Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Party of India (Marxist)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Party of India (Marxist)"
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Ahmed, Waquar. "Marxist geography: A personal journey." Human Geography 15, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19427786211049496.
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I am fascinated by Marx’s openness to learning and engagement with diverse intellectual traditions—political economic, German and Greek philosophy, utopian socialist tradition, and English literature to name a few. Marxism for me, hence, is engagement and conversations with eclectic ideas, with fidelity to the communist manifesto, and in turn, its commitment to equality and justice. In this paper, while highlighting my own journey as a student of Marx’s scholarship, I examine the key role hegemony plays in our society. Formal education, I argue, is hegemonic to the extent that it is geared at producing docile individuals, particularly from oppressed sections of the society, that internalize theories and concepts favorable to elites: it should not surprise us when the oppressed act or vote against their own interest. Yet some centers of learning are also epicenters of counter-hegemonic praxis—one such place is Jawaharlal Nehru University where I unlearn and re-learned my Marxism and began my journey as a Marxist geographer. Additionally, I examine the role of “vulgar Marxism” (unwillingness to engage with contemporary geographically specific challenges) that is often passed off as Marxist orthodoxy and argue that this has been a real threat to the spirit of the Communist Manifesto. I examine the decline of the Communist Party in Bengal in India to highlight how vulgar Marxism can subvert social justice and make the “Communist Party” unpopular.
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Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
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Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.
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The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Ghosh, Sreyasi. "Reflection of Socio-Economic and Cultural Turmoil of 1940s and 1950s in Short Stories of Manik Bandopadhyay : a renowned litterateur." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 11 (November 12, 2021): 08–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i11.002.
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The Progressive Movement or the Marxist Cultural Renaissance occurred in a blood- thirsty and horrible situation which was the outcome of The Second World war, Famine, Communal riots, Partition related refugee crisis and the Tebhaga Movement. Contemporary undivided Communist Party of India was the pioneer in this intellectual development. All – India Progressive Writers’ Association ( 1936), Anti- Fascist Writers and Artists related Organisation ( 1942) , Association of Friends of the Soviet Power ( 1941) and the famous I.P.T.A ( 1943) were established mainly for earnest endeavour of the Communist Party. Eminent author Manik Bandopadhyay was associated with the Anti- Fascist Cultural platform from 1943 and embraced the Marxist philosophy with heartfelt desire. He got membership of the Communist Party in 1944 and continued his creative works through a perfect amalgamation of identity of litterateur with identity of dedicated and devoted party – worker in different areas of Bengal. He created extraordinary short stories (1943/ 1944- 1956) in backdrop of food and clothing related severe crisis, famine – stricken terrible situation , hegemony of influential people of black market related trading system , moral degeneration , flesh trade / prostitution adopted by poor and helpless womenfolk, communal riots related bloodbath and aggressive peasant unrest etc.
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Hongxuan, Lin. "The Minor Key: Indonesian Marxists Sojourning Abroad." Journal of World History 35, no. 2 (June 2024): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2024.a929269.
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Abstract: The Communist Party of Indonesia has dominated scholarly attention to the historical phenomenon Indonesian Marxism. Scholars have generally neglected to study other currents of Indonesian Marxist thought and do not situate the transmission and evolution of Marxist ideas in a broader field of anticolonial discourse. This article contends that Indonesian Marxism was a broad discursive field—over which the PKI had no monopoly—and a rich intellectual tradition in its own right. This intellectual tradition was pollinated by sojourners who carried their hard-won knowledge back to Indonesia. This article traces the political evolution of three Indonesian Marxists, Semaoen, Darsono, and Iwa Koesoemasoemantri. It shows how their long sojourns abroad changed their political allegiances and visions for Indonesia, denying the PKI some of its most prestigious and recognizable leaders. By adapting the conceptual lens of sojourning, usually applied to the study of Indian and Chinese migrants to Southeast Asia, to the study of Indonesian Marxism, this article provides fresh perspectives through which the evolution of anticolonial activism can be better understood.
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Shastri, Sanjal. "Communal Violence in Twenty-first Century India: Moving Beyond the Hindi Heartland." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020963721.
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Using communal violence data between 2006 and 2017, this study challenges the idea that communal violence is primarily an issue in the Hindi Heartland. The data demonstrates how Karnataka and West Bengal are also witnessing rising levels of communal violence. The study goes on to take a closer look at the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka and West Bengal. It demonstrates how a combination of factors ranging from localized narratives of Hindu nationalism, caste coalitions, alliances with regional parties and the decline of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]) in West Bengal and the Janata Party (JP)/Dal in Karnataka have been crucial factors for BJP’s rise in these two states.
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Kishore, Nand, and Abhaya Kumar Singh. "THE ROLE OF REMOTE SENSING TECHNOLOGY IN COUNTERNAXALITE OPERATIONS: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." Scientific Temper 1, no. 01 (February 4, 2010): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.58414/scientifictemper.2010.01.1.36.
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The internal challenges to Indian securityare growing serious day by day. India has longhistory of separatist and secessionist violence, beit in North-East, Punjab or Kashmir. The nation,presently, is facing not one but two wars withinits own borders. The first, as we all know, is therising threat of Islamic terrorism, but the secondoften overlooked dimension to this internal war,is that of the naxalite terrorists, who are bred andsustained by the Communists Party of India(Marxist-Leninist) CPI (ML). In April 2006, IndianPrime Minister Manmohan Singh called thenaxalite threat the “biggest internal securitychallenge ever faced by our country”
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Bose, Neilesh. "Muslim Modernism and Trans-regional Consciousness in Bengal, 1911–1925." South Asia Research 31, no. 3 (November 2011): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801103100303.
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Histories of Marxism in South Asia often focus on the great men of colonial Indian politics, such as M. N. Roy, who imagined political futures away from nation or identity, or narrowly on activists like Muzaffar Ahmad, the founder of the Communist Party of India, without consideration of the regional-historical and intellectual contexts out of which such activism and imaginations sprang. Using the Bengali Muslim context of the early twentieth century, this article examines how Muslim activists imagined their identity outside of and beyond normative frameworks such as nation or religious community. This article specifically analyses Samyabadi, a left-oriented journal published in Calcutta from 1922 to 1925, in the larger context of communist developments in Bengal and throughout India. The findings offer exciting support for new research approaches to regional and religious identity in late colonial South Asia.
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Valila, Jacinto, Jr. "MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN." Journal of Asian and African Social Science and Humanities 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55327/jaash.v10i2.336.
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The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Party of India (Marxist)"
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Chakraborty, Pradipta. "The educational development and marxian philosophy: policy perspectives and strategies of the communist party of India (Marxist)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1553.
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Hesse, Patrick. ""To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920-47." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19307.
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Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien.Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
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Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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Stewart, Peter. "Ideas against imperialism, Gandhi, the Communist party of India and some ideas related to social change /." Title page and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars851.pdf.
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El, Alami Nathalène. "La stratégie politique du parti communiste indien, 1936-1964 : l'impact des influences étrangères." Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010527.
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Cette thèse traite de la stratégie du parti communiste d'Inde (communist party of India, cpi) de 1936 à 1964, stratégie qui visait à la fois à répondre aux exigences de la situation nationale et aux directives du mouvement communiste international présidé par le parti communiste d'Union Soviétique (pcus). L'insertion du CPI sur la scène politique indienne fut donc malaisée ; de même son unité n'était-elle qu'artificielle ; c'est ainsi que les conflits sino-indien et sino-soviétique aggravèrent les antagonismes au sein du parti indien et le conduisirent a la scission (le 4 avril 1964).
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Francescangeli, Eros. "La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia. Politica e organizzazione (1943-1978)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3425284.
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This dissertation analyzes that peculiar political front that in the 1970s called itself, and was generally called «revolutionary left», in alternative to the «official», «traditional», or «historical» left represented by the Italian Communist Party (Pci) and the Italian Socialist Party (Psi).
The research, however, embraces a longer time span of Italian socio-political history and the international labor movement, starting with the anarchist movement and the dissident organizations that in 1943-44 appeared within the socialist-communist traditions (Trotskyites, Bordigists, socialist left, etc.), and ending with the Marxist-Leninist and operaista (“workerist”) organizations of the sixties and seventies.
The cross-sectional analysis of the sources has revealed both continuities and discontinuities in the political activism of the revolutionary left before and after 1968. In any case, the former seem to outnumber the latterQuesta ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano). La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti. Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi
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Ghosh, Utpal. "The communist party of India and India's freedom struggle: 1937-1947." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3342.
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Kasprzak, Michal. "Nationalism and Internationalism: Theory and Practice of Marxist Nationality Policy from Marx and Engels to Lenin and the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32787.
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The dissertation examines the roots of modernity at the turn of the 20th century through the prism of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. This seemingly incompatible affiliation between the two ideological archenemies has produced one of the most intriguing paradoxes of modern history. While theoretically attempting to reject nationalism as a transient product of capitalism, Marxism has in practice oftentimes exploited its appeal and utilized its extensive institutional repertoire. The study traces the evolution of Marxism’s conceptualization of the nationality question—a slow shift from an outright rejection of nationalism to an acceptance of its progressive features, complexity, varieties and influences. Interweaving intellectual and cultural studies in history with the political and intellectual history of the European Left, the study offers an intricate narrative of the crossroads of two important ideologies in theory and practice. The dissertation’s comparative and transnational approach reveals several important hitherto superficially explored aspects of Marxism’s difficult dialogue with nationalism. Firstly, it re-evaluates Karl Marx and Friedrich’s views on the nationality question, from its outright denial to limited acceptance and application. Secondly, it re-examines the multitude of Social Democratic responses to nationalism before the Great War. The advent of mass politics and the popularization of Marxist ideas produced a range of diverse socialist responses to the national conundrum throughout Europe. A comparison of Western (French and German), East Central and Eastern European (Austrian, Polish and Russian) and Soviet attitudes highlights some of the startling similarities and differences between the various groups’ ideological constellations. Finally, the dissertation uses the case study of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski, KPRP) to reveal certain insights about the cumulative heritage of Marxist thought on nationalism. An analysis of the KPRP reveals a lot not only about a national party’s struggles with nationalism (challenging many historiographical questions), but also about the diverse conceptualizations of Marx and Engels’ thought on nationalism, about European Social Democracy’s debates about the phenomenon, and about the Soviet nationality policy (within and outside the Soviet Union).
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TRÜBENEKROVÁ, Petra. "Josef Novotný - historik ve službách KSČ." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-81291.
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This diploma thesis approaches the life story of one of the very important Czech historians postwar historiography, which has so far been overlooked, however. The work does not try to give information only about the life and works of Joseph Novotny, but classifies the historian in the context of time, focusing on his views and attitudes, which supported the communist ideology of the 60th of the 20 century, which was a great supporter. The author in creating the present study was based primarily on personal collection of Josef Novotný, which is stored in the Archives of the National Museum in Prague, Josef Novotny's work itself, the literature on the history of the First Republic, Second Republic and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, not least in the literature used to history of the historiography of the late 20th century. The work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter gives information about the life of Joseph Novotny. From second to fifth chapter are portrayed his personal attitudes and opinions of the historical situation until 30 years until the early 40th of the 20 century. About Josef Novotny are not yet issued any publication that would cover his life and work. Even literature is silent about him most. Therefore, the author sees the biggest benefit is that the present study provided information about the historian, who has been neglected Czech historiography, and perhaps opened a new research topic that can be developed further historians.
Books on the topic "Communist Party of India (Marxist)"
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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2009.
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(Marxist), Communist Party of India. Communist Party of India (Marxist). New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2011.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist). Communist Party of India (Marxist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2005.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist), ed. Communist Party of India (Marxist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2002.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist), ed. Communist Party of India (Marxist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2001.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist), ed. Communist Party of India (Marxist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2003.
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Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), ed. Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) publications. New Delhi: Library of Congress Office, 2004.
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Veṅkaṭayya, Ke. Varaṅgal Jillā kamyūnisṭu udyamaṃ: Nā jñāpakālu. Haidarābād: Prajāśakti Bukhaus-Telgaṅgāṇa, 2014.
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Kuññahammad, Ke I. En. Vaisr̲ōyimārkk veṇṭat kuraṅṅusūppō? [Kozhikode]: Oliv, 2008.
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Surjeet, Harkishan Singh. On CPI(M)-CPI differences. New Delhi: National Book Centre, 1985.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Communist Party of India (Marxist)"
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Blasi, Luca Di, Manuele Gragnolati, and Christoph F. E. Holzhey. "Introduction." In The Scandal of Self-Contradiction, 7–16. Vienna: Turia + Kant, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-06_01.
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Pier Paolo Pasolini’s own phrase ‘the scandal of self-contradiction’ (‘lo scandalo del contraddirmi’) from ‘Le ceneri di Gramsci’ (1957) encapsulates one of his most salient characteristics. Deeply influenced by a religious childhood, he became an atheist without loosing a powerful sense of the sacred; he was a Marxist expelled by the Italian Communist Party, a revolutionist with a great admiration for the past, a deeply anti-bourgeois bourgeois.
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Ray, Rabindra. "The Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)." In The Naxalites and their Ideology, 109–59. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077381.003.0005.
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"Working for the Communist Party." In Japanese Marxist, 147–62. BRILL, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684172917_011.
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Khandkar, Arundhati C., and Ashok C. Khandkar. "Marxism and Beyond." In Swimming Upstream, 81–115. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495153.003.0004.
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M.N. Roy and Laxmanshastri found intellectual affinity towards each other when they met and collaborated on building the Radical Democratic Party founded by Roy. This party wished to create a government that represented all Indian people—not just the privileged upper class. When the British stepped up their war efforts to thwart the Japanese who were knocking at the Burma front, the Congress Party opposed supporting the efforts, hoping to force the British to strike a bargain and leave India. Members of the Radical Democratic Party favored supporting the British war efforts, only because they felt that a totalitarian form of government that dominated Axis powers, would supplant the Raj and would prove to be more dangerous. Laxmanshastri also continued to write and speak out against unjust social practices and for inclusion of all her people. He wrote a seminal book on Hindu religion which endeared him to Ambedkar. As the World War II ended with the Allies victorious, it exposed the shortcomings of communism, which led Roy and Laxmanshastri to abandon Marxism as a model for India’s democracy. This led to the dissolution of the party after which Laxmanshastri immersed himself in compiling the Dharmakosha, an exhaustive encyclopedia of Hindu scriptures. Later he served on the committee chaired by Ambedkar that drafted India’s constitution.
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McAdams, A. James. "The Party in Peril." In Vanguard of the Revolution, 428–74. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196428.003.0012.
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This chapter describes the decline of the communist party and its attempts to salvage major disasters, such as the Chernobyl fallout. Unlike in the preceding decades of communist rule, when they could supplement a Marxist interpretation of their conditions with references to looming threats to national security, Cold War tensions, and economic perils, the credibility of these rationales had faded. This is not to say that opponents of significant change were equally disadvantaged in other parts of the communist world. In the case of China, the chapter highlights, the regime managed to defend its rule. But China's leaders faced a different type of party crisis and responded with a different remedy—the use of brute force—that neither the Soviet Union's leader nor his Eastern European allies dared to implement. Otherwise, the need for the vanguard that had made sense in its original European and Russian contexts vanished.
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Baird, Ian G. "Becoming Marxist: Ethnic Hmong in the Communist Party of Thailand." In Experiments with Marxism-Leninism in Cold War Southeast Asia, 299–331. ANU Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/emlcwsa.2022.10.
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Curley, Melissa Anne-Marie. "Special Marxist, Special Buddhist." In Pure Land, Real World. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824857752.003.0004.
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Kawakami Hajime was one of the most influential Japanese Marxist thinkers of his time. Before turning to Marxism, Kawakami had briefly been involved with Itō Shōshin’s utopian movement, Muga-ai (Selfless Love). Kawakami was sent to prison in 1933 as a result of his involvement with the Japanese Communist Party; while in prison, resisting ideological conversion (tenkō), he took up the question of religious truth and its relationship to Marxist social science. In his Prison Ramblings, Kawakami presents his theory of religious truth. In his autobiography, he details the connections between this theory of religious truth and the religious experience he had as a young man, triggered by his encounter with Itō. Kawakami’s interpretation of Pure Land Buddhism reflects his understanding of religious truth as thoroughly subjective and internal, allowing him to use Buddhism as a tool for securing a stable, autonomous self.
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Wight, Martin. "The Communist Theory of International Relations." In International Relations and Political Philosophy, 131–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0010.
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This essay analyses the distinctive effects of Marxist-Leninist ideology and Communist practice on states ruled by Communist parties and states with non-Communist or ‘bourgeois’ regimes. Communist regimes assert that they are historically destined to triumph over ‘capitalist’ and ‘imperialist’ governments. From 1917 to 1944, the Soviet Union was the sole Communist-governed state. Since 1944 there have been multiple Communist-ruled states. Such states generally have formal state-to-state relations in addition to Communist party-to-party relations. Non-Communist-ruled states may have oppositional relations with domestic and foreign Communist parties as well as formal relations with the foreign ministries of Communist-led states. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has claimed that its decisions bind all Communist parties, but it has also accepted the primacy of a global gathering of Communist parties. Disputes among Communist parties over doctrine and interests that are theoretically congruent raise questions about the coherence of the ideology. Forming a Communist world-state to suppress national rivalries could offer a solution, but at the cost of abandoning national state sovereignties and the autonomy of specific Communist parties.
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Macmaster, Neil. "The Communist Party and Peasant Mobilization, c.1932–48." In War in the Mountains, 140–55. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860211.003.0008.
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The Algerian Communist Party (PCA) played a particularly important role in the anti-colonial movement in the Chelif region, a prominence that explains why it was chosen as the primary base for the ‘Red Maquis’ guerrilla force in 1956. Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the PCA, dominated by the French Communist Party, initially opposed nationalism and followed the orthodox Marxist doctrine that the peasantry could not constitute a revolutionary class, a vanguard role that could only be assumed by an industrial or urban proletariat. In the Chelif region the veteran communist and trade union leader Mohamed Marouf reflected this position and focused propaganda work on the farm labourers of the plain while neglecting the mountain peasants that were seen as a form of seasonal, blackleg labour. However, from 1932 onwards a minority movement began to emerge in the PCA that was favourable to a peasant-based strategy, and in 1944 this led to the creation of the Syndicat des petits cultivateurs (SPC). The peasant-based movement that developed in the Aurès, Tlemçen, and Chelif mountains during the late 1940s and prepared the ground for a later guerrilla movement.
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Hine, David. "Liberalism as a Minority Subculture: The Case of Italy." In Liberalism, Anti-Semitism, and Democracy, 209–31. Oxford University PressOxford, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198297239.003.0012.
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Abstract Until the 1990s, it was traditional to see the Italian political system as distinctive, in comparative European terms, for the persistence of ideological polarization and subcultural fragmentation. Both the Marxist/socialist subculture and the Catholic subculture remained largely intact until as recently as the mid-l 980s, despite the revisionism of the Communist Party and the long term secularization of Christian Democracy. The effects on the party system of this mutually hostile subcultural confrontation were paralysing: the Communist Party was condemned to permanent opposition, and the Christian Democrat Party was permanently in power at the heart of an unstable centrist coalition. The end of the cold war dismantled that system over a decade ago. Today the Communists have completed their transition to social-democratic status, and the Christian Democrat Party has broken into pieces, though catholic influence is still strongly felt across the party spectrum.
Conference papers on the topic "Communist Party of India (Marxist)"
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Ramšak, Jure. "Depoliticisation of religious interest? The league of communists of Slovenia and the ambiguities of its religious policy during the final decades of Yugoslavia." In International conference Religious Conversions and Atheization in 20th Century Central and Eastern Europe. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-39-2_04.
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The fact that progressive theologians and Marxist-humanist sociologists of religion had publicly displayed a significant level of mutual understanding and reached notably similar conclusions regarding Church-state relations by the early 1990s cannot obfuscate the controversies within the sphere of societal life in Yugoslavia that remained least affected by the principles of socialist self-management democracy. On the surface, the relationship between the Catholic Church and the state authorities in Slovenia, the northernmost and predominantly Catholic republic of Yugoslavia, appeared fairly peaceful and cooperative throughout the late socialist period. Furthermore, as this paper illustrates, Slovenian religious policy was proposed as a sophisticated model for the inclusive life of believers in a modern socialist society and presented to Vatican diplomats, international experts, and foreign journalists. Nonetheless, during that period, the more independent intellectuals, Catholic and Marxist alike, who warned that the Slovenian Catholic Church was departing from the course of the Second Vatican Council and that the Communist Party should abandon its orthodox Marxist-Leninist understanding of religion to foster genuine dialogue, were marginalised. Instead, there were lengthy debates focusing on whether certain social activities of the Catholic Church encroached on the domain designated for initiatives of the League of Communists and the Socialist Alliance of Working People. With a mounting crisis and increasing public pressure, some public religious manifestations were allowed in the second half of the 1980s, but the fundamental problems remained unaddressed. Although the liberalization of public discourse in Yugoslavia’s final years brought to the fore issues such as freedom of religion and freedom from religion ‒ both of which were integral to the contested programme of the ruling Communist Party and the type of socialist secular society the Slovenian reformed Communists sought to establish ‒, there was not enough time to rework the entrenched religious policy that had alienated many religious citizens.