Relevant bibliographies by topics / Communist Party of North Korea.*

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Communist Party of North Korea.*'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Communist Party of North Korea.*"

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Lankov, Andrei N. "The Demise of Non-Communist Parties in North Korea (1945–1960)." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032164.

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This article, based on newly declassified material from the Russian archives, deals with the fate of non-Communist parties in North Korea in the 1950s. Like the “people's democracies” in Eastern Europe, North Korea had (and still technically has) a few non-Communist parties. The ruling Communist party included these parties within the framework of a “united front,” designed to project the facade of a multiparty state, to control domestic dissent, and to establish links with parties in South Korea. The article traces the history of these parties under Soviet and local Communist control from the mid-1940s to their gradual evisceration in the 1950s.
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Nisimov, Tomer. "The Role of North Korea in China’s Civil War: The Soviet-led North Korean Assistance to the CPC in the Northeast Theater, 1946-1948." Journal of Chinese Military History 9, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-bja10002.

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Abstract Previous studies of China’s civil war have concentrated on different aspects and causes leading to the Communist victory and focused on political, economic, and military explanations. Few studies, however, have examined the features of foreign intervention and assistance to the Communist Party of China and their contribution to the latter’s success. Sino-Soviet relations and cooperation during the war have received the attention of several studies, but the role of North Korea in the war has remained obscure. As information regarding North Korea’s actions during China’s civil war remains largely inaccessible, few studies have debated the question of whether North Korea had ever deployed its forces in China’s Northeast in order to assist their Chinese comrades. Relying on military and intelligence documents from the Republic of China, this article shows how by the time of the Soviet withdrawal from China’s Northeast, the USSR had become resolute about turning North Korea into a militarized state in order to protect its own interests in the region and assist the Chinese Communists.
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Phipps, John. "North Korea—Will it be the ‘Great Leader’s’ Turn Next?" Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01123.x.

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OF ALL THE REMAINING COMMUNIST PARTY STATES THE Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) would appear to have the most to fear from the 1989 democratic revolutions that swept Eastern Europe. The regime of Kim I1 Sung remains unmoved and unreformed, but is certainly not unconcerned about the events that have taken place among its former socialist bloc allies. To an outside observer the Pyongyang regime gives the impression of being almost frozen in time, with no real progress having taken place in either the economic or political spheres over the last twenty years. When the Ceauaescu regime in Romania crumbled amid bloodshed in the closing days of the 1980s, many analysts’ attention turned in great expectation to the autocratic regime of the world's longest-serving political leader. The epitaph of the Kim regime was being prepared in earnest. Although the last twelve months have hardly been reassuring for the Kim Regime, communist party rule has been maintained and Kim's personal standing inside North Korea remains intact.
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Dukalskis, Alexander, and Johannes Gerschewski. "Adapting or Freezing? Ideological Reactions of Communist Regimes to a Post-Communist World." Government and Opposition 55, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 511–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.40.

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AbstractThis article studies the ideological reactions of communist regimes to the advent of a post-communist world. It examines two cases of reformed communist regimes (China and Vietnam) with two relatively unreformed cases (North Korea and Cuba) to understand different legitimation strategies employed during and after the downfall of the Soviet Union. Theoretically, the article compares two ideal-type approaches to ideology in autocratic regimes. The first approach emphasizes semantic ‘freezing’ over time. The consistency and coherence of ideology is underlined. The second approach argues that the success of an ideology lies in its ability to be a dynamic, adaptive force that can react with changing circumstances. Four parameters help to distinguish the freeze-frame end from the adaptation pole: (1) the autonomy over semantic changes, (2) the timing, (3) the velocity and (4) the distance that an ideology moves. Using qualitative case-based analysis that is enriched with quantitative text analysis of communist party documents, this article compares these contending conceptions of ideology with each other in the four cases. Sharing similar starting conditions in the 1970s, the article shows how China and Vietnam harnessed a flexible legitimation strategy while North Korea and Cuba adopted a comparatively rigid legitimation approach.
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MacMillan, Catherine. "The European Union as a Totalitarian Nightmare: Dystopian Visions in the Discourse of the UK Independence Party (UKIP)." Romanian Journal of English Studies 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rjes-2016-0020.

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AbstractBased on an analysis of UKIP’s discourse on the EU, particularly that of leader Nigel Farage, this paper argues that the party depicts the EU in dystopian terms; in particular it compares it to dystopian narratives such as Orwell’s 1984, totalitarian communist regimes, Nazi Germany and ‘failed states’ such as North Korea.
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Song, Wonjun, and Joseph Wright. "THE NORTH KOREAN AUTOCRACY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (May 22, 2018): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.8.

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The North Korean regime is unique among dictatorships because it is both long-lasting and highly personalized. We argue that initial factionalization of the regime, coupled with the presence of multiple foreign backers early in the regime, allowed the first leader to personalize the regime by first wresting power from the military and then subsequently curbing the autonomous power of the Korean Worker's Party. Using a measure of personalism constructed from historical data, we trace the consolidation of personal power in the North Korean regime and compare it to other communist regimes in the region to show how the evolution of personalist rule in these cases differed. We then explain this sequence of personalization in North Korea by showing how regime imposition by one foreign power, the Soviet Union, combined with military backing from a second foreign power, China, incentivized Kim Il-sung to consolidate personal control over the military and internal security apparatus by reducing the threat of military backlash.
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Yoon, Jeongran. "“Victory over Communism: South Korean Protestants’ Ideas about Democracy, Development, and Dictatorship, 1953–1961”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402016.

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This article complicates the traditional narrative of anti-Communist Christians in Korea, examining the history of anti-communism among them in light of their claims to support democracy and development. Changes in Christian thinking in Korea followed the end of formal fighting in the Korean War. The conflict transformed Korea’s post-colonial history into a developmental struggle, pitting communism versus capitalism in a deadly battle. From the mid-1950s, South Korean Protestants saw the struggle as a competition between two systems, not simply one to eradicate the North Korean regime. From this new perspective, they began condemning political injustice and corruption under President Syngman Rhee. The contradictions in the ideas of Christians were partly embodied in their support for the civil uprising that would topple the Rhee regime, but also in their endorsement of Park Chung-hee’s military takeover in 1961. South Korean Protestants assisted the coup’s central leadership and helped a totalitarian regime come to power. This paradoxical aspect within Korean Protestant history is closely tied to the unique characteristics of its anti-communism and how it evolved after the Korean War.
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Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. "Chinese–North Korean Relations and China's Policy toward Korean Cross-Border Migration, 1950–1962." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00518.

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Making use of Chinese Foreign Ministry archives and provincial and municipal archives, this article traces the history of cross-border migration of ethnic Koreans from 1950 to 1962, especially the illegal migration of ethnic Koreans to North Korea (DPRK) in 1961. A historical examination of Koreans in northeast China demonstrates that the Chinese Communist Party attempted to achieve a workable policy toward Korean border crossers as well as a disposition to accommodate the DPRK's concerns and imperatives in defining nationality, handling cases of Sino-Korean marriages and exit procedures for ethnic Koreans, receiving Korean nationals to visit China, and dealing with cases of illegal border crossings. To this end, the Chinese authorities were pursuing larger Cold War interests, specifically the desire to keep the DPRK aligned with China during the Sino-Soviet split.
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Ivanov, A. Yu. "The Problem of Defining the Contemporary Border between the DPRK and China." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.90.

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When the Communist Party came to power in China and the People's Republic of China was established, the new Chinese leadership began to take steps to improve relations with North Korea. Immediately after the end of the Korean War (1950-1953), China and the DPRK entered into a number of agreements and treaties designed to strengthen the ties between the two states that embarked on the path of socialist development. One of the key agreements between China and North Korea was the conclusion of the “Border Treaty” in 1962, which became the guarantor of stability and security on the shared border; it also resolved previous border disputes between the two states. Making certain territorial concessions in the demarcation of the border the Chinese leadership acquired a reliable ally in conditions when China found itself in international isolation. At the same time, some South Korean politicians and scientists taking an interest in the “Border Treaty” concluded between the China and the DPRK expressed mixed views regarding the Sino-North Korean borders. They believed that the national interests of the Korean people were infringed upon by the demarcation of the border between China and the DPRK.
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Wolff, David. "Japan and Stalin's Policy toward Northeast Asia after World War II." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00335.

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This article begins by showing that Japan was central to Iosif Stalin's postwar policy in Northeast Asia. The article then examines how the emphasis on Japan led to actions in and with North Korea (and China), first to try to block and then to try to compensate for the separate peace and military alliance between the United States and Japan. The penultimate section recounts meetings between Stalin and leaders of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) in the spring and summer of 1951. The article concludes by explaining how Stalin's meetings with the JCP fit into his policies in Northeast Asia as they evolved largely in step with U.S.-Soviet relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Communist Party of North Korea.*"

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Lee, Suck-Ho. "Party-military relations in North Korea : a comparative analysis /." Seoul : Research center for peace and unification of Korea, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35531201p.

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Taylor, Gregory Stanton. ""Horatios at the bridge" : a history of the North Carolina Communist Party /." Full text available from ProQuest UM Digital Dissertations, 2005. http://0-proquest.umi.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=1260788651&SrchMode=1&sid=7&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1185221756&clientId=22256.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Examining the Six-Party Talks Process on North Korea: Dynamic Interactions among the Principal States." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14880.

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This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.
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Seo, Hyunjin. "Media coverage of six-party talks a comparative study on media content and journalists' perceptions /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5005.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 30, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.
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Sarvo, Joseph Evan. "A New Approach for Dealing with the Hermit Kingdom: Analysis of United States Foreign Policy with North Korea." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1241112242.

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Hesse, Patrick. ""To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920-47." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19307.

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Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien.
Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
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Šturmová, Tereza. "Multilaterální řešení bezpečnosti na Korejském poloostrově." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-116292.

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The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.
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Lin, Thung-Yao, and 林宗瑤. "The Research of Post Cold War Era Communist Party China to North Korean foreign policy." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/htbyx3.

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碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
96
Communist Party China (CPC) has been reformed since 1978. Because of the rapid progress in the economy, it also acquired major achievement in economy and military and significantly promoted the national strength. The influence in international has also advanced, particularly in the Pacific Asia region. During Post Cold War Era, owing to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Eastern Europe communist system, the international situation turned into a difference era. The United States became to the only super strong country, and other strong countries, the UK, Japan, Russin, France and China, competed with one another. Otherwise, the violet competition among those strong countries and the provocation toward the United States hegemony, the international social situation became more complicated and competitive during Post Cold War Era. Especially in east-north area, China vigorous interfered the problem of Korean peninsula. The history origin and consanguinity between Communist Party China and Korean peninsula is very close. The policy toward Korean peninsula is one of the important foreign policy of China during Post Cold Ward. CPC replaced ideology with more realism route, such as having a conversation with South-North Korea and predominating the six-party talks. CPC aimed to enhance the leader role in the district and keep to match it the biggest national interest. In this new diplomacy era, CPC focus on the subject of the northeast''s second peripheral nations toward Korean peninsula. Taiwan should try to avoid suffering from marginalization and looking for a beneficial chance.
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Chen, Yi-Chiang, and 陳宜強. "Six-Party Talks and North Korea Nuclear Crisis." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/87041895118556756347.

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碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
95
After this thesis probes into the cold war mainly, the solution of the first North Korea Nuclear Crisis is no doubt simple, but it is its question left over that has caused the Nuclear crisis to break into once again.And the development of North Korea Nuclear Crisis is left for the second time, in six party talks launched, the trials of strength in balance and compromise of interests of various countries, the settlement of North Korea Nuclear Crisis seems not to be an easy thing, no matter how on earth the parameter negotiated is, it is still common understandings of various countries to resolve North Korea Nuclear Crisis peacefully.The ones that not merely need the talks are institutionalized in order to achieve this purpose, need the melting executably of the talks result even more. Pay attention to here, under the set country''s strategy and policy to the China, how the China is to face North Korea Nuclear Crisis, facilitate “six party talks” strategy that hold why does it consider.And hold it in the process after the talks, because of conflict of various countries'' strategic benefit, the tendencies of six party talks how to affect future each other.And six party talks are nowadays to observe through studying whether six party talks will be from solving North Korea Nuclear Crisis in evolution, develop into Northeast Asian area security linking up the platform, make the strategic pattern of the whole Northeast Asian area change to some extent. For this main research purpose of thesis.
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Lee, Hyo-Won, and 李孝遠. "The comparison and analysis between Chinese Communist Party and Korea''s worker''s Party :The study of the power core." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89360401733769163750.

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博士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
94
Abstract Ever since Bolshevik won victory in Russia in October 1919, sixteen communist countries have emerged one after another. However, at the end of the twentieth century after the dramatic change in Russia and eastern Europe, only four communist countries exist in the world－China, Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba. This dissertation analyzes the power center of the long-term ruling parties of China and North Korea. The Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party established its regime respectively in 1949 and 1948, taking the Bolshevik as the model. Therefore, the communist party in both countries adopted Russia’s organizational structure. Meanwhile, they also adopted Lenin’s “system led by the party” and Stalin’s “proletarian dictatorship” as their party-state system. This dissertation focuses on the operation of power centers of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party. I compare the two ruling communist parties in three aspects－the central structure of the party, the succession of the party’s leadership, and the party-military relationship. 1. The Central Structure of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party: In this respect, there are two importance findings: 1) The central structures of the parties’ power centers are different a. The central organization of the Chinese Communist Party is the Politburo, and the Standing Committees of the core of the center. b. Secretariat is the power center of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party The organizational principle －Democratic centralism－of the two parties are also different 2. The succession of the party’s leadership 1) The succession of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership has adopted the system of “collective leadership and individual division of labor.” 2) The succession of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party’s leadership has adopted “parental” dictatorship and generation blood succession. 3. The party-military relationship of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party 1) The party-military relationship of the Chinese Communist Party adheres to the absolute leadership－ “The Party Commands the Gun.” 2) The party-military relationship of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party has gradually shown the tendency of “the Gun Commands the Party”
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Books on the topic "Communist Party of North Korea.*"

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Hur, Mi-yeon. The Six-Party Talks on North Korea. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3.

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Shrader, Charles R. Communist logistics in the Korean War. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1995.

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The history of the North Carolina Communist party. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 2009.

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Lee, Suck-Ho. Party-military relations in North Korea: A comparative analysis. Seoul, Korea: Research Center for Peace and Unification of Korea, 1989.

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Lee, Suck-ho. Party-military relations in North Korea: A comparative analysis. Ann Arbour: UMI, 1994.

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Lee, Suck-Ho. Party-military relations in North Korea: A comparative analysis. Seoul, Korea: Research Center for Peace and Unification of Korea, 1989.

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Lee, Suck-ho. Party-military relations in North Korea: A comparative analysis. Seoul, Korea: Published for the Research Center for Peace and Unification of Korea by Seoul Computer Press, 1989.

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Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America: (draft proposal). Chicago: RCP Pubns, 2010.

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Il-sŏng, Kim. On thoroughly establishing the system of party leadership: Speech at a consultative meeting of senior officials of the Organizational Leadership Department and the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, April 28, 1979. Pyongyang, Korea: Foreign Languages Pub. House, 1992.

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Il-sŏng, Kim. On thoroughly establishing the system of party leadership: Speech at a consultative meeting of senior officials of the Organizational Leadership Department and the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, April 28, 1979. Pyongyang, Korea: Foreign Languages Pub. House, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Communist Party of North Korea.*"

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Brooker, Paul. "Communist North Korea." In Defiant Dictatorships, 66–81. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376380_5.

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Xiyu, Yang. "China’s Role and Its Dilemmas in the Six-Party Talks." In China and North Korea, 179–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137455666_11.

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Stan, Lavinia. "Confronting North Korean Communist Abuses: Some Possible Markers." In Transitional Justice in Unified Korea, 137–52. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-53454-5_9.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "North Korea’s Second Nuclear Test." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 199–256. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_5.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Introduction." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 1–19. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_1.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "North Korea’s Second Nuclear Crisis and Inception of the SPT." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 21–82. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_2.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Banco Delta Asia and DPRK’s First Nuclear Test." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 83–141. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_3.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Bush’s Policy Shift and February 13 Action Plan." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 143–98. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_4.

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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Naval Crises in the West Sea and DPRK’s Third Nuclear Test." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 257–321. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_6.

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10

Hur, Mi-yeon. "Conclusion." In The Six-Party Talks on North Korea, 323–44. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7113-3_7.

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