Soviet Union. The effects of the forced collectivisation, accompanied by a mass deportation that took place on March 1949, turned out to be extremely devastating for the local communities in Estonia. The forced collectivisation paved the way for radical changes of the whole sensorium.Nevertheless, the article does not aim at establishing historical facts or bring new information concerning the systematic Sovietisation of the society, it rather tries to analyse the specific atmosphere that encompassed the human action. In order to examine the specific sensorium created in the collective farms of Soviet Estonia, the article makes use of some concepts borrowed from French theorists Henri Lefebvre and especially Jacques Rancière. Although neither Lefebvre nor Rancière have explicitly written about the Soviet system, it nevertheless appears that their concepts, for example that of production of space (and time) by Lefebvre or that of distribution of the sensible by Rancière are productive and relevant in elucidating the main features of the sense experience specific to the model of a collective farm. From the distribution and articulation of time and space to the ideologically determined modes of being that characterised the ordinary life of the workers in the early kolkhozes, the article attempts to determine the key features of what makes up the sensorium of collective farms. Undoubtedly, an important feature is a shift between the private and the collective; collective farms established a collective sensorium with its specific affective model, the private sphere of life being marginalised and controlled in most aspects. To illustrate the ideological pressure on society, it suffices to refer to the manifold utopian narratives, often naive and manipulative, which were spread systematically by party members, agitators and other proponents of collective farms. These utopian narratives attempted to convince everybody that kolkhozes stood at the forefront of modernisation and that their advantage over individual farming was self-evident.It has to be emphasised that collective farms, especially kolkhozes, submitted to the rule of the communist party and served as tools of Soviet neo-colonialist politics that attempted to rapidly change not only the mode of economic production, but also to produce a new mode of reality that would conform to the predicaments of the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Moreover, individual subjects were also invited, within the strict ideological limits, to contribute to the production of this new reality. Thus the production of a new sensorium was in fact accompanied by the production of new subjectivities, a necessary element on the way towards the utopian future where social antagonism would be eliminated and happiness and prosperity would be accessible to all who would accept the ideological requirements of the Soviet power.While shedding light on the transformations that took place within the complex sensorium of collective farms, this article argues that the sensorium of the collective farm played a crucial role in the Sovietisation of the whole society. Its establishment also functioned as a method of control that would exclude all deviations, thus contributing to the production of a new Soviet subjectivity.
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Hop, Nguyen Canh. "Approach to the Types of State Based on Russian Jurist Perspective." VNU Journal of Science: Legal Studies 36, no. 1 (March 27, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25073/2588-1167/vnuls.4269.
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Types of state and typology of states is always one of the major subjects of theory of state and law. The Marxist - Leninist theory of socio-economic forms and theory of civilization are two theories when studying this topic. Each way of approaching has great values as well as certain limitations. Therefore, it is important to look for their rational points to understand the nature and role of the state fairly, being suitable to its development history and diversity. This article summarizes views of Russian jurists on the above issue.
Keywords: Types of state, theory of socio-economic forms, theory of civilization, views of Russian jurists.
References:
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