To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Communist Party of India (Marxist).
Journal articles on the topic 'Communist Party of India (Marxist)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Communist Party of India (Marxist).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
Full textAbstract:
The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
2
Ahmed, Waquar. "Marxist geography: A personal journey." Human Geography 15, no. 1 (November 10, 2021): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19427786211049496.
Full textAbstract:
I am fascinated by Marx’s openness to learning and engagement with diverse intellectual traditions—political economic, German and Greek philosophy, utopian socialist tradition, and English literature to name a few. Marxism for me, hence, is engagement and conversations with eclectic ideas, with fidelity to the communist manifesto, and in turn, its commitment to equality and justice. In this paper, while highlighting my own journey as a student of Marx’s scholarship, I examine the key role hegemony plays in our society. Formal education, I argue, is hegemonic to the extent that it is geared at producing docile individuals, particularly from oppressed sections of the society, that internalize theories and concepts favorable to elites: it should not surprise us when the oppressed act or vote against their own interest. Yet some centers of learning are also epicenters of counter-hegemonic praxis—one such place is Jawaharlal Nehru University where I unlearn and re-learned my Marxism and began my journey as a Marxist geographer. Additionally, I examine the role of “vulgar Marxism” (unwillingness to engage with contemporary geographically specific challenges) that is often passed off as Marxist orthodoxy and argue that this has been a real threat to the spirit of the Communist Manifesto. I examine the decline of the Communist Party in Bengal in India to highlight how vulgar Marxism can subvert social justice and make the “Communist Party” unpopular.
3
Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
Full textAbstract:
Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
4
Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
5
Ghosh, Sreyasi. "Reflection of Socio-Economic and Cultural Turmoil of 1940s and 1950s in Short Stories of Manik Bandopadhyay : a renowned litterateur." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 11 (November 12, 2021): 08–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i11.002.
Full textAbstract:
The Progressive Movement or the Marxist Cultural Renaissance occurred in a blood- thirsty and horrible situation which was the outcome of The Second World war, Famine, Communal riots, Partition related refugee crisis and the Tebhaga Movement. Contemporary undivided Communist Party of India was the pioneer in this intellectual development. All – India Progressive Writers’ Association ( 1936), Anti- Fascist Writers and Artists related Organisation ( 1942) , Association of Friends of the Soviet Power ( 1941) and the famous I.P.T.A ( 1943) were established mainly for earnest endeavour of the Communist Party. Eminent author Manik Bandopadhyay was associated with the Anti- Fascist Cultural platform from 1943 and embraced the Marxist philosophy with heartfelt desire. He got membership of the Communist Party in 1944 and continued his creative works through a perfect amalgamation of identity of litterateur with identity of dedicated and devoted party – worker in different areas of Bengal. He created extraordinary short stories (1943/ 1944- 1956) in backdrop of food and clothing related severe crisis, famine – stricken terrible situation , hegemony of influential people of black market related trading system , moral degeneration , flesh trade / prostitution adopted by poor and helpless womenfolk, communal riots related bloodbath and aggressive peasant unrest etc.
6
Hongxuan, Lin. "The Minor Key: Indonesian Marxists Sojourning Abroad." Journal of World History 35, no. 2 (June 2024): 261–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2024.a929269.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The Communist Party of Indonesia has dominated scholarly attention to the historical phenomenon Indonesian Marxism. Scholars have generally neglected to study other currents of Indonesian Marxist thought and do not situate the transmission and evolution of Marxist ideas in a broader field of anticolonial discourse. This article contends that Indonesian Marxism was a broad discursive field—over which the PKI had no monopoly—and a rich intellectual tradition in its own right. This intellectual tradition was pollinated by sojourners who carried their hard-won knowledge back to Indonesia. This article traces the political evolution of three Indonesian Marxists, Semaoen, Darsono, and Iwa Koesoemasoemantri. It shows how their long sojourns abroad changed their political allegiances and visions for Indonesia, denying the PKI some of its most prestigious and recognizable leaders. By adapting the conceptual lens of sojourning, usually applied to the study of Indian and Chinese migrants to Southeast Asia, to the study of Indonesian Marxism, this article provides fresh perspectives through which the evolution of anticolonial activism can be better understood.
7
Shastri, Sanjal. "Communal Violence in Twenty-first Century India: Moving Beyond the Hindi Heartland." Studies in Indian Politics 8, no. 2 (October 29, 2020): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023020963721.
Full textAbstract:
Using communal violence data between 2006 and 2017, this study challenges the idea that communal violence is primarily an issue in the Hindi Heartland. The data demonstrates how Karnataka and West Bengal are also witnessing rising levels of communal violence. The study goes on to take a closer look at the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka and West Bengal. It demonstrates how a combination of factors ranging from localized narratives of Hindu nationalism, caste coalitions, alliances with regional parties and the decline of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]) in West Bengal and the Janata Party (JP)/Dal in Karnataka have been crucial factors for BJP’s rise in these two states.
8
Kishore, Nand, and Abhaya Kumar Singh. "THE ROLE OF REMOTE SENSING TECHNOLOGY IN COUNTERNAXALITE OPERATIONS: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." Scientific Temper 1, no. 01 (February 4, 2010): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.58414/scientifictemper.2010.01.1.36.
Full textAbstract:
The internal challenges to Indian securityare growing serious day by day. India has longhistory of separatist and secessionist violence, beit in North-East, Punjab or Kashmir. The nation,presently, is facing not one but two wars withinits own borders. The first, as we all know, is therising threat of Islamic terrorism, but the secondoften overlooked dimension to this internal war,is that of the naxalite terrorists, who are bred andsustained by the Communists Party of India(Marxist-Leninist) CPI (ML). In April 2006, IndianPrime Minister Manmohan Singh called thenaxalite threat the “biggest internal securitychallenge ever faced by our country”
9
Bose, Neilesh. "Muslim Modernism and Trans-regional Consciousness in Bengal, 1911–1925." South Asia Research 31, no. 3 (November 2011): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801103100303.
Full textAbstract:
Histories of Marxism in South Asia often focus on the great men of colonial Indian politics, such as M. N. Roy, who imagined political futures away from nation or identity, or narrowly on activists like Muzaffar Ahmad, the founder of the Communist Party of India, without consideration of the regional-historical and intellectual contexts out of which such activism and imaginations sprang. Using the Bengali Muslim context of the early twentieth century, this article examines how Muslim activists imagined their identity outside of and beyond normative frameworks such as nation or religious community. This article specifically analyses Samyabadi, a left-oriented journal published in Calcutta from 1922 to 1925, in the larger context of communist developments in Bengal and throughout India. The findings offer exciting support for new research approaches to regional and religious identity in late colonial South Asia.
10
Valila, Jacinto, Jr. "MOZAMBIQUE AND NEPAL: REVOLUTIONARY EXPERIENCES ON THE CUSP OF SOCIALISM WHICH REMAINS UNBORN." Journal of Asian and African Social Science and Humanities 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55327/jaash.v10i2.336.
Full textAbstract:
The revolutionary experiences of Mozambique and Nepal present a stark case of revolutions on the verge of socialism which remains unborn. Owing to several factors, the communists and socialists at the helm of these states for several years now have faltered to embark on decisive socialist paths despite their firm hold of state power. The same reportedly hindered its march to socialism. In 1985, Frelimo finally shredded its Marxist-Leninist ideology and embraced the neo-liberal policies in the guise of development and modernity in exchange for loans and aid from multilateral financial agencies of the West. Nepal, on the other hand, is being led by an alliance of communist and socialist parties. However, its march towards socialism is supposedly hampered by the country’s economic backwardness, dependence on aid and labor wages from India and the Middle Eastern countries, ballooning debt from multilateral institutions, the predominance of the peasant class over the proletariat, and the inability of the ruling coalition to forge on a single road to socialist construction. This paper looks into the feasibility of socialism being attained in Nepal and Mozambique whose economies and productive forces are undeveloped, with their people in subsistence living and a meager awareness of socialist ideals among the masses. ? The paper argues the possibility of building socialism as shown by the Soviet and Chinese experience, provided that there is a strong proletarian party whose vision and ardor are consistent with the Marxist theory of history and class struggle.
11
Saha, Tularam, and Goutam Dakua. "The Changing Trends of Coalition Politics of Kerala from its Origin to 2016 in India." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, no. 3 (March 15, 2024): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n03.012.
Full textAbstract:
The Constitution of India provide for a federal system of government though the term ‘federalism’ which is nowhere been used in the constitution. But the article 1 of the constitution describes that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. K.C. where describes Indian federalism as “Quasi-federal”. Granville Austin called it ‘co-operative federalism.’ And Ivor Jennings describes it as ‘federation with strong centralizing tendency’. This nature of Indian federalism has leads India towards coalition. The coalition politics at the central level has been relatively a recent phenomenon but at the state level it has been in operation right after the first general election (1952). The growth of regional parties and dominant leadership at state level has federalized the polity and the state government has stretched their arms. The first coalition at state level formed in Kerala in 1954. The coalition politics is a time-tested thing in contemporary democracy. The concept of coalition politics occurred when the states used to ally with each other in order to defect of a common enemy. In 1954 the Congress created a coalition government in Kerala. Since this time Kerala has been living with coalition rule after regular intervals. The politics in Kerala is dominated by two coalition fronts: the communist party of India (Marxist)- led left Democratic front (LDF) and the Indian National Congress – led United Democratic Front (UDF) since late 1970s. Kerala was the first Indian state where the communists were chosen to power. Since the early 1980s these two coalitions have alternate in government. They are unable to gain re- election for a second term. These two-alliance coalition have occurred periodically and ruled continued to 2016 election. In May 2016, the LDF win election and now in power. This LDF coalition occurred with CPI (M)-58, CPI-19, TDS-3, NCP-2, KCB-1, CPM(L)-1, CS-1 and Independents-5.
12
Palmer, Bryan D. "The Essential E.P. Thompson, edited by Dorothy Thompson. New Press: New York, 2001. x + 498 pp. $45.00 cloth; $21.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790423023x.
Full textAbstract:
E.P. Thompson was nursed on a mother's milk of transatlantic missionary work and writings on the Middle East that reached back to the last half of the nineteenth century. Fathered on Bengali literature, the poetry of the Great War, cricket with the likes of Nehru, and the struggle for Indian independence, Thompson was born into a highly literate and deeply politicized global village. Small wonder that at seventeen he was an anti-fascist and a soldier. But he took a wide Left turn, following in a brother's footsteps, to become a Marxist and a Communist in his twenties, only to find himself, by 1956, donning dissident dress, leading an exodus from the Communist Party of Great Britain, building a revolutionary New Left in the seemingly unpropitious climate of the late 1950s.
13
Anthony, David Henry. "Max Yergan, Marxism and Mission during the Interwar Era." Social Sciences and Missions 22, no. 2 (2009): 257–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489309x12537778667273.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractFrom 1922 through 1936 Max Yergan, an African-American graduate of historically Black Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina represented the North American YMCA in South Africa through the auspices of the Student Christian Association. A student secretary since his sophomore year in 1911, with Indian and East African experience in World War One, Yergan's star rose sufficiently to permit him entry into the racially challenging South Africa field after a protracted campaign waged on his behalf by such interfaith luminaries as Gold Coast proto nationalist J.E.K. Aggrey and the formidable Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois. Arriving on the eve of the Great Rand Mine Strike of 1922, Yergan's South African years were punctuated by political concerns. Entering the country as an Evangelical Pan-Africanist influenced by the social gospel thrust of late nineteenth and early twentieth century American Protestantism that reached the YMCA and other faith-friendly but nondenominational organizations, Yergan became favorably disposed to Marxist and Marxist-Leninist doctrine in the course of his South African posting. Against the backdrop of the labor agitation of the post World War One era and the expansion and transformation of the South African Communist Party that occurred during the mid to late nineteen twenties, Yergan's response to what he termed "the appeal of Communism" made him an avatar of a liberation theology fusing Marxist revolution and Christianity. This paper details some of the trajectory of that momentous and profound personal evolution.
14
Banerjee, Saikat, and Bibek Ray Chaudhuri. "Factors responsible behind political brand preference: an empirical study on Indian voters." Marketing Intelligence & Planning 34, no. 4 (June 6, 2016): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mip-05-2015-0095.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – Political parties are continuously interested to gain knowledge about the factors that influence the voter to select political candidate of his/her choice. The purpose of this paper is to examine cumulative impact of sources of associations on voters’ preference of the political party and to investigate the type of causal relationship that exists among those sources. Design/methodology/approach – The authors have proposed five key sources of associations of the overall political party, namely, campaign effectiveness, image of its leaders, intensity of anti-incumbency effect, meaning and trust attached with the party. Here the authors have considered four important political parties relevant to the voters of West Bengal. Those are Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and All India Trinamool Congress. The authors have used SEM method for estimating the model as the same is widely used for estimating a system of equations with latent variables. Findings – Out of the eight path coefficients six are found to be statistically significant. Political campaign impacts brand trust positively and brand trust in turn impacts party preference positively. Again political campaign’s direct impact on political party preference is found to be positive. However, the impact of political campaign on party preference also runs through brand meaning. Both the path coefficients are significantly negative showing that more the voters develop understanding about political parties through different independent sources lesser are the impact of political campaigns as they highlight positive aspects of the party and the candidate only, ignoring facts. Interestingly leadership is impacting party preference negatively. Thus individual leadership traits have negatively impacted party preference in the sample. Originality/value – In the paper, the authors have identified factors impacting political brand choice in an emerging country like India. This research explores the factors that need to be considered by the political parties to influence preference of voters for political brand. As far as the authors’ knowledge goes no such studies have been carried out in the Indian context and certainly not in the context of a regime change after three decades. Additionally, the theoretical model proposed is firmly grounded in theory and its estimation is based on well-developed scales. The approach is thus unique in this area of enquiry. Finally, application of SEM in political branding context is a significant contribution of this work.
15
Ankit, Rakesh. "P. N. Haksar and Indira’s India: A Glimpse of the Domestic Sphere, 1967–1976." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019838640.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents four episodes from the political period 1969 to 1976 in India, focusing on the views and actions of P. N. Haksar, Principal Secretary and Advisor to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (1967–1973). Unlike the ‘national/international politics’ hitherto under focus from then, that is, the Congress split (1969), birth of Bangladesh (1971) and the JP Movement/Emergency (1974–1975), the aspects under consideration in this article are of subterranean existence. First of these aspects is the provincial reverberations of the Congress split, the case considered here being that of the Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee. Second is the attitude of the Congress Party towards left opposition, the Communist Party of India Marxist (CPI [M]) in West Bengal, as revealed through the anxieties of Governor Shanti Dhavan. The third aspect under consideration is a glimpse of centre–states relations, as shown through New Delhi’s interactions with the EMS Namboodiripad-led and CPI (M)-dominated United Front Government of Kerala. Finally, the article looks at Haksar’s attempts at planning and development for the state of Bihar. Each of these four themes was among the ‘wider range of functions’ that Mrs Gandhi wished to be performed by her Secretariat and to allow us to test how successful each of it was. Each of these provides a context for contemporary issues.
16
Löfgren, Hans. "The Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Left Government in West Bengal, 1977–2011: Strains of Governance and Socialist Imagination." Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 1 (May 12, 2016): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016634947.
Full text
17
Jan, Ammar Ali. "In the Shadow of Ghadar: Marxism and Anti-Colonialism in Colonial Punjab." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 13, no. 2 (October 18, 2018): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/ss27202.
Full textAbstract:
The Ghadr Party, an eclectic group of diasporic Punjabis, was perhaps one of the most significant political movements led by emigre Indians in the early twentieth century. Designated as one of the biggest threats to colonial rule in the 1910s, the Ghadr Party spread its operations over five continents, and repeatedly committed acts of sabotage aimed at colonial officials from India. By the 1920s, however, the birth of popular movements in India marginalized various groups that believed in the spectacular actions of a vanguard as a strategy for overcoming the stifling impact of colonial rule. Members of the party, eager to find a foothold in the changed political scenario, opened discussions for building a popular front in Punjab, with many returning to the country to participate in such an endeavour. In this article, I study the encounter between the Ghadarite tradition and the communist movement in colonial Punjab through the writings of Sohan Singh Josh, who attempted to bring these two traditions together to produce a viable political project. I argue that Ghadar's encounter with Marxism not only influenced the former, but also radically transformed Marxism itself, particularly on questions of History, violence and volition.
18
Pun, Sant Bahadur. "The 1996 Mahakali Treaty: Whither the “Rashtriya Sankalpas/National Strictures” of Nepalese Parliament?" Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 11 (July 6, 2012): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the ratification by the Joint Session of Nepal’s two Houses of Parliament with an overwhelming majority on September 20, 1996 and despite the exchange of instruments of ratification by the two countries on June 5, 1997, the Pancheshwar Detailed Project Report (DPR) has yet to see the light of day even after the lapse of 16 years. It was believed that Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s government with the concurrence of the main opposition party, Communist Party of Nepal- United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), had ratified the Mahakali Treaty with four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’. It was also believed that an all party Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee headed by the Speaker of the Lower House was constituted to guide the Nepalese side in the preparation of the detailed project report of Pancheshwar. That Monitoring Joint Committee in a span of four years held 28 meetings. Now the very legality of those four ‘rashtriya sankalpas/national strictures’ is being questioned. In 2009 the Secretary level Nepal-India Joint Committee on Water Resources constituted the Pancheshwar Development Authority (PDA) that was given the crucial mandate to ‘finalize’ the vital much-awaited Pancheshwar DPR. As institutions have no memory and public memory is extremely short, this article attempts to recapitulate the commitments made at treaty ratification time by the Deuba government in concurrence with the then largest party, CPN-UML. The article argues against the mandate given to the bureaucrat-led PDA to finalize the Pancheshwar DPR and strongly recommends formation of an all party mechanism akin to the previous Parliamentary Monitoring Joint Committee to guide the government during this critical Interim period.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v11i0.7155 Hydro Nepal Vol.11 2011 pp.12-17
19
Mortuza, Shamsad. "Naxalgia and "Madhu Chakra" in Meghnadhbodh Rohoshya:." Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 11 (March 1, 2020): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v11i.439.
Full textAbstract:
This essay both pits Anik Datta's movie Meghnadhbodh Rohoshya against other literary works dealing with the Naxal question and examines its intertextuality to understand the multifaceted theme of political betrayal that subsumes the armed insurgency. On May 25, 1967, a group of trival sharecroppers in an Indian village called Naxalbari under the state of West Bengal resisted landowners from getting their yield. The protest got 11 villagers killed and spun off into a violent insurgency aimed at the annihilation of the people's enemy, and eventually exposed the Marxist/Maoist divide in the Communist Party of India. Released on the fiftieth year of the Naxalbari Movement, Anik Datta's movie tackles some of the unresolved conflicts of the past by giving them human faces. He uses the genre of mystery films to attempt an "objective" analysis of nuanced truth behind one symbolic betrayal that failed the movement. Datta narrates the story of a defector who left his idealist activism to settle for a comfortable and successful life abroad. The protagonist's defection serves as a parallel to the way the Bengali renaissance figure Michael Madhusudan Dutt left his religion, country and language for Europe and wrote in English. Anik Datta, however, focuses on Madhusudan on Meghnadhbodh Kavya , where the heroic code of a warrior clan is betrayed, and uses it as a temporal frame to negotiate with the present. This article critiques the multiplicity of exchanges between Madhusudan's epic and a contemporary tale of betrayal as found in the Anik Datta's film to comment on the culture and political components of the Naxalite movement and the nostalgia assiciated with it.
20
Kumar Ojha, Narendra. "IMPACT OF COLORS ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 2, no. 3SE (December 31, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v2.i3se.2014.3661.
Full textAbstract:
Colors have a close relationship with human life. Human life is incomplete without colors, colors have an impact on the socio-economic, political, life of human beings, there are many types of colors like yellow, red, green, purple, blue, black, white etc. Each type has its own color It has special significance and has its own unique identity, such as red color is stimulating and attractive, it is very active and aggressive, it manifests anger, courage, valor, beauty, it is very popular among women, Women prefer to wear red colored saris at the time of worship of God on festivals, even red is the most preferred color for the clothes of God. The red color is also closely related to politics, even the identity of the communist party of India, the Communist Party of Marxist and the Communist Party is from the red flag, "Red salute of comrades". The blood which is the basis of human body is also red. The red color is also a symbol of danger, the traffic signal is red colored due to which the entire traffic stops. Hence, red color has its own unique identity. It is unfortunate that today terrorists are playing blood red Holi in the whole world, it is a dangerous sign for the whole of humanity. This terrorism has to be stopped, it will have to be seen what color of international political will be able to stop this dreaded canker. We are waiting for that day.
रंगों का मानवीय जीवन के साथ निकट का सम्बन्ध है। रंगों के बिना मानवीय जीवन अधुरा है, रंगों का मानव के सामाजिक आर्थिक, राजनीतिक, जीवन पर प्रभाव पड़ता है, रंग कई प्रकार के होते है जैसे पीला, लाल, हरा, बैंगनी, नीला, काला, श्वेत आदि हर प्रकार के रंग का अपना विशिष्ट महत्व है और इसकी अपनी विशिष्ट पहचान है, जैसे लाल रंग उत्तेजक एवं आकर्षक होता है, यह अत्यन्त ही सक्रिय एवं आक्रामक होता है, इसके द्वारा क्रोध, साहस, वीरता, श्रृंगारिकता प्रकट होती है, महिलाओं में यह अत्यंत ही लोकप्रिय होता है, महिलायें त्यौहारों पर ईश्वर की आराधना के समय लाल रंग की साड़ियाॅं पहनना ही ज्यादा पसंद करती है यहाॅं तक कि भगवान के वस्त्रों के लिए भी लाल रंग का चयन सर्वाधिक होता है। लाल रंग का राजनीति के साथ भी निकट का संबंध है, यहाॅ तक कि भारत के साम्यवादी दल, माक्र्सवादी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी एवं कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी की पहचान ही लाल रंग के झण्डे से है, ’’कामरेड का लाल सलाम’’। खून जो मनुष्य के शरीर का आधार है, वह भी लाल ही है। लाल रंग खतरे का भी प्रतीक है, ट्राफिक सिग्नल लालरंग जिसके कारण सम्पूर्ण यातायात रूक जाता है। अतः लाल रंग की अपनी विशिष्ट पहचान है। दुर्भाग्य है कि आज सम्पूर्ण विश्व में आतंकवादी खून की लाल होली खेल रहे है, यह सम्पूर्ण मानवता के लिए एक खतरनाक संकेत है। इस आतंकवाद को रोकना होगा, देखना यह होगा कि अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीतिक का कौन सा रंग इस आतंकवाद खतरनाक नासूर को रोकने में कामयाब होगा उस दिन की हमें प्रतीक्षा है।
21
Penner, Mack. "Year of refusal: crisis and ideology in the Communist Party of Canada, 1956-7." Twentieth Century Communism 21, no. 21 (November 1, 2021): 55–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321834645814.
Full textAbstract:
Just as they did for other communist parties around the world, events in 1956 brought a crisis to the Communist Party of Canada (CPC). Khrushchev's Secret Speech and the Soviet invasion of Hungary produced a reckoning with what exactly it meant to be a communist and a marxist-leninist. In Canada, this reckoning would lead to a mass exit of party members and to a precipitous decline in the general fortunes of the party after 1956. In existing histories, this crisis has been presented as though it played out in quite strictly bipolar fashion as a conflict between a growing minority of independent marxists on the one hand and, on the other, a larger group of party leaders and their supporters who remained committed to a Soviet-aligned marxist-leninist politics in Canada. In fact, the ideology of the crisis was more complex. Ideological reactions to 1956 could range, at least, across stalinist, liberal, marxist-leninist, or independent-marxist iterations. Taking 1956 to constitute a year of refusal in the CPC, this essay follows the trajectories of these ideologically distinct 'modes of refusal' and suggests an alternative history.
22
Cella, Elisa, Maja Gori, and Alessandro Pintucci. "The trowel and the sickle. Italian archaeology and its Marxist legacy." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 1 (December 31, 2016): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v1i0.399.
Full textAbstract:
During the second post-war period (1945-1960s), the Italian Communist party was a hub of intellectuals, and as such influenced the development of Italian archaeology as well. Marxist ideology indeed was perceived as means to enfranchise the discipline from the old academia. Focusing on of the so-called “Roman school” of archaeology, this paper analyzes the influence of communist and Marxist ideologies on the discipline’s development. In particular we will present two prominent and charismatic archaeologists Renato Peroni and Andrea Carandini. It is argued that while the Marxist research trajectories were characterized by an initial innovative and driving force that revolutionized Italian archaeology, the collapse of the Italian Communist Party and the resulting downfall of its intellectual tradition determined the exhaustion of the discipline’s innovative potential.
23
Jain, Dhruv. "Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.
Full textAbstract:
In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.
24
Li, Peng. "Localization of Marxism in China: History, Theory and the Challenge." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p89.
Full textAbstract:
Marxism is the science of universal standard. The truth, practicality, scientific of Marxism has been proved by history. But with the development of practice, the development of Marxist theory itself is facing a new opportunity, also faced with unprecedented challenges. How to effectively cope with the challenges？Such as: Is communism a utopia? The labor theory of value is effective? Socialist country is democracy? And so on. All these problems are the socialist system and Marxist must think and answer.
As a Marxist, how to truly stand in the position of Marxism, using the Marxist method and point of view to observe the social and economic development and the progress of human civilization and world history, is the problem of contemporary Marxists has to think about. Or it will lose vitality, and will be out of date, and possible failure. The most familiar example is the socialist power caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union and its consequences.
As important heritage and development of Marxist theory, the Communist Party of China has always been guided by the Marxism theory, whether in revolution, construction and reform, or the governing principle politics today. Can say, not only accumulated a very valuable historical experience, but also enriched and developed Marxism, the Communist Party of China have a say in the history of Marxist development.
So, we need to discuss three questions, the effectiveness of the Marxist theory, and understanding of Marxist trajectory of the Communist Party of China, the challenge for the Marxism theory and how to deal with.
25
Gyanwali, Gokarna Prasad, and Khem Raj Khanal. "People's Multi-party Democracy: A Success Story of the Communist Movement of Nepal." Patan Gyansagar 6, no. 1 (July 9, 2024): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pg.v6i1.67405.
Full textAbstract:
The 1990s was a crucial time in the global communist movement that faced a serious setback after the collapse of the USSR and other East European communist and socialist governments. In Nepal, communist parties allied with the Nepali Congress, a democratic party to stage the people’s movement to end active monarchy and restore democracy. The call for the people’s movement by the parties appealed the people and they took part in the movement in a historic way. That movement succeeded to restore democracy and end the active monarchy. Madan Bhandari, the secretary-general of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) witnessed this unprecedented participation of the people in a peaceful democratic movement and realized the need to democratize the communist movement, so that, they could build people’s trust towards communist parties. In the general election held in 1991, communist parties won forty percent of the seats in the parliament and popular votes as well. In this context, Bhandari presented the document of people’s multi-party democracy in the fifth national congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist and Leninist) held in 1993, and it was passed overwhelmingly in the congress. This article attempts to make a textual analysis of the document of People’s multi-party democracy to examine the major aspects of the document and to see how successful it has become in democratizing the communist movement in Nepal.
26
BOOTH, WILLIAM A. "Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism: The Mexican Left, 1945–7." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000013.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.
27
Pokhrel, Rajkumar. "Social Character in Politics of Nepali Communist Parties." Voice of History 31, no. 1 (April 20, 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/voh.v31i1.53788.
Full textAbstract:
The paper analyses the social character in the politics of Nepali communists’ pastries particularly of the Nepal Communist Party (Unified Marxist and Leninist) and the Communist party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) by applying marxist perspective. It brings into light the essential causes and consequences of the rise and fall of communist movement in Nepal. The paper argues that every communist party has adopted appropriate social policies in their inception, but in course of their development, being deviated from their early stage became fascinated towards consumerist capitalist culture in their practical life. There are various reasons for this deviation. First, communist parties have failed to analyse the character of Nepali society properly as they have changed their analyses very often. Second, the leaders have been found double faced: they say one thing but do another as they are inherently guided by feudal psychology, comprador capitalist mentality and behaviour. Third, they have not been able to bring about socio-economic change as they have been engaged in the imbroglio of parliamentary politics. While trying to justify these issues, this paper incorporates the evidences from political documents and leaders’ statements. The paper is presented inductively and choice of methodology is qualitative.
28
Klimentov, Vassily A. "“Communist Muslims”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 4–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01055.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Soviet leaders sent troops into Afghanistan in December 1979 to support a friendly Marxist-Leninist regime in its conflict against a popular insurgency and help it build a new society. When the Soviet troops withdrew nine years later, they left behind a state that had none of the nominal characteristics of a Soviet-type Communist country. During the war, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan had discarded Marxism-Leninism and turned to Islam. This article examines how, with Moscow's support, the Afghan Communists Islamicized their discourse and policies as they tried to gain support from the population and co-opt insurgent fighters.
29
Chen, Zhaoyi. "The Spread and Influence of the Communist Thought in Early Taiwan." Academic Journal of Management and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (January 4, 2023): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ajmss.v1i1.4207.
Full textAbstract:
The early communist movement in Taiwan was closely connected with the mainland, and had important influence and status. The early Taiwan Communist Movement was influenced by Japan and the Communist International, which gave birth to a series of social groups including the Communist Party, created a group of communist revolutionaries and disseminators who remained famous for thousands of years, promoted the spread of Marxist classics in Taiwan, and also triggered a large-scale movement of Taiwanese workers and farmers.
30
Jin, Yu. "An Analysis of Mao Zedong’s Experience in Strengthening the Party’s Style of Work during the Central Soviet Area Period." Yixin Publisher 1, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.59825/ijms.2024.1.1.39.
Full textAbstract:
As an important part of party building, the party’s style of work is an important reflection of the party’s nature and purpose. During the Central Soviet Area, Mao Zedong continued to carry out self-revolution in the spirit of self-sublation and self-criticism on the basis of inheriting and developing the Marxist-Leninist theory of party building, and maintained the advanced nature of the Marxist party. Although Mao Zedong did not put forward the formal conclusion of the “three styles” and the “two musts” in the form of a complete text, he proposed to the whole party the strengthening of the party from three main aspects: ideological style, work style and life style. The idea of strengthening the Party’s style of work has enriched the Communist Party of China’s experience in theory and practice. This has important implications for persisting in promoting comprehensive and strict governance of the party in the new era, promoting the party’s self-revolution, and building an advanced Marxist political party.
31
Wang, Haoran. "The Mechanisms of Spreading Marxist Theory in Yunnan in 1935." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 4 (November 17, 2022): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v4i.2785.
Full textAbstract:
When the Red Army crossed Yunnan in 1935, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) formulated a systematic propaganda strategy and chose a variety of vehicles to propagate Marxist theory for different propaganda targets, which achieved a very significant dissemination effect and promoted the development of the democratic revolution in Yunnan, as well as greatly promoted the popular dissemination of Marxist theory.
32
Wald, Alan. "Marxist Literary Resistance to the Cold War." Prospects 20 (October 1995): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006189.
Full textAbstract:
On the morning of June 20, 1951, a hundred FBI agents poured out of the Foley Square Federal Building in Manhattan at dawn, buttoned up their gray trenchcoats, and bounded into a fleet of waiting Buicks. Spreading throughout New York City in a well-orchestrated operation, they surrounded twenty private homes, burst into bedrooms, and dragged sixteen Communist Party leaders off to jail under the Smith Act charge of conspiring to teach the overthrow of the U.S. government. This was the second group of top Party functionaries to be arrested under the Act.
33
Thapaliya, Ram Sharan. "The Role of Nepalese Political Parties in Democracy (1990-2018)." Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v2i2.29286.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper analyzes the role of political parties in the democratic period of 1990-2018. This period was dominantly ruled by Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party (NCP)-United Marxist Leninist (UML). This paper explores how the major political parties revisited their political policies and diversified their scope after the second people’s movement (SPM) as a way to address the pressure exerted by the inclusion agenda forwarded by the then Nepal Communist Party-Maoist. After the king assumed direct executive power through a political coup, the coalition of the parliamentarian parties knows as Seven Party Alliance and the rebelling Maoist party reached a twelve-point understanding which consequently led to declare Nepal a democratic republic with a parliamentary system of governance. But the intraparty feuds and the ideological divides between the democratic and the communist parties remain.
34
Scalmer, Sean. "Marxist ideology inside the Communist Party of Australia 1942–1956." Journal of Political Ideologies 3, no. 1 (February 1998): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569319808420768.
Full text
35
Huong, Le Thi Thuy, and Bui Hoang Tan. "Factors Affecting Activities to Protect the Ideological Foundation of the Communist Party of Vietnam in Current Socio-Economic Development." International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation XI, no. III (2024): 618–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51244/ijrsi.2024.1103043.
Full textAbstract:
This paper reports many factors affecting protecting the ideological foundation of the Communist Party of Vietnam and fighting against wrong and hostile views, focusing on an analysis of the ability of the Communist Party of Vietnam to lead the country. Using qualitative research methods of political science such as the historical method, and the logical method. This study aims to analyze the comprehensive construction work of the Communist Party of Vietnam; its policies, facilities, and technical infrastructure; capacity and bravery of the people, officials, and socio-political organizations. The findings of the study indicate that accurately the nature of historical phenomena and events conclude with scientific value. Therefore, this study is examined the factors that influence protecting the ideological foundation Marxist-Leninist of Vietnam within the context of Vietnamese changing and developing.
36
Pahari, Bharat Raj. "People’s Multiparty Democracy: An Instrument for Social Transformation." State, Society and Development: PMPD Perspectives 2 (June 27, 2024): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ssd.v2i01.67184.
Full textAbstract:
Madan Bhandari, then General Secretary of the CPN (UML), critically analyzed the World Communist Movement and the Nepali Communist Movement and formulated the People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMPD) to build a just and egalitarian democratic society. It was first approved by the Fifth National General Convention of the CPN (UML) as the party’s program in 1993. The Fourth National General Convention of the CPN-ML provided direction for the ideas and perspectives of PMPD in 1989. Based on those ideas, the left-wing parties formed the United Left Front in 1989 and later extended a working alliance with the Nepali Congress Party for the joint movement for the restoration of multiparty parliamentary democracy. When the USSR and the communist regimes in Eastern Europe were falling, the CPN (UML) came to power in Nepal through the election. According to Marxist theory, the source of discrimination, exploitation, and oppression in society is the form of ownership of the means of production and resources and the mode of production. In the early 1990s, Bhandari further explained Marxist political philosophy by stating that plurality results from the diversity existing in nature, which creates differentiation and is an inherent basis of exploitation and oppression. To address this phenomenon in politics, Bhandari added ideas of democratic practices of competition and initiative by redefining Marxist-Leninist philosophy. Bhandari applied the method of democratization in party and leadership development through internal competition, thus making the party popular in the country. Drawing insights from various resource materials, this paper explores the interrelationships between politics and philosophy from PMPD perspectives.
37
Voříšek, Michael. "In whose service? The 1960s’ Czechoslovak Sociologists and their Party." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 5 (2011): 781–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x599070.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the relationship between sociologists and the Communist Party headquarters in 1960 Czechoslovakia. It is based on the archives of the coordinating body of Czechoslovak sociology, the Scientific Board of Philosophy and Sociology at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. First, the article depicts the synergy between sociology and the powers: the research commissioned by the supreme Party bodies or the Party sponsorship of sociology’s institutionalization. However, instances of lacking material support to the discipline are noted as well. Second, the conflicts between social scientists and the Party headquarters are discussed: namely, the layoff of the philosopher Ivan Sviták in 1964 and the following interventions into the Institute of Philosophy. Finally, the article maps the demands for autonomy as formulated by the scholars in 1968. In concluding, it points to the fact that despite requesting independence from the Communist headquarters, the Marxist elite in the social sciences never abandoned their own claim to hegemony. They resisted both the challenge of non-Marxist scholars in 1968, and the spontaneous claims and complaints that might come from the society at large. In that respect, the sociology of the 1960s seems a perfect child of the Czechoslovak reformist movement.
38
Vilkov, Viacheslav. "DOCTRINAL PROVISIONS OF THE GENERAL PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA AS A SYSTEM OF IDEATIONAL-THEORETICAL AND POLITICAL-IDEOLOGICAL PRESCRIPTIONS FOR RESEARCH OF MODERN CHINESE MARXISM." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 7 (2022): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/7-2/11.
Full textAbstract:
The article reveals ideological-theoretical, methodological, and politico-ideological basic principles for an adequate analysis of the specifics of modern Chinese (Sinicized) Marxism. The attributive features of modern Chinese Marxism (Marxism with Chinese specifics (the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese Context, Sinicized Marxism), as the most effective version in world history for correcting and modernizing the axiomatics of the Marxist-Leninist theoretical model of social development, as well as improving the ideology of the ruling Communist Party in order to increase the effectiveness of its domestic and foreign state policies, have been characterized by means of concrete-historical and systematic comparative analysis of the ideational grounds and basic socio-philosophical postulates, political and ideological prescriptions of the program documents of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of China. Within the framework of this study, special attention has been paid to highlighting the essence and features of the Soviet and Chinese strategy of socialist construction, created to implement Marxist socialist and communist projects, as well as revealing the scientific evaluation of the differences between the political doctrines of the CPSU and the CPC in the interpretation of objective logic (the duration of stages, goals, and objectives of fundamental economic, social, political, and cultural transformations) of the process of constructing high-level development socialism ("developed socialism") and the further progressive movement of such a society to the phase of communism.
39
Jiménez, Cristina Pérez. "Puerto Rican Colonialism, Caribbean Radicalism, and Pueblos Hispanos’s Inter-Nationalist Alliance." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 23, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-7912322.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing from Earl Browder’s papers, this essay examines the Communist-sponsored, New York Spanish-language newspaper Pueblos Hispanos (1943–44), arguing that the publication staged an uneasy alliance between the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and the US Communist Party by positioning Puerto Rican independence as central to a wider decolonial Caribbean and postwar world order. By analyzing Pueblos Hispanos’s practice of “inter-nationalism”—a term the author proposes to denote the flexible strategy used to mediate between competing political interests and which can serve as a model for understanding the compromised collaborations between Communist and nationalist leaders in the Caribbean—this essay expands our understanding of Communist influence in Caribbean liberation movements and begins to reinsert the contributions of early-and mid-twentieth-century Puerto Ricans, and more widely, Spanish caribeños, within a Marxist-inflected Caribbean radical tradition.
40
Olechowska, Elżbieta. "Kazimierz Majewski: A Marxist among Classicists." Clotho 4, no. 2 (December 23, 2022): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.4.2.277-296.
Full textAbstract:
There were few Marxist sympathizers among Polish classicists decimated during World War II. How they fared during the tense and uncertain first postwar decade depended on their Communist connections and personality. Kazimierz Majewski (1903–1981), a classicist from Lviv, commanded quasi-universal respect in the academic community – despite his Communist views – because of his scholarly, organizational, and didactic achievements. Tasked with organizing and inaugurating a new Polish University in Wrocław in 1945, he contributed to creating three thriving classical departments – philology, ancient history, and archaeology – a scholarly society, academic journals, and a vibrant academic community. When he moved to Warsaw four years later, he founded an institute for material culture, developed a multidisciplinary research team, and launched within the Soviet bloc two major archaeological excavation projects, in Olbia and in Novae, where generations of archaeologists learned how to perform fieldwork and communicate its results internationally through regular publications and cooperation. Through his Party connections, he protected and ensured support for colleagues less fortunate in this respect.
41
García, Eduardo Abad. "'Serving the people'. A short history of Spanish Maoism (1964-1980)." Twentieth Century Communism 22, no. 22 (September 12, 2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322835917883.
Full textAbstract:
1956 was an important date for Spanish communism. The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU was being held in Moscow, and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) adopted the policy of 'National Reconciliation'. This became the starting point for Maoist dissidence and clashes with the party leadership, whom they accused of 'revisionism'. In 1964 the first Maoist party was formed, the PCE (marxist-leninist), made up of radicalised youth as well as some communist veterans. The influence of Maoism then slowly increased and it started to infiltrate other social sectors: workers, students and even Catholic groups. As a result of this influence, further organisations were created, such as the PCE (international), the Communist Movement, the Revolutionary Organisation of Workers, the Organisation of Spanish Marxist-Leninists and the Communist Organisation (Red Flag). During the final years of the Franco dictatorship a number of Maoist groups committed themselves to armed struggle. The first to take this type of action were the militants of the Revolutionary and Patriotic Antifascist Front (FRAP), a short-lived group created by the PCE (m-l), which lasted from 1973 to 1976. In response to the execution of several FRAP militants on 27 September 1975, the First October Revolutionary Antifascist Groups (GRAPO) were created. This organisation sought to overcome demoralisation in post-transition Spain through intensifying actions based on armed struggle, but it eventually became a marginal force, as a result of persecution by the police. This article reviews the history of the Maoist political subculture in Spain over two decades from a social and cultural perspective, and analyses multiple aspects of this communist current, including its transnational networks, collective memory and identity.
42
Hanjing, Yue. "The Marxist Interest Thought of “the Community with a Shared Future for Mankind”." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (October 22, 2022): 494–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i10.008.
Full textAbstract:
The vision of a community with a shared future for mankind is a major theoretical innovation of Marxism and China’s diplomatic thought by the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, and an important part of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China clearly expounds the connotation of the “community with a shared future for mankind”, which is to build “a world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness, inclusiveness, cleanness and beauty”. It contains Marxist interest essence thought, Marxist interest internal contradiction thought, Marxist common interest thought and Marxist interest contradiction thought.
43
Rebello de Mendonça, Carlos Eduardo. "The Ambiguities of Nationalism." Historical Materialism 24, no. 3 (September 27, 2016): 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341464.
Full textAbstract:
In Communism and Nationalism in Portugal, José Neves is more concerned with the ideological history of the Portuguese Communist Party, that is to say with what discursive terms it concerned itself, than with the particular historical issues posed by its concrete development, and with the party’s actual history. In a nutshell, what we have in this work is an attempt to grasp the history of a Marxist party in non-Marxist terms. The whole outlook of the work is therefore concerned with looking at the intellectual history of Portuguese Communism from the outside, in terms of the development of a discourse that is not taken as true or false, but as a thing unto itself.
44
Xhaferrı, Manjola. "The Perception of Fascist and National Socialist Ideologies During the Second World War in Albania." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 S1 (April 23, 2024): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n1s108.
Full textAbstract:
The Albanian Communist Party was born as a Bolshevik-style party, endowed with a non-Bolshevik but social democratic program, such as popular democracy. To shed light on the factors that determined the arrival of the communist regime in Albania, it is necessary to start the analysis from its roots, that is, since the establishment of the communist regime in Albania. For his part, although the communist regime was established in Albania immediately after the end of World War II, the roots of the phenomenon must be sought from the beginning of the war, even a few months earlier when Albania was invaded on April 7, 1939, by fascist Italy. When Albania was invaded by fascist Italy, no one inside or outside the country predicted, nor could have predicted, that at the end of World War II, the Albanian Communist Party would take power into its own hands. There were subjective and objective reasons for this. First of all, when World War II broke out, Albania was the only country in the Balkans that did not have a Communist Party. However, the absence of the Communist Party was largely a subjective factor. The establishment of the communist regime in Albania was for objective reasons a completely paradoxical phenomenon. Albania, the youngest state in Europe, at the same time its most backward state, with a population of one million and forty thousand inhabitants, had no developed industry, ie no working class in the eyes of the proletariat, as conceived by Marxist doctrine. According to Marxist definitions, Albania was a micro-bourgeois country, that is, without capitalist owners and capitalist institutions, to the extent that they justified the socialist revolution. In addition, the Albanian population was overwhelmingly still illiterate. There were only a few isolated nuclei or communist groups with few members composed mainly of artisans and students, who were further characterized by ideological perversion and worse still by political rivalries between them. The question before historians is this: How can it be explained that despite all these disadvantages, the Albanian Communist Party, which was founded two and a half years after the occupation of the country by fascist Italy, on November 8, 1941, managed to face the war against the occupiers within three years. Nazi fascists and against internal nationalist factors, to take political power in Albania at the end of the Second World War? In addition, how is it that the Albanian Communist Party, unlike its Eastern European counterparts, seized political power on its own, without the presence of Soviet armies, which are not known to have invaded Albania? Albania's position during the Second World War and especially the National Liberation War must be judged by ourselves, regardless of who led it. We must judge it as we do in every historical event. The communist dictatorship that was established in Albania should not blind us to the judgment we give in the national liberation war. The communist regime is not a necessary offspring of the National Liberation War. In my opinion, the establishment of the communist regime is the result of mistakes made during the national liberation war, it is a consequence of the poverty of the political culture of the Albanian people, the lack of traditional political parties, the naivety of the Communist Party leaders, the illusions of united nationalists with the National Liberation Front, of myopia, of the leaders of the National Front, which were used by Enver Hoxha to realize under the umbrella of patriotic war his dictatorial ambitions. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024
45
Mitchell, R. Judson, and Randall S. Arrington. "Gorbachev, ideology, and the fate of Soviet communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00016-7.
Full textAbstract:
The collapse of the Soviet Union has spurred much scholarly debate about the reasons for the rapid disintegration of this apparently entrenched system. In this article, it is argued that the basic source of ultimate weakness was the obverse of the system’s strengths, especially its form of organization and its relation to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Democratic centralism provided cohesion for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) but also gave inordinate control over ideology to the party leader. Mikhail Gorbachev carried out an ideological revision that undercut the legitimacy of party elites and his restructuring of the system left the party with no clear functional role in the society. The successor party, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), has made a surprising comeback for communism, utilizing the Leninist model of party organization, which has proved to be highly effective in the Russian political culture. Furthermore, the CPRF, under party leaders like Gennadi Zyuganov, has avoided Gorbachev’s ideological deviations while attempting to broaden the party’s base through the cultivation of Russian nationalism.
46
Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.
Full textAbstract:
In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
47
Bruschi, Fabio. "A Necessary but Impossible Political Practice: Althusser between Machiavelli and Marx." Historical Materialism 28, no. 1 (June 11, 2019): 85–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001721.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Althusser’s Machiavelli and Us has often been considered as the French Marxist’s first step on the path beyond Marxism. This article opposes this interpretation by showing that, while Machiavelli helps Althusser to renounce any attempt to deduce a communist political practice from the necessity portrayed by a theory of history, Althusser was mindful not to identify the relationship between the communist party and the masses with the relationship between the Prince and the people. From a Marxist perspective, a communist political practice must further the autonomous political initiatives of the masses that delineate a tendency towards the withering-away of the state and cannot merge with a practice of governing the people. This is why Marxism must not forsake its theory of history but employ it in the process of the subtraction of the party to its becoming-state by detecting the conditions of impossibility of the duration of a communist political practice.
48
Andreev, Anton. "The Communist Movement in Modern Uruguay: Strategies, Ideology, Challenges." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028237-9.
Full textAbstract:
Modern Uruguay remains a country in which the left-wing forces have high public support. Despite the results of the 2019 elections, the left-wing coalition “Broad Front” continues to be one of the main players in the political and economic life of the country. The Communist Party of Uruguay has been a member of the “Broad Front” since its foundation and has a significant impact on the formation of the program, tactics and strategy of the coalition. At the same time, in recent years, new political groups have appeared in Uruguay that share communist (marxist, trotskyist, leninist, etc.) ideas. The purpose of this article is to show the features of the modern communist movement in Uruguay. Based on media materials, party documents, author makes conclusions about the evolution of the communist movement in Uruguay in recent years, its problems and prospects in the context of the actual internal and foreign policy.
49
Sodhar, Muhammad Qasim. "A HISTORICAL STUDY OF ROLE OF THE LEFT IN THE MOVEMENT FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.195.
Full textAbstract:
The movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was launched against the then military dictatorship in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to present a historical sketch of the movement and also to discuss the role of the Left in that movement. The study considers those political parties as ‘Left’ which were following Socialist/Communist ideology, based in Sindh, province of Pakistan, specifically Awami Tehrik, a Marxist-Leninist-Moist party, and the Communist Party of Pakistan. This research is based on relevant literature, especially jail diaries and conducting interviews with victims of Communist Case registered by then military regime against communist leaders. The research addresses the events and mass movements launched by the Left in order to strengthen the movement for the restoration of democracy. Moreover, this paper shows how the Left converted a movement for the restoration of democracy into a great mass movement against the then military dictatorship. Key Words: Communist case, democracy, left, military dictatorship, movement for restoration of democracy, Pakistan, Sindh.
50
Knight, John M. "The “Modern Girl” Is a Communist." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315114.
Full textAbstract:
Woman was a category in flux during China’s revolutionary 1920s. Alongside commercial magazines that celebrated the arrival of the modern girl (xiandai nüzi) were political currents that prioritized class and nation as sites for women’s liberation. Scholarship has criticized Marxism and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for negating women’s gendered interests in favor of a class focus. Yet, it was the proletarian women’s movement of the United Front that attracted the largest amount of women activists during China’s National Revolution (1925–27). What was the allure of a Communist-influenced movement for modern girls whose subjectivities were awakened by Western humanist concerns? This article engages select articles from Chinü zazhi (Red Women Magazine) to argue that China’s proletarian women’s movement reconciled Marxist, nationalist, and feminist demands. It was able to do so largely because it took place at a time when there was no unified Chinese nation to speak of, and the CCP still framed its Marxist rhetoric in a May Fourth lens. An examination into the proletarian women’s movement therefore problematizes Cold War narratives about the antithetical relationship between Marxism and feminism and asks us to reconsider approaches toward fostering interclass and international solidarity.