Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Communist Party of North Korea.*'

This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 30, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien.
Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.

The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.

碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
96
Communist Party China (CPC) has been reformed since 1978. Because of the rapid progress in the economy, it also acquired major achievement in economy and military and significantly promoted the national strength. The influence in international has also advanced, particularly in the Pacific Asia region. During Post Cold War Era, owing to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Eastern Europe communist system, the international situation turned into a difference era. The United States became to the only super strong country, and other strong countries, the UK, Japan, Russin, France and China, competed with one another. Otherwise, the violet competition among those strong countries and the provocation toward the United States hegemony, the international social situation became more complicated and competitive during Post Cold War Era. Especially in east-north area, China vigorous interfered the problem of Korean peninsula. The history origin and consanguinity between Communist Party China and Korean peninsula is very close. The policy toward Korean peninsula is one of the important foreign policy of China during Post Cold Ward. CPC replaced ideology with more realism route, such as having a conversation with South-North Korea and predominating the six-party talks. CPC aimed to enhance the leader role in the district and keep to match it the biggest national interest. In this new diplomacy era, CPC focus on the subject of the northeast''s second peripheral nations toward Korean peninsula. Taiwan should try to avoid suffering from marginalization and looking for a beneficial chance.

碩士
淡江大學
中國大陸研究所碩士班
95
After this thesis probes into the cold war mainly, the solution of the first North Korea Nuclear Crisis is no doubt simple, but it is its question left over that has caused the Nuclear crisis to break into once again.And the development of North Korea Nuclear Crisis is left for the second time, in six party talks launched, the trials of strength in balance and compromise of interests of various countries, the settlement of North Korea Nuclear Crisis seems not to be an easy thing, no matter how on earth the parameter negotiated is, it is still common understandings of various countries to resolve North Korea Nuclear Crisis peacefully.The ones that not merely need the talks are institutionalized in order to achieve this purpose, need the melting executably of the talks result even more. Pay attention to here, under the set country''s strategy and policy to the China, how the China is to face North Korea Nuclear Crisis, facilitate “six party talks” strategy that hold why does it consider.And hold it in the process after the talks, because of conflict of various countries'' strategic benefit, the tendencies of six party talks how to affect future each other.And six party talks are nowadays to observe through studying whether six party talks will be from solving North Korea Nuclear Crisis in evolution, develop into Northeast Asian area security linking up the platform, make the strategic pattern of the whole Northeast Asian area change to some extent. For this main research purpose of thesis.

博士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
94
Abstract Ever since Bolshevik won victory in Russia in October 1919, sixteen communist countries have emerged one after another. However, at the end of the twentieth century after the dramatic change in Russia and eastern Europe, only four communist countries exist in the world－China, Vietnam, North Korea and Cuba. This dissertation analyzes the power center of the long-term ruling parties of China and North Korea. The Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party established its regime respectively in 1949 and 1948, taking the Bolshevik as the model. Therefore, the communist party in both countries adopted Russia’s organizational structure. Meanwhile, they also adopted Lenin’s “system led by the party” and Stalin’s “proletarian dictatorship” as their party-state system. This dissertation focuses on the operation of power centers of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party. I compare the two ruling communist parties in three aspects－the central structure of the party, the succession of the party’s leadership, and the party-military relationship. 1. The Central Structure of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party: In this respect, there are two importance findings: 1) The central structures of the parties’ power centers are different a. The central organization of the Chinese Communist Party is the Politburo, and the Standing Committees of the core of the center. b. Secretariat is the power center of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party The organizational principle －Democratic centralism－of the two parties are also different 2. The succession of the party’s leadership 1) The succession of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership has adopted the system of “collective leadership and individual division of labor.” 2) The succession of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party’s leadership has adopted “parental” dictatorship and generation blood succession. 3. The party-military relationship of the Chinese Communist Party and the North Korea’s Worker’s Party 1) The party-military relationship of the Chinese Communist Party adheres to the absolute leadership－ “The Party Commands the Gun.” 2) The party-military relationship of the North Korea’s Worker’s Party has gradually shown the tendency of “the Gun Commands the Party”

Thesis (M.A. (International Relations))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016
The Six Party Talks is a multilateral forum created to facilitate the DPRK’s (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, or North Korea) denuclearisation, between 2003 and 2007. This paper will look at how the character of the relationship that North Korea had with other states allowed the North to manipulate the Talks in such a way that it managed to continue with its nuclear weapons programme. The content of these Talks makes them unique and shows how power perception (heightened in negotiations that involve a focus on deterrence, state survival and regional stability) dictates outcomes. The intent of the study is to explore how ‘power’ can be manipulated because it has to be mediated by perception. In essence, ‘perception’ creates a space for North Korea to manipulate the ‘reality’ within which all the states involved function. This study aims to show that it can build on currently existing assumptions that relate to negotiation and power, specifically Zartman’s explanation of power as a perceived relation. The paper argues that within the context of denuclearisation, the understanding of power perception needs to be qualified. It explores whether, in the context of the Six Party Talks in particular, ‘power’ can be analysed with a purely realist paradigm. Constructed meanings for resources that seem to exist purely within an objective reality (for realists) can alter the value of these resources. The argument therefore builds onto the realist foundation of Zartman’s approach to the analysis of negotiations, by showing how a state like North Korea can change the value of an objective reality by creating certain meanings for the elements that comprise this reality. It is interested in building on certain assumptions made by realists (including Hans Morgenthau (1993)), as well as certain assumptions concerning a structural approach to the analysis of negotiations (Zartman 2008: 100); in order to provide a more nuanced perspective regarding North Korea’s behaviour during the Six Party Talks, in relation to its interactions towards the other parties in the Talks (specifically the US, China and South Korea), as well as their reactions to the North’s provocations. To create this nuance, it uses constructivist elements to show how North Korea, during the time in which the Six Party Talks took place, manipulated reality to such an extent that it dictated the options that the other states had in relation to the DPRK’s nuclear weapons programme.
MT2017

ble agreement did not exist due to the involved parties' irreconcilable positions. Two hypoth- eses addressing factors that are exogenous to the negotiations such as the parties' underlying negotiators' pursuits within the Six

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
東亞學系
105
After the end of the World War II, Korea peninsula has been divided into two countries, Republic of Korea aka South Korea and Democratic People's Republic of Korea aka North Korea. Although the division has continued over 70 years, the unification issue and the policies toward North Korea are still crucial for South Korea government. Therefore, South Korea tries to build a concept that North Korea people are also our people by teaching unification education to the South Koreans. Through their long division, no matter how many conflicts happened in these two countries, South Korea never gives up acknowledging their students that North Koreans are their compatriots. 　This thesis aims to articulating the purposes of the education toward North Korea by analyzing its contents in the morality textbooks from Park Chung-hee government to Roh Moo-hyun government. In order to create the bond between South Korean and North Korean, we can see how the education toward North Korea builds the Korean identity, including the common ancestry- Tangun , and the shared history, culture and language．

This Master thesis deals with the Sino-American cooperation during the Six-Party Talks between 2003 and 2009 and it aims to analyze both the main interests and objectives, with which the US and China came in the negotiations, and the problematic issues between the US and China, most critically complicating a progress in the negotiations. Although both countries cordially declared common interest in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, their real order of priorities within the Talks greatly differed. Contrary to the United States, China prioritized stability of the region to its denuclearization and was trying very hard to moderate the harsh US approach towards the DPRK's nuclear activities. In this way, it was, however, practically impossible to effectively force the North to abandon its nuclear program, which was something unconditionally demanded by the United States. What is more, the long-lasting political and strategic alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang considerably complicated the problem. In consequence, any statements or resolutions, which were adopted during the Talks, lacked sufficient strength and did not force North Korea to start dismantlement of its nuclear program. Thus, the US-China cooperation was not very fruitful. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the...

Jan Kafka: Religious Policy of the Communist Party and the State in North-East Bohemia in years 1948-1960 Zkrácená anotace v anglickém jazyce The presented thesis surveys the development and forms of religious policy of the state in the region of North-East Bohemia. The study analyzes the role of the individual state institutions and security forces, in particular it pays attention to the role of the Church Departments at the National Committees (i.e. the Secretaires of Church Affairs). The thesis also examines the response of individual churches to the state policy and describes the strategies and positions held by church leaders (eg. catholic bishop Mořic Pícha), priests, monks and nuns. We also study the influence of government policy on relations among individual churches.